If the Second Rome falls...

The Lombard-Byzantine cooperation is really the interesting twist, congratulations on that.

I would be tempted to think, however, that Maria would had a little more knowledge about Peppinid Francia, would it be only because of Arabo-Berbers raids in Gaul in 721 and 726 (Odon of Aquitaine was actually praised by the pope in his fight against the raid of 721).

However, it doesn't seems it will last for long...

Probably Maria could have more knowledge of what was going on in France staying in Italy, but her referent from news coming from that country remained still the Papacy, and surely Gregory II could pass her relevant informations but not all the informations, considering that surely he wanted to remain the main point of reference from the Franks in Italy.

Odon maybe could have interest in the next chapters to seek an eventual support of the Byzantines in his struggle, but hardly because another ongoing event which will make anyway impossible for the latter to intervene in that theatre, but I can eventually predict from now the events going towards Poiters will not see substantial changes if not probably about the relations between Carolinges and Isaurics...
 
Chapter five

The Lombard army of Liutprand didn’t put on siege Perugia, but occupied nevertheless some minor outposts and towns around the city to assure a safe ground to pass the supplies coming from Tuscia; during that process however happened some skirmishes with Byzantine troops, with losses from both sides (but more towards the defenders).

The Lombard King sent to Rome assurances the occupation will be temporary and he will pay any eventual compensation, but the Dukes of Rome and Naples pushed for war and Maria, albeit initially hesitant, accepted, deciding to sanction the declaration of war from the Senate of Rome, which was the only legislative assembly accessible for the Dowager Empress, being too far the one in Constantinople (which however ratified the decision of Maria some months later). So it started the so called “Second Gothic War”, which will see like the previous conflict periods of war alternated by ones of peace, so lasting for two decades at least.

Despite Liutprand was focused on the subjugation of Spoleto at the moment of the Byzantine intervention, the Thyrennian Duchies decided to not intervene in Umbria at the time, because albeit the direct connection with Ravenna was disturbed, it wasn’t yet compromised so it was decided to focus the Imperial offensive to restore the land connection between Rome and Naples.

In fact, an army composed by troops of the Duchy of Rome, with the support of the Schola Palatina, left the Eternal City to march into Southern Latium: it was no more than a walk and allowed the Byzantines to place under their control Cassino and the Benedectine Abbey. Maria and Constantine, which followed the army for the first part of its expedition, entered in Montecassino well accepted by the Benedectines, which made oath of loyalty to the Empire (always before the Church). Montecassino became the operational base for the Roman Army (the Isauric family settled temporally in the Abbey for spiritual meditations and remain in a safe rearguard). From Cassino the Imperials moved into the valley of the Liri.

At the same time, the army of the Duchy of Naples moved towards North Campania, putting on siege the town of Capua and starting to expand as well into the valley of the Vulturnus. During the late summer Roman and Neapolitan troops managed to encounter each other in various points, and Capua accepted to surrender. The Eastern Roman Empire managed to restore its control of the Appian way from Rome to Naples, with the consequent benefit to improve the mutual security of the Roman and Neapolitan Duchies; adding the control of Montecassino as well, the war started well for the Byzantines.

The initial Roman advance however forced the Duchy of Benevento to side immediately with Liutprand, because the fall of Capua left open the western flank for a Roman advance into its capital. The positions of Spoleto and Benevento were in fact useful for the Lombards to keep in control the enemy movements in nearby Imperial territories or to be used as base of primary assaults against Byzantine Italy, but were rather to the range of the same Byzantines if the latter decided to attack instead.

In the case of Spoleto, Thrasimund had a difficult choice to make, after hearing of the incoming Northern Lombard invasion. His capital wasn’t so far from Perugia, Liutprand had a strong army, but being forced to pass into Byzantine territory his supply routes were far from secure, so in the end the rebel duke decided to leave Spoleto, leaving a garrison sufficient to hold the ground, while he decide to gather forces from the inner regions of the Duchy.

Besides, Liutprand was soon forced to not insist on the moment over pursuing the rebel Duke: leaving a detachment sufficient in his opinion to keep a siege over Spoleto, he moved his main army South in direction of Benevento, to repeal the Roman invasion.

