Interauctoritas et Renovatio (A Roman TL)

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Excerpt from The History of the Roman State
Chapter V – Rebirth and Interauctoritas (Augustus’ Empire)


“There is no boon that men can desire of the gods or gods grant to mankind, no conceivable wish or blessing which Octavian did not bestow on the Republic, the Roman people, and the world.” – Marcus Velleius Paterculus


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The period following the defeat of Mark Antony and Cleopatra at the Battle of Actium, culminating in their suicides in Egypt, has typically been referred to by historians as the Interauctoritas (latin, inter – “between” auctoritas – “authority”). The reforms instituted by Octavian would transform the nature of the Roman Republic fundamentally, and would come to be referred to more broadly as the Roman Principate.

Octavian returned to Rome from his victory in Egypt in 29 BC and promptly celebrated a triumph. The Senate voted him a triumphal arch inscribed re publica conservata (‘The Republic Saved’) and confirmed his election as Consul once again (from 31 to 27 BC). More than that though, the Senate awarded to him the official title Imperator. Octavian was the most powerful man in Rome, with no military or political rivals whatsoever.

However, for the ambitious Octavian this was not enough and in 27 BC Octavian resigned his positions of power and offered his resignation to the Senate. In what was clearly designed to be a political move, the Senate begged for him to stay and he agreed to retain control of Spain, Gaul and Syria (he already controlled Egypt as a personal territory independent of Rome). This was no accident but carefully crafted, for the bulk of the Roman legions were stationed in these regions. He also kept control of Rome’s foreign policy by assuming the right to declare war and negotiate peace or other foreign treaties. It was at this time that he assumed the name “Augustus”, a political masterstroke with quasi-religious overtones (augustus – “majestic/august/honourable”). He described his ascendancy thus:

“Henceforth, I exceeded all men in authority (auctoritas), but I had no greater power than those who were my colleagues in any given magistracy.” – Augustus, Res Gestae (34)

Octavian (henceforth referred to as Augustus) was a consummate politician and statesmen. He was careful to maintain Republican protocol, even though in reality his power was absolute and autocratic. His preferred title (in addition to all his other titles), was that of Princeps (‘first citizen/first among equals’). This allowed him to present a clear title with, it was hoped, reasonable Republican precedents.

Although it may have won over the masses and perhaps even the Senate, not all were wholly convinced. Tacitus considered him as a power-crazed hypocrite, concealing his autocratic behaviour under a façade of republicanism. Even the future Emperor Nero Claudius Drusus, and Augustus’ own stepson, was known to have authored a letter criticising his leadership.

Nonetheless the pretence of republicanism is an important distinction. It provided a sense of legitimacy to his rule, maintained clear and concise links with the Roman Republic, and paved the way for future republican reforms that his successors would champion. Although the reign of Augustus may have been a Monarchy in all but name, no future Emperor would ever wield as much power at his height. For that reason historians generally refer to the Roman State in this period as the Roman Principate, rather than formally as the Roman Empire. The Republican era had ended, but with it a new beginning had taken its place.
 
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Although the reign of Augustus may have been a Monarchy in all but name, no future Emperor would ever wield as much power at his height. For that reason historians generally refer to the Roman State in this period as the Roman Principate, rather than formally as the Roman Empire. The Republican era had ended, but with it a new beginning had taken its place.

This detail sure makes it a quite interesting idea. I'll keep an eye on it.
 
Succession

Excerpt from The History of the Roman State
Chapter V – Rebirth and Interauctoritas (Augustus’ Empire)


“Twice Augustus seriously thought of restoring the republic: immediately after the fall of Antony, when he remembered that Antony had often accused him of being the one obstacle to such a change, and again when he could not shake an exhausting illness. He then actually summoned the chief magistrates and the Senate to his house and gave them a faithful account of the military and financial state of the empire. On reconsideration, however, he decided that to divide the responsibilities of government among several hands would be to jeopardize not only his own life but also national security; so he did nothing.” –Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars Divus Augustus 28.

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Despite Augustus’ supreme position in Rome, he was never at ease in relation to who should succeed him. Augustus had no male children of his own, his second wife Scribonia conceived his only natural child Julia the Elder. The question of succession was problematic for Augustus throughout his entire reign, but it was especially so in 23 BC due to a sudden illness.

He had arranged for his daughter to marry her cousin Marcus Claudius Marcellus two years earlier. Marcellus was the only male child to Augustus’ sister Octavia the Younger, and it was well known that Augustus admired him greatly. It is possible that Augustus intended him for the succession, having allowed Marcellus to stand for election as a Consul ten years earlier then was customary and supporting his election as Aedile in 23 BC. However, historians generally contend that at this point Augustus favoured his friend and colleague Marcus Agrippa to succeed him. The situation was further complicated by the fact that Agrippa had left Rome shortly after Marcellus’ marriage, possibly in a move motivated by jealousy. In any event the crisis did not eventuate. Augustus’ health was restored later that year and Marcellus died of a serious illness. Of his death the historian Cassius Dio writes:

