1949: Kurt Schumacher (SPD)
1953: Kurt Schumacher (SPD)
1954: Erich Ollenhauer (SPD) (1)
1957: Theodor Heuss (FDP) (2)
1959: Erich Mende (FDP) (3)
1961: Erich Mende (FDP)
1962: Carlo Schmidt (SPD) (4)
1965: Carlo Schmidt (SPD) (5)
1969: Alfred v. Thadden (NPD/National coalition) (6)
1971: Rainer Barzel (UNION'71) (7)
1972: Rainer Barzel (UNION´71) (8)
1976: Rainer Barzel (UNION´71) (9)
1980: Franz Josef Strauß (UNION´71)(10)
1983: Hans Dietrich Genscher (Bündnis 81) (10)
1987: Franz Josef Strauß (Union´71) (12)
(1) Kurt Schumacher dies in office
(2) This FDP contains bits and pieces of the CDU, which split after Adenauers
retirement. It is a broad coalition of the downsized CDU, and a cornucopia of smaller centre/right parties. So no 5% hurdle here...
(3) Theodor Heuss becomes Federal President
(4) The escalating crisis in Berlin leads to a break up of Mendes right-center coalition. SPD, leftwing parts of the CDU and BHE/GB forms a new coalition.
(5) However, towards the middle of the legislative session there are growing tensions inside the coalition - BHE/GB is strictly against the first attempts of Ostpolitik. Also, Schmid is a ardent supporter of a plurality voting system. When secret negotations with FDP and CDU are leaked by Der Spiegel in late 1968, the BHE/GB bails out, leaving the coalition with a small majority ...
(6) The dissapointment about the Neutralisation of West-Berlin and the decline of the nationalized steel-industry leads to the rise of the NPD in the late sixties. For the election of 1969 the NPD forms with other rightwing parties, CSU, FVP (rightwing-splinter of the FDP), DP and BHE/GB, the Nationale Koalition. They win a majority in the election of 1969.
(7) After the Danzig incident, the August crisis, several clashes along the inner-German border, plans of building nuclear weapons and substantial civilian unrest not just from the usual suspects on top of that, the Allies start making open threads towards the isolated West-German Government. But only after a meeting in person with Nixon (details still classified in 2011) and a comment by Brezhenev to 'take care of the problem', the coalition falls apart. UNION'71 is a party formed of CDU and lots of smaller moderate/conservative parties. Barzel has no actual majority, but rules with consent of SPD and FDP until the elections in 1972.
(8) With less then 40% and just 3% ahead of the SPD, the UNION`71 still wins, supported through the new electoral system which contains strong plurality elements and a 5% hurdle, a slim absolut majority. Only 4 parties (UNION`71, SPD, FDP and NPD) are still represented in the Bundestag. The new goverment start a program of economic reform and degregulation. Another goal is the forming of an european economic community.
(9) Due to pragmatic politics (and balanced by the majority of the opposition in the states), Barzel manages a (narrow, 3 seats) third win despite serious economic problems (oil crisis). The NPD is getting stronger due to anti-EEC feelings, but the FRG joins the new EEC in 1978. In 1979 Barzel announces that he does not plan to run again in '80.
(10) The UNION nominate the popular minister of economic Franz Josef Strauß. In the 1980 election the UNION stays strongest party, but lose their absolut majority. Still, an UNION/FDP coalition is the only option and promise stability for the next four years, because the FDP Strauß economic and europe poltic.
(11) Fundamental changes in the political landscape in the early 80s: the Free Democrats, torn between a conservative and a moderate wing split due to differences in Ostpolitik, and lots of other things. After the Dessault scandal, the coalition falls apart. At the same time, the SPD
splits into a moderate and a left wings that joins the emerging Green party.
That leaves Strauss without majority, and he loses a vote of confidence against Bündnis 81, a party encompassing moderate wings of SPD and FDP. Genscher is confirmed in the election in 1983 with a solid (but not spectacular majority). However, none of the two big party is over 40%.
(12) Strauß, enranged by what he see as "backstabbing" by the FDP, is ready for a very contoverial move to win the election of 1987. The UNION-chairmen sign an electoral aggrement with NPD-leader Jürgen Mollemann. UNION and NPD will work together in winning as much electoral districts as possible. Althougt the aggrement leads to a public backlash and helps the Bündnis to win over 40% of the votes, Bündnis 81 is handicapped because the Greens, dominated by the Fundamentalists, refuse a similar alliance. Only second place in the proportional vote, the UNION wins a overwhelming majority of the electoral districts, enough for a slim absolut majority. Without further need for NPD support, ist seems Strauß was succesfull with his "deal with the devil". But in Germany starts a polarising discussion about the electoral system and some of the closer aides of the chancellor have the feeling, as 1987 turns into 1988, that he isn´t as energetic as before. Strauß dismiss that. He says he feels as good as ever. Maybe just a bit tired sometimes. A little hunting-trip about the weekend will propably help.