In early September, Lombard and Imperial forces clashed near Alifae, where Liutprand obtained a victory, albeit of measure, in lieu of his numerical superiority: his losses however were fairly superior, so he didn’t manage to launch an offensive to retake the lost Beneventan lands. The Lombard King so decided to end his war operations for the year, deciding to raise a defensive system towards Benevento, one around Alifae and another at the height of the famous Caudine Forks.

Liutprand was also advantaged by the fact his supply line through the Byzantine corridor wasn’t interrupted, also due to the arrogance of the Esarch of Ravenna, Scolastico. Maria, under suggestion of the Roman Dukes, managed to send an order to the Pentapolis to send an army to recover the outposts occupied in the corridor, and to not seek a conflict in any way with Longobardia Maior, in order to isolate Liutprand in the South and remaining on the defensive on the western border. Scolastico made all the opposite, believing as the message passed the corridor was not in direct danger yet, he then decided to pursue the recover of Bologna and the restoration of the Imperial control over Ravenna.

But the siege of the city solved in a disaster for the Empire, the Esarch underestimated the defences of Bologna, and above all the Northern Lombards reaction which resulted in a grave loss for the Pentapolis and the necessity for the Byzantine to fight a defensive war under a heavy pressure which shouldn’t have to be necessary if Longobardia Maior was left untouched by the conflict.

The outcome of the Bolognese campaign didn’t passed unobserved in Latium as well, with a Maria quite enraged over the disobedience regard to her orders. To contribute to her acrimony towards the Esarch, they had good game the insinuations of the Dukes and the Strategos of the South about the fact the Maurician reform which instituted the role of Esarch in the long terms made the Ravennate quite arrogant towards the rest of Imperial Italy, as for the protection of Ravenna other parts of the peninsula paid highly against the Lombards and the Arabs; to protect the Adriatic Coast, South Italy was left open to foreign invasion, but now there could be the possibility to recover all of it if the focus of the Imperial strategy in Italy was removed from Ravenna and returned where if effectively belonged, to Rome (and Naples to a certain extent). Maria wasn’t so sure to reshape the internal assets of power in Italy, but she was so enraged with the Esarch she agreed to talk over the issue after the Lombard defeat.

In truth, the move of the Esarch in the move despite disastrous for the Empire in that moment, in the long term paid as the Lombards were forced to gather and spend troops in Romagna whereas Liutprand was more in need about those soldiers. However the Lombard King received still reinforcements from the Duchy of Tuscia.

Liutprand made however his mistakes in the war as well, for example sending reinforcements in Corsica believing probable an invasion from Sardinia: but the Byzantines never attempted to conquer the island, as to worried to drag away too many ships necessary instead to control the Arabs in the Mediterranean.

In 725, Liutprand decided to resume his spring offensive against the Duchy of Spoleto, strong of new troops arrived from Tuscia, and leaving enough soldiers with the Duke of Benevento, to resume his offensive against the Imperials. Spoleto finally fell to his forces at the start of May, so that the Lombard King could start to chase Thrasimund. The rebel Duke then attempted to engage him at the crossroad between Terni and Norcia (where he placed his quarters for the previous year) but he received a bad defeat. Still, he had aside enough forces to stall the invasion, or at least slowing it considerably.

The Byzantines meanwhile, seeing the difficulty to break the Beneventine positions in Alifae, decided instead to attempt an attack to Benevento from the East, invading the Salernitane coast. Salerno was put under naval siege, while the Imperials swept the countryside, so managing in the process to regain most of Campania.

Salerno however resisted to the siege, attracting the attention of the Beneventine Duke, who then attempted to lift the siege; in the July of 725 the Southern Lombards attempted to take the town of Nocera in order to cut out the Roman forces, but were repealed. The Beneventine started to have issues of manpower, so they asked the help of Liutprand.

The Lombard King so stopped his plans for the submission of Spoleto, and started to move in direction of Benevento; which allowed to Thrasimund to regain a little of breath. But also the Imperials, which after Nocera weren’t in a so better position, they decided to call reinforcements as well. In first role, Maria asked to the Strategos of Sicily to gather forces in Calabria to invade the southern part of Lucania and then move in direction of Salerno; but she started to call reinforcements from the eastern themes of the Empire, of which was necessary the support of Artavasdos.