Augustus gave him a public burial after the customary eulogies, placing him in the tomb he was building, and as a memorial to him finished the theatre whose foundations had already been laid by the former Caesar and which was now called the theatre of Marcellus. And he ordered also that a golden image of the deceased, a golden crown, and a curule chair should be carried into the theatre at the Ludi Romani and should be placed in the midst of the officials having charge of the games.
This he did later; at the time, after being restored to health, he brought his will into the senate and desired to read it, by way of showing people that he had left no successor to his realm; but he did not read it, for none would permit it. Absolutely everybody, however, was astonished at him because, although he loved Marcellus both as son-in law and nephew, and in addition to other honours shown him had to such an extent helped him make a brilliant success of the festival which he gave as aedile that he had sheltered the Forum during the whole summer by means of curtains stretched overhead and had exhibited on the stage a dancer who was a knight, and also a woman of high birth, nevertheless he had not entrusted to him the monarchy, but actually had preferred Agrippa before him. Thus it would appear that he was not yet confident of the youth's judgment, and that he either wished the people to regain their liberty or for Agrippa to receive the leadership from them. Dio Cassius (53.30)

The death of Marcellus prompted the return of Marcus Agrippa to Rome and Augustus compelled him to marry his daughter Julia. The marriage produced five children, including three sons: Gaius Caesar, Lucius Caesar and Postumus Agrippa (born after Agrippa’s death), and two daughters: Julia and Agrippina. Augustus adopted Gaius and Lucius and brought them up in his home, after buying them from Agrippa in a symbolic sale.

When Agrippa died in 12 BC at the age of 51, Augustus sought a new son-in law and forced his stepson Tiberius to marry Julia. This necessitated a divorce between Tiberius and his first wife Vipsania Agrippina (Marcus Agrippa’s daughter). This would have important ramifications later on, for Tiberius loved Vipsania and greatly disapproved of Julia. An embarrassing event was described when Tiberius, years after the divorce, accidently caught sight of Vipsania and followed her with tears in his eyes and intense unhappiness written on his face that Augustus took precautions against his ever seeing her again.

Despite this unpleasant event, Tiberius continued to be elevated by Augustus. His first major civil functions began with his representations in the Senate as an advocate of the Laodiceans, Thyatirans and Chians who requested assistance due to heavy economic damage from an earthquake. He is also recorded as having acted as prosecutor against Fannius Caepio and Varro Murena for plotting against Augustus, where he secured their charges of treason. During this same period he undertook two special commissions: a reorganisation of the defective grain supply and to investigate the status of slave barracks throughout Italia.

In 12 BC he received military commissions in Pannonnia and Germania. The first of these campaigns brought about the subjugation of the Breuci and Dalmatae; and in the second he campaigned directly with his younger brother and future Emperor Nero Drusus against the Chatti and the Sicambri. Tiberius and Drusus enjoyed a close relationship throughout their lives and the two brothers met together, along with Augustus, at Lugdunum in 10 BC. Both brothers enjoyed considerable patronage from Augustus, and although Drusus was to earn Augustus’ lasting favour, in those earlier days Tiberius was foisted with more honours.

Drusus returned with the party to Rome and was elected consul in 9 BC. However, Drusus was ever dissatisfied with the political climate in the capital and yearned to return to soldiering. Consequently, he returned to his military command and continued his campaign in Germania. He subsequently defeated the Chatti in 9 BC but was forced to temporarily retreat across the Rhine after suffering a defeat against the Marcomanni. It is recorded that he fell from his horse shortly thereafter where he suffered a serious enough injury to delay his military actions. He took some time to recover before he was able to resume his campaign and inflict a significant defeat on the Marcomanni, avenging his earlier loss. [1]

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[1] The POD
 
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Hm. This is a rather unknown POD, at least for someone like who doesn't know too much about late Republic/early Empire-era Roman history but this seems like a timeline worth following. You've caught my attention!

I can't wait for more!
 
I attempted to do something with this POD before beginning Gods and Empires.
In that scenario, the survival of Drusus led him to command the Roman troops against the Illyrians instead of Tiberius, the latter being appointed in Germania Magna instead of Varus. Tiberius would have been a far better administrator than Varus and would surely not have alienated the German tribes, and Arminius would remain a loyal ally of Rome.

The next step, if not yet done, would be subjugating the Marcomans in order to complete the conquests aimed at establishing a shorter and more defensible border on the Albis (Elbe).
 
So Drusus survives. There were some indications that he had republican sympathies, weren't there?

I could see this going a couple of ways. The simplest would be for Drusus to become emperor and decline some of Augustus' powers. Alternatively, he and Tiberius could become a de facto, or even de jure, duumvirate: in effect, consuls for life. This could ensure that no one man gets too much authority (while at the same time maintaining continuity rather than annual turnovers of power) and Drusus could restrain some of Tiberius' baser instincts.

I'm definitely looking forward to more of this.
 
I wonder if Caligula is butterflied. If the republican elements are stronger, we can wonder about the 'attempt' of restoration of the Republic after the death of Caligula.
 
Thank you for the interest. I've enjoyed writing it thus far, but I've probably enjoyed reading in more detail such a fascinating era that inspired the TL.

I propose to respond to each of the points below:

galileo-034 wrote:
I attempted to do something with this POD before beginning Gods and Empires.
In that scenario, the survival of Drusus led him to command the Roman troops against the Illyrians instead of Tiberius, the latter being appointed in Germania Magna instead of Varus. Tiberius would have been a far better administrator than Varus and would surely not have alienated the German tribes, and Arminius would remain a loyal ally of Rome.