1953: Kurt Schumacher (SPD)
1954: Erich Ollenhauer (SPD) (1)
1957: Theodor Heuss (FDP) (2)
1959: Erich Mende (FDP) (3)
1961: Erich Mende (FDP)
1962: Carlo Schmidt (SPD) (4)
1965: Carlo Schmidt (SPD) (5)
1969: Alfred v. Thadden (NPD/National coalition) (6)
1971: Rainer Barzel (UNION'71) (7)
1972: Rainer Barzel (UNION´71) (8)
1976: Rainer Barzel (UNION´71) (9)
1980: Franz Josef Strauß (UNION´71)(10)
1983: Hans Dietrich Genscher (Bündnis 81) (10)
1987: Franz Josef Strauß (Union´71) (12)
(1) Kurt Schumacher dies in office
(2) This FDP contains bits and pieces of the CDU, which split after Adenauers
retirement. It is a broad coalition of the downsized CDU, and a cornucopia of smaller centre/right parties. So no 5% hurdle here...
(3) Theodor Heuss becomes Federal President
(4) The escalating crisis in Berlin leads to a break up of Mendes right-center coalition. SPD, leftwing parts of the CDU and BHE/GB forms a new coalition.
(5) However, towards the middle of the legislative session there are growing tensions inside the coalition - BHE/GB is strictly against the first attempts of Ostpolitik. Also, Schmid is a ardent supporter of a plurality voting system. When secret negotations with FDP and CDU are leaked by Der Spiegel in late 1968, the BHE/GB bails out, leaving the coalition with a small majority ...
(6) The dissapointment about the Neutralisation of West-Berlin and the decline of the nationalized steel-industry leads to the rise of the NPD in the late sixties. For the election of 1969 the NPD forms with other rightwing parties, CSU, FVP (rightwing-splinter of the FDP), DP and BHE/GB, the Nationale Koalition. They win a majority in the election of 1969.
(7) After the Danzig incident, the August crisis, several clashes along the inner-German border, plans of building nuclear weapons and substantial civilian unrest not just from the usual suspects on top of that, the Allies start making open threads towards the isolated West-German Government. But only after a meeting in person with Nixon (details still classified in 2011) and a comment by Brezhenev to 'take care of the problem', the coalition falls apart. UNION'71 is a party formed of CDU and lots of smaller moderate/conservative parties. Barzel has no actual majority, but rules with consent of SPD and FDP until the elections in 1972.
(8) With less then 40% and just 3% ahead of the SPD, the UNION`71 still wins, supported through the new electoral system which contains strong plurality elements and a 5% hurdle, a slim absolut majority. Only 4 parties (UNION`71, SPD, FDP and NPD) are still represented in the Bundestag. The new goverment start a program of economic reform and degregulation. Another goal is the forming of an european economic community.
(9) Due to pragmatic politics (and balanced by the majority of the opposition in the states), Barzel manages a (narrow, 3 seats) third win despite serious economic problems (oil crisis). The NPD is getting stronger due to anti-EEC feelings, but the FRG joins the new EEC in 1978. In 1979 Barzel announces that he does not plan to run again in '80.
(10) The UNION nominate the popular minister of economic Franz Josef Strauß. In the 1980 election the UNION stays strongest party, but lose their absolut majority. Still, an UNION/FDP coalition is the only option and promise stability for the next four years, because the FDP Strauß economic and europe poltic.
(11) Fundamental changes in the political landscape in the early 80s: the Free Democrats, torn between a conservative and a moderate wing split due to differences in Ostpolitik, and lots of other things. After the Dessault scandal, the coalition falls apart. At the same time, the SPD
splits into a moderate and a left wings that joins the emerging Green party.
That leaves Strauss without majority, and he loses a vote of confidence against Bündnis 81, a party encompassing moderate wings of SPD and FDP. Genscher is confirmed in the election in 1983 with a solid (but not spectacular majority). However, none of the two big party is over 40%.
(12) Strauß, enranged by what he see as "backstabbing" by the FDP, is ready for a very contoverial move to win the election of 1987. The UNION-chairmen sign an electoral aggrement with NPD-leader Jürgen Mollemann. UNION and NPD will work together in winning as much electoral districts as possible. Althougt the aggrement leads to a public backlash and helps the Bündnis to win over 40% of the votes, Bündnis 81 is handicapped because the Greens, dominated by the Fundamentalists, refuse a similar alliance. Only second place in the proportional vote, the UNION wins a overwhelming majority of the electoral districts, enough for a slim absolut majority. Without further need for NPD support, ist seems Strauß was succesfull with his "deal with the devil". But in Germany starts a polarising discussion about the electoral system and some of the closer aides of the chancellor have the feeling, as 1987 turns into 1988, that he isn´t as energetic as before. Strauß dismiss that. He says he feels as good as ever. Maybe just a bit tired sometimes. A little hunting-trip about the weekend will propably help.