Maria should had given a definitive reply to the Kouropalatos when returned in Constantinople, but the war with the Lombards kept her and her two sons in Rome. But she had to give anyway a definitive reply to him, so she went to honour the original deal and concede the hand of Anna as promised originally from Leo III. Artavasdos due to the distances and after retaining a period of meditation he accepted Maria’s proposal: as she stayed away with Constantine for almost five years, and apparently they will remain still in Italy for a while, he decided to capitalize what he was offered to him immediately instead to wait for the Dowager Empress. Besides, as for the population of Constantinople he was rather interested in the new conflict in Italy: should the Dukes in name of Maria obtain a resounding victory, her prestige will result greatly enhanced, so anyway it will be for the best for him to marry the sister of the Emperor: in case of a failure, she could result so weakened in front of the East so to allow him to make a reasonable claim over the throne, even at cost to overthrow the ruling dynasty.

Anyway, in 725 he celebrated in Constantinople in Hagia Sophia his wedding with Anna (her mother and brother absent, which created in the city murmurs of disapproval), while he allowed the transfer of an army from the Anatolian themes to the Duchy of Apulia: a force estimated between 6,000 and 10,000 men, but rather forged by constant skirmishes with the Arabs.

726 was the year decisive for the “first phase” of the war. Liutprand and the Beneventines in the end of April managed to capture Nocera, so cutting out from their supply lines the Imperials still around Salerno, but he failed to impede the Sicilian army coming from Calabria to connect with his comrades in army and win of measure in the battle on the outskirts of the city. Liutprand wasn’t in a position to declare defeat yet, he was still strong in terms of numerical superiority, but hearing of the arrival of the Anatolian reinforcements from Apulia (which allow them to conquer Brindisi and Taranto) and other news arriving from Pavia (the death of his wife which ruled as regent in his absence) convinced him to ask peace terms to Maria.

Liutprand met Maria in Montecassino and agreed to pay a quite high peace, ceding to the Empire South Latium and Montecassino, almost the coastal parts of Campania hold so far by Benevento (the valley of the Liri, the lower valley of the Volturnus with Capua – but not Alifae, and then Salerno), and then South Lucania. Maria, also behind Papal pressures, accepted to see the survival of the Duchies of Benevento and Salerno, but she wanted, and obtained, the Imperial rule of all the Italian coastline from Rome to Brindisi. Plus, she obtained a reparation from Liutprand for the occupation of the outposts in the Byzantine corridor: yet she agreed to concede the Northern Lombards right of passage to return in Longobardia Maior. At the same time, it was for the moment confirmed the engagement between Constantine V and the Lombard King's daughter.



Map of Italy in 726: the Empire (dark purple) recovered lands (light purple) at expenses of the Duchy of Benevento (grey, as for the other Lombard territories), reconnecting in a single bow all the territories in the South. From Otranto to Ravenna now existed an uninterrupted land connection.

Liutprand then settled a peace with Thrasimund: he agreed to recognize him as Duke, but he had to allow the presence of troops loyal to the Royal and Beneventine authority for a certain period of years, and turn down almost all of his initial requests, receiving that time a positive reply.

So it ended the first phase of the Last Barbarian war, with a relevant Byzantine success. Maria’s levels of popularity in Italy as in the rest of the Empire reached the stars, despite in the next two years her decisions over the reassert of the internal dynamics into the Peninsula, albeit in the long terms brought great benefits, created quite the internal ruckus, plus the outcome brought Imperial Italy to pay a relevant price…
 
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Deleted member 67076

Wonderful update. Its nice to see the empire doing well.
 
Maria however feared the eventual marriage (various courtesans pushed for it, vouching for a reinforcement of the rule of the Strategos)

Courtesans doesn't mean what you think it means. Maybe you meant courtiers?

in some ways it was also convenient for the Imperial coffins not forced to maintain the lavish court

Coffers?
 
Wonderful update. Its nice to see the empire doing well.

Well, at the moment yes, but as I said before, in this part of the TL there will not be a gain for the Empire which will not be paired with a loss.

Courtesans doesn't mean what you think it means. Maybe you meant courtiers?

Coffers?

You have right on both cases, I made a linguistic mistake. Go to fix them, thanks for the advice.
 
Interesting TL, but as the Empire have to rely quite importantly on land access (Via Flaminia between Rome and Ravenna, by exemple), wouldn't have made it more sense for imperials to go for all the Via Appia rather than cut it out in half (making Lombards still quite able to cut Apulia from Campania)?
 