The next step, if not yet done, would be subjugating the Marcomans in order to complete the conquests aimed at establishing a shorter and more defensible border on the Albis (Elbe).

Thanks for your post. I've been following your own excellent timeline 'Gods and Empires' so your interest is high praise indeed. What you've proposed is actually very sensible and I agree with your conclusion. Varus was an exceptionally cruel administrator who needlessly antagonised his subjects. His military incompetence exacerbated the disaster. I'm not entirely sure Arminius would stay loyal, he would still be a dangerous ally to keep around - but certainly Drusus and Tiberius would be far too canny to allow him to manipulate them.

Jonathan Edelstein wrote:
So Drusus survives. There were some indications that he had republican sympathies, weren't there?

I could see this going a couple of ways. The simplest would be for Drusus to become emperor and decline some of Augustus' powers. Alternatively, he and Tiberius could become a de facto, or even de jure, duumvirate: in effect, consuls for life. This could ensure that no one man gets too much authority (while at the same time maintaining continuity rather than annual turnovers of power) and Drusus could restrain some of Tiberius' baser instincts.

I'm definitely looking forward to more of this.

Indeed. Drusus was well known for his republican sympathies, he was even known to have stated if he was in power he would restore the republic. A letter apparently written to his brother lamented the political climate of Rome and proposed the two convince Augustus to surrender power to the Senate.

I have an idea of how the republican reforms will be achieved but for now would like to maintain the element of surprise and gradually reveal it through the timeline. Your guess is pretty good though.

galileo-034 wrote:
I wonder if Caligula is butterflied. If the republican elements are stronger, we can wonder about the 'attempt' of restoration of the Republic after the death of Caligula.

The reign of Caligula will indeed be butterflied, but he will make an appearance and maintain his infamous reputation, albeit his antics affecting vastly fewer people.
 
Excerpt from The History of the Roman State
Chapter V – Rebirth and Interauctoritas (Augustus’ Empire)


“Their shields are black, their bodies dyed. They choose dark nights for battle, and, by the dread and gloomy aspect of their death-like host, strike terror into the foe, who can never confront their strange and almost infernal appearance.” – Tacitus, Germania (98.43)

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The Roman pacification of Germania was a long and gradual process. Unlike Gaul and Hispania, Germania was not as technologically advanced or as economically developed. While there were urban centres of limited value, there were no great cities to pacify where resistance could be snuffed out in a decisive strike. The level of agriculture too was undeveloped and unlikely to fill the needs of a romanised population. Nevertheless it was Roman policy in the early Principate period to expand into this great land, and Augustus entrusted this policy to his best generals.

The Germanic peoples comprised several different tribes that in some circumstances united, but generally for the most part did not. On the one hand it deprived the Romans of subjugating a single enemy in which the region could be dominated, but on the other hand the Romans were able to exploit this to great effect. As we have already seen, the Roman General Drusus had, by 9 BC, inflicted serious defeats on the Chatti, Sicambri and the Hermunduri tribes. However the Germanic peoples had developed, not wholly undeserved, a ferocious reputation for resistance and stubbornness. To those other Germanic tribes that resisted in this time were the Bructeri, Cherusci, Cauci and Marcomanni. The most dangerous of these was the Marcomanni.

In 9 BC the Marcomannic King Maroboduus, earlier in his life a hostage of Rome, convinced his people to escape to Boihaemum (hereafter referred to as Bohemia) and thereby escape Roman subjugation. The Marcomanni displaced the celtic Boeii tribe in Bohemia that same year and caused a large exodus to flee to Roman lands. There Maroboduus created a powerful kingdom amongst the natural woodland and mountain ranges of that country, complete with alliances of neighbouring Germanic tribes.

According to the Greek geographer Strabo, at one time Augustus showed great favour to Maroboduus during his youth in Rome and it seems likely that Augustus was quite aware of his formidable skills. Already in this time the Marcomanni were reported to display a martial discipline quite unlike their other Germanic cousins. Modern historians have speculated, with varying degrees of certainty, that Maroboduus may have at one time served as an auxilia prefect. This could certainly explain part of the reasoning for Augustus’ desire to conquer. However, in all likelihood this was only an ancillary consideration in light of the strategic position and potential threat that the Marcomanni now possessed in their new home.

Regardless of the particular reasons, in 6 BC Augustus authorised the subjugation of this new kingdom and assigned Tiberius and Gaius Saturninus, a General of Senatorial rank, seven legions in total. Tiberius planned for a pincer strike against the Marcomanni. Setting out with four legions to the northwest, the army was split and Tiberius invaded the Marcomanni from the east. General Saturninus advanced from the west with the remaining three legions. The Marcomanni were unable to resist, and though at first they were successful at avoiding pitched battles, Tiberius enclosed the trap and smashed the stubborn tribesmen. For his success here Augustus offered him a triumph, but he declined the honour.