Interesting TL, but as the Empire have to rely quite importantly on land access (Via Flaminia between Rome and Ravenna, by exemple), wouldn't have made it more sense for imperials to go for all the Via Appia rather than cut it out in half (making Lombards still quite able to cut Apulia from Campania)?

Well, without Benevento the Imperials weren't able to proceed further into the Appian way plus both them and the Lombards weren't prepared for a campaign of sieges. So for the first the only way possible to advance was to proceed along the coast. Plus the Beneventine and the Northen Lombards didn't have sufficient troops to attempt a flank diversion in Apulia: they had to face also Spoleto and also dragged towards Ravenna as well... both sides in the end were enough stretched in the end: but the Lombards more of the Imperials, so for them proceeding could have been complete defeat in the end.
 
Chapter Six​

In the immediate outcome of the conflict with the Lombards, the priority of Maria was the reorganization of the conquered lands: not an easy task, considering they were territories which the Empire didn’t exercise its authority for not less of 150 years; plus she had to face the presence of Lombard persons which obviously hardly accepted to become Imperial subject, and the growing aspirations of the Italian Dukes which wanted to expand their power; lastly, there were the concerns of the Pope which didn’t want a penetration of the Greek rite in the freed lands, considering Italy as prerogative of the Patriarchate of Rome so under the Latin Church.

About the Orthodox presence in Italy, this was centred especially in the South, mostly in Sicily, Calabria, and Apulia, plus there was a relevant presence in Naples. In Central Imperial Italy, aside from Ravenna the population was predominantly of Latin rite; despite around the Imperial court were present Greek rite priests to cover its needs. The Church of Greek rite however didn’t have intention to usurp the role of the Latin priests, neither the Imperial authority felt the issue to impose the eastern church; it was essentially a presence obliged to cover the religious needs of the Greek-speaking population in the peninsula. However, in a South Italy where the Greek speaking population saw an exponential increase during the eighth century, also promoted by an Imperial policy of resettlement (for example, the Anatolian army operating in Apulia settled permanently here and integrated into the Tagmata of that duchy), the role of the Eastern Church started to compete more actively with the Catholic one.

Maria, taking opportunity of the death of Scolastico during 726, pushed by the Southern Italian Dukes, decided however to “suspend” the title of Esarch of Italy, as unnecessary for the moment considering the peninsula was enjoying the presence of the Emperor. Constantine V at the time was eight, but Maria felt he was enough ready to start to assist the various councils and to be more active in the political life of the Empire, so despite she still hold the regency, she started to associate the son to his growing duties. The suspension of the title of Esarch wasn’t so exactly appreciated by the Dukes of Rome and Naples which wanted the title for themselves, but were more than appeased by the new territories they obtained under their administration and above all by the deconstruction of the Ravennate territory. In fact, Maria appointed as successor of Scolastico a man loyal to her, Paul, but as “Duke of Ravenna”. In fact, to the now former Esarchate were stripped all the territories south of Rimini, as the Imperial corridor and the “Maritime Pentapolis” became two new duchies, seated in Perugia and Ancona respectively. Maria thought in a first moment to reorganize the Italian Duchies in Themes, but due to the persisting Lombard menace Imperial Italy wasn’t ready yet to pass from a military to a civilian administration so she desisted from that project. In the south, aside from the expansion of the Roman, Neapolitan, and Apulian Duchies, the most relevant change was the introduction of the Duchy of Lucania, with the site of Anglona (1) as capital.

The only Italian Theme at the time was the Sicilian one, the most prosperous and vital for the Byzantine in Italy: but between 727 and 728 a relevant disaster incurred to the Empire: the Arab invasion of the western part of the island. The invasion was prepared by the treason of Eusebius of Messina, which in 823 attempted to seize Sicily for himself, but failed and escaped in Ifriqiya, where he asked the help of the Arabs.

The Muslims saw a chance to finally get control of the island, launching a great amphibious invasion at Mazara del Vallo; from there, they got control of a relevant part of the island; and as Eusebius died in 828 during a siege, the invaders didn’t felt anymore obligations of sort to build a puppet state and declared open the path for the integration of Sicily into the Islamic world.

The Byzantines however in the end managed to counterattack with the support of reinforcements coming from Calabria, preventing the fall of Syracuse and keeping control of East Sicily, but the West for the next three centuries remained in Arab hands.

The consequences for the Empire were dragged for a long time: above all allowing for the Arabs to commit periodical raids on the Italian shores for decades, and in the immediate period losing a relevant part of income and manpower necessary for the Byzantines to keep their grip on Italy. As for Maria’s regency, the loss of West Sicily signed its lowest point, in the light of a certain decision taken which if turned down could have preserved the island to be invaded.

In fact, the Duke of Aquitaine, Odo I, was rather busy to face the Iberian Muslims pointing at the South territories of his domains; and asked the support of the Byzantines to cover his back in the Mediterranean. The Pope pushed to help the Duke, so Maria agreed to send a part of the Imperial navy in Italy in direction of recently occupied Septimania raiding its coasts. The raiding was supposed to be a preliminary action to prepare the invasion of the region, prelude for a more ambitious plan to retake the Balearic islands, but the plan was cancelled after the news of the Arab invasion, aided also by the openings left by the Byzantine navy. Still, the raid allowed Odo I to gain still more time against the Muslims and for Maria to gain some additional money which compensated for quite time the loss of West Sicily; plus it contributed to increase the ties between Papacy and Imperial court and still for the latter to restore a diplomatic connection in Gallia, albeit at the time only with Aquitaine.

However, the campaign in Septimania naturally didn’t compensate the situation in Sicily, so things started to become more tense in Imperial Italy, especially in the Duchy of Ravenna were Paul fatigued to impose his authority in a region which hardly tolerated to have lost its predominant role in the peninsula, so many started to look with crescent hope towards Liutprand. Various frontier outposts defected in favour of the Lombard King, and after a rejected ultimatum from Rome to return those territories, war was inevitable.

Liutprand believed to have better chances respect to the previous conflict, considering the Byzantines were busy with the Sicilian situation at the time; but the forces here involved were mostly coming from Calabria, and only a part of the effective Imperial armies. Still, the Lombard King also hoped in a reaffirmed loyalty from Spoleto and Benevento to keep busy the Byzantines in the South of Italy.

The situation went initially well for the Lombards: mostly of the Duchy of Ravenna was invaded, and the same city revolted and the angry mob killed Paul; still, the city refused to submit to Liutprand, its hope being to resist to convince the Dowager Empress to restore the Esarchate. Maria however gave mandate to Eutychius, one of her most prominent courtiers, the duty to recover the lost ground and at the same time quell the Ravennate riot. On that front, Eutychius managed in 728 to retrieve back Ravenna, quelling the revolt.

More urgent for the Byzantines was the situation in Central Italy, where Liutprand seized the fortified outpost of Narni in another tentative to split in two the Byzantine territories, and then seemed oriented to attack directly Rome. At that point however intervened as mediator Gregory II, which decided to meet directly the Lombard King in Sutri, city in the middle of contested land between the two factions, but outside the jurisdiction of the Duchy of Rome at the moment; Maria approved initially the move at least to allow her to gain time to prepare Rome from an eventual siege, but the outcome of the encounter went differently as she expected.

Liutprand in fact in the attempt to buy Gregory to his side, he agreed to “donate” Sutri and its surroundings to the Pope of Rome, so allowing the Catholic Church to be the de facto owner.

Gregory II showed to largely appreciate the donation, obtaining also promises to keep in peace Rome; but Maria was rather infuriated, believing the Bishop of the Eternal city sold the Empire to the Lombards, so she acted rather harshly towards him: she didn’t depose him, but she refused to allow him to return in Rome until he turned the Lombard donation to the Empire. Gregory then settled temporally in Sutri, administrating the affairs of the Roman Dioceses from that site.

For the historians, Gregory accepted the donation not for a betrayal against the Empire, but more to force it to take a definitive stance over the control of territorial possessions for the Church into Imperial territories, while attempting to pass as “saviour of Rome”. However his plan backfired as he received few support from the various Catholic Bishops of Italy, the Imperial ones mostly agreeing with Maria and the Lombard ones irritated for the concession received to him by their king. At the same time, Maria didn’t break definitely with Gregory as she didn’t want a possible insurgence of the Latin Christians against the Imperial authority in those dire times. Besides, it was proved there was a correspondence between Sutri and Rome at the time to seek a possible solution to the matter.