While this was happening his brother Drusus continued his campaign further north in Germany. Although desperate to join Tiberius against the Marcomanni (for Drusus had much experience against them), he was busy enough with his own problems. The Bructeri launched a punitive raid against the encampments on the Rhine and Drusus responded in force. A capable and popular commander, Drusus smashed the Bructeri in 6 BC and convinced his men to once again pursue the enemy across the Weser. The Bructeri sought refuge with the Cauci who added their own arms against Rome. Having secured the neutrality of the Cherusci through their pro-Roman chieftain Segestas, Drusus met the combined Bructeri-Cauci tribes near the mouth of the Albis (Elbe) and completely routed the enemy allowing none to escape. The northern German tribes thus being pacified after almost five years of campaigning Drusus was voted the cognomen ‘Germanicus’ to be held by himself and his descendants in perpetuity. Drusus accepted the honor reluctantly and reportedly only after a deputation of his own soldiers would not allow him to refuse, such was the esteem he was held by those under his command.

Meanwhile, despite the great successes on the Germanic frontier a more pressing crisis distracted Augustus’ attentions closer to home – that of the succession.
 
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Excerpt from The History of the Roman State
Chapter V – Rebirth and Interauctoritas (Augustus’ Empire)


“He was ‘tristissimus hominum’, the gloomiest of men and thrusted into a life he never really wanted. The unfortunate Tiberius was forced to divorce the woman he loved, compelled to marry a woman he despised, and expected to adopt the tyranny of authority he never desired” – Pliny the Elder, Natural Histories XXVIII (5.23) [1]

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After Tiberius’ successful campaign against the Marcomanni he returned to Rome at the end of 6 BC and was voted tribunician power for five years and imperium in the East. These were great honours previously bestowed on Agrippa. Yet even with all these honours, at the height of his career and in the prime of his life he suddenly decided to retire from politics as completely as possible.

Although there were several principle reasons possible for his self-imposed retirement, in all likelihood the sudden decision was motivated by a combination of factors. First there was his unhappy marriage to Julia, in which he was deeply unhappy and resentful. The extent of his feelings was only revealed after the passing of Augustus, and even then only in private to his brother. A letter from that time reveals the deep loathing Tiberius beared for Julia, and his inability to charge her with adultery or divorce for her scandalous behaviour due to being the daughter of Augustus.

Secondly there were contemporary allegations made that the retirement was a cynical ploy to increase his reputation by a prolonged absence, so that the need of his services would become apparent to Augustus.

Finally another theory is that the coming of age of Augustus’ adopted children, Gaius and Lucius, compelled Tiberius to voluntarily resign his position as the successor to the Roman State and leave the political field open to them. Marcus Agrippa had done the same thing when Marcellus had begun his public career – retiring to Mytilene so as to not be mistaken for a rival. Whether Tiberius was really motivated by jealousy or a magnanimous duty to the state will probably never be known. Certainly he gave the latter reason for his decision at a later date. At the time, however, he merely applied for leave of absence on the ground that he was weary of office and needed to rest.

It did not occur to Tiberius that he may be making a mistake, such was the depths of his misery at that time. It is known that his mother, the Empress Livia, pleaded for him not to leave. Even Augustus openly complained in the Senate that this was an act of desertion. Suetonious reports that these events had little effect on him:

“On the contrary, he defeated their vigorous efforts to blunt his resolution by a four days’ hunger strike. In the end he sailed off; leaving his wife and son behind at Rome, he hurried down to Ostia without saying a word to any of the friends who came to say goodbye, and kissing only very few of them before he went aboard his ship.” – Suetonious, The Twelve Caesars Tiberius (10.19)

There were contemporary stories, likely apocryphal, that Augustus went so far as to stage a serious illness in order to motivate Tiberius’ immediate return. The news of Augustus’ illness reached Tiberius off the coast of Campania, where it is recorded he cast anchor for a while. It is known that Tiberius received a letter from his brother Drusus at this time, urging him to reconsider his folly but also conceding the great unhappiness to which he was burdened. Tiberius awaited further reports of Augustus’ illness, but when rumours and accusations reached him that he was merely waiting in the hope of seizing power he immediately departed for Rhodes.

Although the many stories and rumours of the lamentation of Augustus at this time such as the above were likely not true, the circulation of such stories illustrate the great anxiety for which Augustus felt at the time. Augustus was 57 years old by this point, several years older than Agrippa when he had passed and this was something which tormented his mind to no avail. With the departure of Tiberius there was no clear successor in place. His adopted sons were still in their teens, and Drusus, although a stepson and given considerable honours by this point, had not yet been officially adopted as heir. It is clear the retirement of Tiberius was almost disastrous for Augustus’ succession plans, and it was an act for which Augustus would never forgive him.

Tiberius had chosen Rhodes as his place of exile, apparently cherishing pleasant memories of the island during his return voyage from Armenia. He is reported to have resided within a modest town house and modest country villa. Accounts from this time also indicate that he would dismiss his lictors and staff members and stroll about the gymnasium, greeting and chatting with ordinary Greeks as if they were his social equals.

Although Tiberius still held tribunician power he is recorded to have only used it once in his stay at Rhodes. It is understood that Tiberius frequented the schools and halls where professors lectured and would listen to the discussions. On one occasion when two sophists started a violent argument, an audience member abused him for daring to intervene and support one sophist over another. Tiberius retired to his house, when he shortly reappeared with a group of lictors where the man was arrested and set before a tribunal.

In 2BC Tiberius learnt of the exile of his erstwhile wife Julia. Julia had been arrested for adultery and treason, and Augustus sent her a letter in Tiberius’ name declaring the marriage null and void. He also indicated before the Senate that she had been plotting against his own life with one of her lovers, namely Iullus Antonius (son of Mark Antony and Fulvia). Iullus Antonius was forced to commit suicide and Julia herself was exiled to the tiny island of Padateria. She was forbidden to drink wine, and was permitted no guests without express permission of Augustus. After five years she was transferred to the mainland where she received milder treatment, but Augustus never entertained her recall from exile. On one occasion when the Roman people interceded on her behalf he retorted before a popular assembly, ‘May the gods curse you with daughters as lecherous as mine, and with wives as adulterous!’

Although it is clear that Tiberius bore no affection for his wife, he nonetheless felt it his duty, even in exile, to urge reconciliation between Augustus and her. Despite Tiberius knowing of her scandalous nature and being privately of the belief she deserved her fate, he appeared to embrace the image of a merciful husband and allowed her to keep whatever presents she had at any time received from him. It is possible he embraced this image to influence Augustus own treatment of him. For by this stage Tiberius had seen the error of his decision and he is known to have asked Augustus leave to return and visit his family, who he greatly missed, and he confessed at last that he departed to Rhodes only to escape the suspicion of rivalry with Gaius and Lucius. Since both were now adults and acknowledged heirs, his reasons for staying away from Rome were no longer valid. Augustus, however, turned down his request, telling him to abandon all concern for his family, who he had been so eager to desert.

Thus it was that Tiberius remained, most reluctantly, at Rhodes. He communicated frequently with his brother and his mother, both of whom could not persuade Augustus to award him the title of Legate as an official cloak for his disfavour after his tribunician powers expired. His days were shrouded with anxiety. He lived a quiet private life in the country, avoiding contact with important persons who happened to land at Rhodes. His sedentary lifestyle was afforded a welcome reprieve in 1BC when he visited his brother and stepbrother Gaius at the nearby island of Samos. Gaius had been made a commander of the East, and was on route to Anatolia to entreat with the Parthian King Phraates V. Drusus accompanied Gaius for part of the journey so as to meet with Tiberius and to deal with the Parthian King. Furthermore, by this stage Drusus’ daughter Livilla had married Gaius and as his father in law the two men were known to be close.

Despite the happy occasion there was an incident of note which provoked the attention of Augustus. Allegedly one of Gaius’ favourites, his former guardian Marcus Lollius, spread slanderous accusations about Tiberius effecting a conspiracy against Gaius. Several centurions who had previously served with Tiberius were said to have returned to camp after meeting their former master and apparently circulated mysterious messages with incitements to treason. Augustus, who had heard an account of these suspicions informed Tiberius. Tiberius response was characteristically cynical, in which he replied that a responsible person, of whatever rank, should be detailed to visit Rhodes and there keep an unceasing watch on what he did and what he said. Nevertheless, despite the sarcastic exchange, Drusus was later made aware of the accusations and arranged for the dismissal of Lollius from Gaius’ retinue. Drusus accompanied Gaius to an island of the Euphrates where he observed with considerable approval the conduct of the negotiations with the Parthian King.

It is perhaps a combination of the above incident, but also more importantly the sudden death due to illness of Augustus’ other adopted son Lucius in 2AD, that Tiberius was finally allowed to return to Rome. Augustus at last gave way to the considerable pleading of Livia and Drusus, but his condition was that Tiberius would take no part and renounce all interest in public affairs.

On returning to Rome Tiberius presented his son Nero Claudius Drusus (the future Pannonicus) to public life. He resided in a modest house in the Gardens of Maecenas on the Esquiline Hill, where he adhered strictly to Augustus’ requirements and lived in retirement, attending only to his private affairs and taking no part in public life. His fortunes would change in time, but would never reach the heights of his earlier career.

In 4AD Augustus suffered a further blow to his succession plans. Gaius Caesar, his eldest adopted son succumbed to injuries sustained in battle and died. He had been wounded fatally during a campaign in Artagira, Armenia and although relocated to Limyra in Lycia for rehabilitation he was unable to recover and died. He was 24.

The death of Gaius precipitated a crisis in the Imperial household. Already rocked by the sudden death of Lucius some two years earlier, Gaius’ death was a considerable blow as he had shown such promise and capacity for greatness at an early age. His marriage to Livilla had not produced any children and consequently there was little alternative but for Augustus to consider one of his stepsons.

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A bust believed to be of Gaius Caesar, adopted son of Augustus

As a result of this event and after the lengthy consideration of Augustus, he adopted his stepson Drusus and his last remaining grandson Postumus Agrippa. Although Tiberius had earlier been shown greater favour Augustus was unwilling to forgive him for his early retirement, and considered him unworthy for Empire. Furthermore it was well known that Augustus held Drusus in such high esteem as to have referred to him several times publicly as a ‘True Roman’, whereas he had never held such regard for Tiberius – even when his star was in ascendance.

Despite the succession having been shored up considerably, there were a number of concerns. Drusus had on many occasions informed his friends that he would, if given the chance, restore the republic. He was also known to have authored a letter to his brother Tiberius, then at the height of career, to jointly persuade Augustus to surrender power to the Senate. Whatever the republican sentiments of Drusus may have been, and they were well known to Augustus, it is clear they caused no lasting harm between the two men. It is possible that Augustus admired him even more for the conviction of his principles. However, most historians agree that the stories of an aging Augustus regretting his usurpation of the Senate and expressing regret at his dictatorship are false and the product of post Drusus revisionism.