Liutprand however, as remained loyal to the word to not invade Rome, however moved into Central Italy, gobbling most of the Duchy of Perugia, but failing to take the provincial capital. In the meanwhile, in Longobardia Minor things really turned bad for the Lombards. The Beneventine in fact failed to contain a joint invasion from Naples and Apulia (where the Anatolians were unarrestable) in its southern territories, forcing to cede all the territories East and South of the Ofanto river, and fatiguing to hold the Byzantines on the : a third of their remnant territory from the last war was lost to the Empire. The Duchy of Benevento in fact underestimated the Byzantine strength in South Italy especially after the Sicilian situation, and overestimated its capacities, not believing in an enemy offensive in that direction.

But aside from the turmoil in the Ravennate lands and the Sicilian situation, the Empire remained compact behind Maria and Constantine, the ties with Germanus and Artavasdos hold allowing the Dowager Empress to receive another surge of reinforcements from Constantinople, Anatolia and Greece during 728.

Those reinforcements were rather useful for example to Eutychius, which after having restored order to Ravenna (forced to pay an harsh tribute, with a relevant part of its wealth forced to take the road to Rome) aided the forces of the Duchy of Ancona to invade the regions north of the Chienti River of the Duchy of Spoleto, and only hardly Thrasimund II managed to preserve the control of the site of Foligno, at the time still more known as Fulginium. However, sensing a sudden weakness of the Royal Lombard power in Langobardia Minor, he made a deal with Eutychius to accept a peace with the Empire accepting the loss of territory in exchange of his will to declare independence from the Lombard Kingdom. Eutychius was rather conflicted, because if he recognized the independence of Spoleto it will surely weak the Lombards, but at the same time it will make more difficult for the Empire to retrieve the same Duchy; but it accepted nevertheless to focus his efforts in the Duchy of Perugia.

The peace made with Spoleto brought the Duchy of Benevento to offer peace terms to the Empire as well, ceding everything East to the Ofanto (the main loss being Bari), but reaffirming its loyalty to the Lombard Kingdom. Liutprand was rather enraged over the new act of defiance of Spoleto and the separate peace of Benevento, so his last hope to win the war was to conquer for entire the Duchy of Perugia. In effect during 729 he managed to provoke the fall of the city, allowing him to proceed into Spoleto, taking also that city; but Thrasimund escaped in direction of Ancona, where he forged an alliance with Eutychius and started to prepare the liberation of his Duchy; meanwhile, to further ensure his decision to make Spoleto an independent country, he obtained the support of the Pope granting on the path of the Donation of Sutri some territories to be administrated directly by the Bishops of Rome.

The fall of Perugia convinced Maria of the necessity to reach an agreement with Gregory II, albeit only in 730 a definitive solution was reached. From now on, the Church of Rome (intended in its entirety) could have the possibility to administrate directly territories into the Empire only after a definitive recognition from the Imperial authority, but only if accepting to rule them in name of the Empire. In substance, the Church obtained the use of a certain territory and the privilege to pass over its successors ( from a bishop the use passed to the next bishop in solution of continuity), but not the possession as it remained in hands of the Empire. At the same time, the Empire will not respond over Ecclesiastic territories outside the Empire and above all outside of Italy. It was so determined a double formula (de jure administration to the Church, de facto possession to the Empire) which in the intentions of both Maria and Gregory II should have take place the successive relations between the Roman Church and the Empire, albeit in the next centuries the growing tendency towards feudalism across Europe which didn’t spare Imperial Italy made the boundaries of that agreement more weak and contestable.

However, Gregory II returned in Rome, Sutri being formally integrated into the Empire but under control of the Pope, and Maria felt enough reassured of the loyalty from the Latin Church to continue the war with the Lombards. The war continued with alternate skirmishes until in 732, the unexpected happened when a Lombard army leaded by the nephew of Liutprand Hildeprand and his lieutenant the Duke of Vicenza Peredeus managed to conquer Ravenna, sacking it. As Eutychius was still busy in Central Italy along with the Duke of Perugia Agathon, it seemed the Byzantine rule in Central Italy was to be overthrow, but at that point intervened the unexpected support of the Duchy of the Maritime Venetia.