The ascendancy of Drusus was followed immediately thereafter by a major uprising in the province Germania Magna. As has already been described, the pacification of Germania was a long and gradual process. The immediate pacification of Germania to the Elbe river would take many decades to fully realise. Although the provinces of Germania Magna and Boihaemum had nominally been part of Rome since 9 BC, there were many problems in holding the provinces down. In 5 AD several Germanic tribes launched raids across the Elbe river most dangerously the Senoni and Caridi. But also added to this were the Saxones and Virudi. Although Augustus preferred to have Drusus remain in Rome, such was the importance of dealing with this threat that Drusus was once again sent to the frontier to deal with the problem.

However soon the Empire was rocked by a far more serious and deadly rebellion which would threaten Rome in The Great Illyrian Revolt of 6 AD. This revolt would demand the attention of Augustus and compel him to take drastic action including the compulsory purchase and emancipation of slaves to constitute an army – a move not having been undertaken by Rome for over two centuries since the Battle of Cannae in the Second Punic War.

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[1] A slightly edited quotation for TTL.
 
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So things are playing out more or less as OTL on the macro scale, but Tiberius' hissy fit has more permanent consequences (dangerous to pull that sort of stunt if there's a spare), and it looks like Drusus rather than Tiberius will be the one pulled away from Germany to handle the Illyrians. On the other hand, if Tiberius' son gets the title "Pannonicus," he'll probably also be a hero of that war despite his young age. Looks like some interesting things are about to happen.
 
So things are playing out more or less as OTL on the macro scale, but Tiberius' hissy fit has more permanent consequences (dangerous to pull that sort of stunt if there's a spare), and it looks like Drusus rather than Tiberius will be the one pulled away from Germany to handle the Illyrians. On the other hand, if Tiberius' son gets the title "Pannonicus," he'll probably also be a hero of that war despite his young age. Looks like some interesting things are about to happen.

Indeed. Tiberius' hissy fit was dangerous enough in OTL, particularly when Gaius and Lucius still lived. An incident is described by Suetonious in which at a dinner party of Gaius' a guest loudly proclaimed he would sail to Rhodes and fetch the head of 'the exile' if Gaius would but wish it.

Re the Illyrian war, I had something else planned. Remember that in TTL Germania and Bohemia have been temporarily subdued so the dynamics of the Germanic revolt are different from OTL and more widespread and dangerous.
 
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Really good TL, I like this a lot, thus far. :)
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My feelings on a Roman Germany have been set out at great length, and I don't intend on boring everyone by repeating them here. Suffice it to say that, while I think your accounts of the initial wars in Germany are perfectly plausible, I simply can't see the Romans wanting to stay in the region for long- much like Ireland or the Atlas Mountains it has essentially nothing to attract a lasting Roman settlement. There's very little semblance even of a rudimentary elite to begin the process of Romanisation with.

Plus, the idea of a shorter frontier is a bit of a red herring. The Rhine frontier is attractive because it can easily be supplied (via the Moselle) from the central Mediterranean and thus the wheat fields of North Africa and Sicily. The Elbe doesn't have this very large advantage.

Just something to bear in mind for the future. As I say, I think everything that's happened thus far is entirely plausible, but I think you'll be pushing it to have a serious, lasting Roman settlement of the area in this period.
 
Excerpt from The History of the Roman State
Chapter V – Rebirth and Interauctoritas (Augustus’ Empire)


“What had been happening in Germany during this period is as follows. The Romans had a hold on parts of it, not whole regions, but merely those areas which happened to have been subdued, so that this fact has not received historical notice. Meanwhile bodies of troops were in the habit of wintering there, and cities were being founded; the barbarians were gradually re-shaping their habits in conformity with the Roman pattern, were becoming accustomed to hold markets and were meeting in peaceful assemblies. But they had not forgotten their ancestral customs, their native manners, their independent way of life, nor the power they had enjoyed through their strength in arms. So long as they were unlearning their customs little by little, by indirect means, so to speak, and were under careful surveillance, they did not object to the change in their manner of life, and were unconsciously altering their disposition.” -Dio Cassius. The Roman History 56.

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Great Illyrian Revolt

The Great Illyrian Revolt of 6 AD had its roots in the Germanic Rebellion of 5 AD, but also most probably in the general treatment and subjugation of its population since the Roman Empire had crushed the Breuci and Dalmatae tribes in 12 BC and incorporated the inhabitants into the new province of Illyricum. Like most subjugated provinces, Roman rule was at times relatively peaceful and at other times harsh. In the summer of 6 AD the inhabitants considered themselves to be subjected to a period of such harshness so as to illicit a violent response.