The Maritime Venetia was what remained of Imperial Venetia around the territory of the lagoon which brought its name; a small area, but becoming a rather prosperous one due to the settlements risen in the various islands into the same lagoon, fruit of the refugees escaped from the inland territories to seek refuge towards the barbarian invasions. As the Venetian region didn’t lost with the barbarian invasion the role of trade crossroad, the people of the lagoon prospered due to their commercial affairs while remaining under the Imperial protection; still, they always felt the competition with Ravenna, which wanted to keep the region under its grip. When however the coastline north of the Delta of the Po was lost to the Lombards, the ties with the exarchate started to loosen and the Venetians asked for more autonomy, obtained by Constantinople in 697, despite the Esarchate obtained right to influence its internal policies. So it was formally created the Duchy of Venetia, more known as Dogato di Venezia from the transliteration of the local dialect.

It was remembered however despite 697 was recognized as conventional birth date of the Dogato, Venezia proper didn’t exist yet; the most prominent settlements at the time were the towns of Eracliana and Equilio on the Eastern side of the lagoon, in constant rivalry to impose their own candidate to the guidance of the territory. In fact, despite the islands in the central part of the Lagoon were surely more safe, however at the time weren’t enough desirable for the rise of a trade hub. Still, there was a small town called Rivoalto, which was no more than a fishing post and an intermediate point of travel towards more relevant settlements in the Lagoon. It will occur other 120 years since the foundation of the Duchy before the town will take its rightful place in history…

Anyway, the third Duke of Venetia, Ursus, leaded his forces to the liberation of Ravenna, striking an impressive blow to the Lombards: not only they were badly defeated, but Peredeus died in battle and Hildeprand was caught as prisoner. The liberation of Ravenna however brought further devastation to the city,

It was the signal of the Byzantine decisive counterassault. Helped by the fact Liutprand turned after the fall of Spoleto towards Benevento, forcing the Duchy to resume the fight (which created more dissent in the local nobility and clergy which wanted peace instead), supported by the armies of Ursus and Eutychius Agathon managed to liberate Perugia, and from there moving towards Spoleto.

Liutprand found himself suddenly surrounded, so his only choice was to open his path towards Langobardia Maior with the force. Moving again into the Duchy of Spoleto, he was however intercepted in the September of 732 at the outskirts of the Fucino Lake; because of defections within his ranks of elements from Langobardia Minor, he obtained a crushing defeat. The Lombard King managed somehow to disengage from the Imperial armies and return in Benevento, but he found the city in a near state of turmoil, as the populace wanted peace being exhausted from the war.

Liutprand agreed then to open negotiations with the Byzantines, recognizing his defeat. As in the preliminary peace negotiations obtained the permission to move his army to Langobardia Maior, however Maria pretended from him to formalize the definitive treaty in Sutri, for two main reasons: to humiliate him in the town he decided to cede to the Pope in the attempt to create a strife between the Church and the Empire, and also to praise the Papacy of Gregory III which was surely more loyal (he was a son of a Syrian, so more open towards the Greek Emperors) and supportive (he contributed through the various Italian Bishops to keep open the communications between Ursus and Eutychius after the fall of Ravenna).

In the “Peace of Sutri”, confirmed at the start of 733, Liutprand was forced to agree over those conditions:

To recognize the cession to the Empire of all the territories of the Duchy of Benevento South and East of the Ofanto. Said Duchy however will be still part of the Lombard Kingdom;
To recognize the independence of the Duchy of Spoleto. Thrasimund II will be the rightful first ruler of the independent country, but for his independence had to confirm to cede to the Empire all the territories North of the Chienti river;
To return the territories occupied in the Duchy of Ravenna, and to cede the Southern tip of the Duchy of Tuscia. In fact, after Sutri, the army of the Roman Duke to consolidate the safety of Rome started the invasion of said country, taking during 731 the town of Orvieto.
To pay a ransom for the release of the Lombard prisoners; Byzantine prisoners will be immediately released.

To worse the position of Liutprand, he was informed of the death of his daughter, so he was deprived of the only card he could have used towards Maria to sweeten his position. The Lombard King returned in Pavia, but rather demoralized – his dream to unify Italy was practically vanished, and his Kingdom rather shattered.



Italy in 733. Despite the Arab invasion in West Sicily (dark green), the Empire (dark purple) stripped to the Lombards (grey) various territories (light purple), while putting in jeopardy the entire Langobardia Minor with the independence of Spoleto (blue)...