The Germanic Rebellion of 5 AD placed a considerable strain on the Roman state that the future Emperor Drusus, then in command of Germania, felt himself unable to effectively subdue without additional reinforcements from Rome. The Germanic Rebellion involved not only the theoretical subjects of Rome, but also those tribes across the Elbe which had not yet had occasion to raise their arms against the Empire. Drusus requested of Augustus a further four legions to fully subdue the Germanic incursions from across the Elbe and suppress their violent tendencies against the majesty of Rome. For such an undertaking Augustus was content to acquiesce to his request, although this was not without reservations as to the profitability of further Germanic conquests. Germania had proven to be a difficult territory to administer, but more importantly it was wholly unprofitable in its reluctant submission to Rome. However despite these reservations Augustus ultimately directed that such a force be raised and placed at the disposal of his heir.

For the provision of this army Augustus placed it under the direction of Publius Quinctilius Varus, a patrician of consular rank and husband to the grand-niece of Augustus. The choice would prove to be a poor one. Already Varus was well known for his harsh rule during his governorship of Syria, in which he was reportedly excessively cruel to the Jews of Jerusalem following a revolt in 4 BC. However it was his general military incompetence which would lead him to gain everlasting infamy in the Roman pantheon.

Varus had earlier been in command of four legions when governor of Syria, although heavy handed with the inhabitants of that region, he had not displayed any specific incompetence when dealing with military matters. Consequently it would seem that his new assignment would not be too onerous, and as he would be primarily under the direction of Drusus, his decidedly inferior military skills would be somewhat moderated by the talents of that remarkable general.

However such an eventuality did not occur. During the early principate period, auxiliary regiments raised in frontier provinces were stationed in or close to their home province. This policy was very risky, for there was potential for an auxiliary regiment to join with their own tribe if said tribe rebelled against Rome. The loss would be two fold for Rome - not only would they be deprived of a cohort of troops, but the enemy would gain the experience and expertise of Roman arms. It is in this context that the tribes of Illyricum, an important source for the auxilia, revolted.

When assembling the necessary auxiliary cohorts to augment the legions under Varus, the Illyrian tribesmen gathered for such a task revolted - First under Bato of the Daesitiate, but joined soon after by the Breuci. The Daesitiate defeated a Roman force dispatched to disperse them, but when they joined with the Breuci were defeated at the Battle of Sirmium by a second Roman force from Moesia under Caecina Severus. The defeat was only temporary, but it had inflicted such casualties on Severus’ troops that he was unable to pursue. This setback for the Romans was regrettable, for soon the Daesitiate and Breuci had occasion to join with other tribes of Illyria and the isolated revolts soon threatened to spread throughout all of Dalmatia.

Augustus ordered Varus to break off his relief to Drusus and move his army to Illyricum. It is understood he also gave serious consideration to recalling Drusus from Germania, but the danger in Germania was also severe. The Caridi under King Adalhard had crossed the Elbe and were ravaging the province of Bohemia. His positioning was of great concern to Augustus, for he was well placed to intervene in the Illyrian Revolt and consequently exacerbate that crisis. Furthermore other tribes of Germania, presently under control, were precariously placed to add their own struggles to Adalhard and threaten the entire north provinces if they so desired. Removing Drusus could be disastrous to these efforts, and consequently the decision was made to retain his presence for the moment.

Varus sent his legates Lucius Nonius Asprenas and Lucius Arruntius ahead of his main troops in an attempt to head off the danger promptly. The legates were competent commanders who handled their duties admirably, but were nonetheless unable to control the crisis. Varus himself proved a poor general, and would often intervene in the decisions of his subordinates to the great frustration of his commanders. This flaw would ultimately prove disastrous when Varus, supremely overconfident and against the explicit advice of his generals, allowed himself to be trapped by the enemy near the river Kupa. Varus and the entirety of the Legions XXI Rapax and XVI Gallica were slaughtered to a man. The loss was a total military disaster and was only mitigated by the actions of Lucius Asprenas in preventing the loss of further legions. However the damage was done and the loss of the legions as well as that of the legionary eagles provoked a crisis in the capital. The Battle of Kupa River has since become an infamous example of ill preparation and rash decisions. A tragedy that was entirely preventable and unnecessary. Varus’ longstanding reputation was prevented further harm by the taking of his own life when he saw the battle lost, and thereby not adding cowardice to incompetence.

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The defeat and suicide of Varus

With the defeat of Varus and the spreading of the revolt through the entirety of Dalmatia, panic broke out in Rome. The Illyrian tribes, originally consisting of just the Daesitiate and Breuci, but now also the Amantini, Azali, Colpiani, Daesiates and Pirustaem, had by now secured the Adriatic coast and threatened Italia itself. Augustus raised a second force in Rome where he resorted to the compulsory purchase and emancipation of thousands of slaves in order to amass enough troops. This extraordinary decision, not undertaken since the aftermath of the Battle of Cannae two centuries earlier, demonstrates the great fear that Augustus and very likely all of Rome possessed at the time. Remarkably, Augustus constituted at least 50 auxiliary cohorts composed of Roman citizens. These were men Augustus considered as unsuitable for recruitment into the legions (which consisted entirely of citizens). For the most part these were either convicted criminals or freed slaves of Roman citizens. These units were accorded the title civium Romanorum (“of Roman citizens”) and maintained this distinction after the crisis.

The delegation of this army could potentially prove to be a momentous decision, and Augustus chose carefully. This task, which possessed great honour but also great responsibility, was delegated to none other than Tiberius. Although it is likely that Augustus’ wife Livia had some influence on his decision, primarily the necessities of the situation demanded it. Drusus could not be recalled from the frontier, and no other general had the experience and knowledge of the region as well as Tiberius. Furthermore it was Tiberius who had, in 12 BC, originally pacified the tribes of Illyria. Such was the context in which Augustus set aside his personal dislike and Tiberius found himself rehabilitated to public life. He was summoned to the Imperial Palace where he was presented with his commission and given a private audience with Augustus. He wasted no time in departing to the front, taking with him his son Drusus and a retinue of personal staff.

Tiberius conducted the Illyrian campaign for three years at the head of thirteen regular legions and a correspondingly large force of auxiliaries. He carried out his task with diligence and a great degree of caution. It is possible he was aware this was his last great chance for honours, but more likely he was influenced by the great military disaster at Kupa. His conduct in this war is described by Suetonius:

“Tiberius arrived in Illyria and, finding that the disaster there had been due to Varus’ rashness and neglect of precautions against surprise, refrained from taking any strategic decisions without the assent of his general staff. This was a notable departure from habit; hitherto he had always complete confidence in his own judgement, but he was now relying on a large military council.” -Suetonius. The Twelve Caesars. Tiberius. 18. [1]

His precautions proved fruitful. For although supplies were short and conditions arduous, Tiberius never allowed the enemy forces to assume the offensive. After a period of three years the stubbornness of Tiberius reduced the whole of Illyricum to complete submission. This feat, for which the Roman people were grateful, inspired the Senate to vote him a triumph and award him the cognomen Pannonicus. [2] Tiberius postponed his triumph because of the public mourning of Varus and the continuing campaign of his brother Drusus in Germania. However, he did accept the cognomen Pannonicus but in this he followed his brother’s precedence by accepting it only on behalf of his son.

Meanwhile the heir Drusus had also won great honours for Rome during his own campaign further north. Although it is not strictly true that he spent the entirety of his four year campaign in the field, his various recalls to Rome were of such a brief nature that he could be said to have literally lived in camp almost the whole time. Drusus spent the majority of his campaign containing the various Germanic tribes which rebelled against Roman rule. The most dangerous of these were those beyond the Elbe who were not strictly within the Roman realm, but who feared Roman expansion so much they felt a pre-emptive strike would prevent such a fate.

We have already seen how the Caridic King Adalhard threatened to join his forces to those of Illyria and thus exacerbate both the Germanic Rebellions and the Great Illyrian Revolt. Such an occurrence would have been devastating to Rome and potentially forced a Roman withdrawal into Italia – a disastrous setback for Roman policy. Drusus' efforts, along with his brother's further south, prevented this from occurring. Drusus was ultimately denied the extra legions he requested to fully destroy the Germanic tribes beyond the Elbe. This was not by choice, but as we have already seen the circumstances of events.

Despite not possessing the strength he desired, Drusus nonetheless used his considerable talents to contain the rebellion. After a period of two years he was able to force the Caridi to retreat back across the Elbe, but was unable to pursue them and complete the victory. He had several engagements with the Senones, Saxones and Virudi, and was fortunate to prevent their coordination under a confederation. For this he pursued both a military and diplomatic strategy, at one point even convincing the Virudi to switch sides, albeit only temporarily.

For those tribes within the Roman borders itself Drusus proved remarkably successful. His diplomatic skills kept the tribes mostly loyal, and he was careful to rescind the collecting of taxes and recruitment of auxilia during the crisis from those tribes whose loyalty was suspect. His dealings with the chiefs were also respectful but firm. Whilst he was capable of kindness he was also ruthless in dealing with rebellion. The failed Cherusci chieftain Arminius, at one time a hostage of Rome, was executed promptly after attempting unsuccessfully to foment a rebellion amongst his people. Drusus shored up the chief Segestas in his place, and raised the Cherusci to a higher status amongst the province to ensure their obedience. [3]

Finally, when the Illyrian Revolt was dealt with there remained the possibility of those legions being sent north to Germania to finish the job. Although it was an outcome that Drusus had desired, the great exhaustion of their experience, and also of his own, convinced him to not pursue it. He returned to Rome in 9 AD and celebrated a joint triumph with his brother Tiberius, taking with him his son Germanicus and other generals who had campaigned with him. Soon afterwards the consuls introduced a measure which gave Drusus joint control of the provinces with Augustus and the task of assisting him to carry out the next five-year census.

The honour and stability brought to Rome was immense, but it was soon to be overshadowed by another crisis – that of Augustus and his declining health.

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[1] A slight changing of OTL quotation from Suetonius, except in this case Illyria has been changed in place of Germania.
[2] In OTL the Senate proposed to award Tiberius either Pannonicus, Invictus or Pius, but Augustus vetoed these on the grounds that Tiberius would be adequately awarded when he [Augustus] died. Obviously in TTL Tiberius is not destined to succeed Augustus and consequently the impediment does not remain.
[3] In OTL there was great division amongst the Cherusci of pro-Roman disposition and anti-Roman. This existed even with the cruelties and harshness of Varus’ administration. With the more benign administration of Drusus in TTL, there would be significantly less anti-Roman feeling and Arminius’ efforts would be fruitless.
 
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So Varus will always be Varus, and Tiberius has redeemed himself at least partially. Nice update - and I think my prediction of a duumvirate is becoming more and more likely.
 
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