So it ended the “second phase” of the last barbarian war. The Eastern Roman Empire came out further reinforced in Italy, albeit rather exhausted not less of the Lombards; but the Papacy resulted more strong as well, as Sutri despite initially was seen as a false step towards the Empire, in the end delineated the basis of its power across Western Europe in the successive centuries…

However, the optimism in the Imperial territories was quite high: despite the loss of half of Sicily burned still, on the other side the Lombards were in full decline and the Imperial authority going towards the recovery of Italy. Plus Constantine was soon reaching adulthood and able to proceed towards the path of healing of the Empire started by his mother, starting with his eventual return in Constantinople.

However, those expectations will have soon to face a more harsh reality...
 
Remove Lombard!!

What He said!

BTW- I've one request about this TL- could You not post what happens in next few hundred years? It both spoils fun for reader, as it restricts You- for example saying that feudalism in next 600 years will hit even empire means that it'll have to happen, with certain repercussions.
 
Remove Lombard!!

What He said!

BTW- I've one request about this TL- could You not post what happens in next few hundred years? It both spoils fun for reader, as it restricts You- for example saying that feudalism in next 600 years will hit even empire means that it'll have to happen, with certain repercussions.

I can try to be a litter less spoilerish, despite this is my usual stance in my works to leave once in a while some hints of future events, maybe you have right I spoil some fun in that way, but also it helped me in the process of evolution of the TL by attempting to stimulate questions from the readers. Usually I'm not felling restricted by that, if I spoil something it will means at least for me I have a basic idea how to move in regards of that event.

Still I can understand the doubts about the incoming issue of a Byzantine Feudalism which is contested by modern historians, I read some essays on regard.

In that light, so I can't spoil what will be the fate of the Lombards...;)
 
I can try to be a litter less spoilerish, despite this is my usual stance in my works to leave once in a while some hints of future events, maybe you have right I spoil some fun in that way, but also it helped me in the process of evolution of the TL by attempting to stimulate questions from the readers. Usually I'm not felling restricted by that, if I spoil something it will means at least for me I have a basic idea how to move in regards of that event.

Still I can understand the doubts about the incoming issue of a Byzantine Feudalism which is contested by modern historians, I read some essays on regard.

In that light, so I can't spoil what will be the fate of the Lombards...;)

I just meant that spoiling about feudalism hitting Byzantium inquires a bit too much, especially in 600 years range ;) It's just my opinion, so if You feel it'll better fit Your story, keep doing it. But for me it's simply a bit anticlimactic...
 
I just meant that spoiling about feudalism hitting Byzantium inquires a bit too much, especially in 600 years range ;) It's just my opinion, so if You feel it'll better fit Your story, keep doing it. But for me it's simply a bit anticlimactic...

Sorry, I don't entirely understand your last line. What is exactly anticlimatic for you?
 
Chapter seven

For Maria, the peace of Sutri despite marked another triumph for the Empire against the Lombards, still forced her to deal with a series of new and incoming issues. She had to reorganize and pacify the conquered territories for first, but also to deal with the outcome of the campaign of Kormeisy in the Evros valley which was concluded in the same period with the subjugation of the Dragovites and the start of Bulgarian penetration in North Macedonia, retaking contacts with the Keramisians living there, the nearing conclusion of the temporal taxation over material ecclesiastic possessions, the prosecution of the internal debate over the icons, still kept at bay but with growing sufferance from both enemy sides, and the necessary search of a suitable bride for Constantine V.

Between 733 and 734, the last year of regency for Maria, Constantine gradually took gradually consciousness of his powers, with the general approval of the Dukes and the courtiers; Maria was considered a fair regent so far, but it was felt the necessity of the guidance of a male Emperor after an interregnum of fifteen years.

Constantine seemed prepared to take his responsibilities; surely Maria made so to give him a proper education, to the point he was able to speak both in Greek and in Latin, which for the standards of the time, even for the Empire, was rather impressive. Constantine was brought to learn Latin due to his prolonged permanence in Italy, which resulted a good thing since his early teen years acting as “translator” between his mother and Latin speaking personalities of his court, even including the same Bishop of Rome.

The Greek courtiers considered the bilingual knowledge of the Emperor useful for him to entertain relations with all his subjects and not a possible revival of the use of Latin over the Greek across all the Empire. There was certainty Constantine will never reverted the decisions took since Heraclius to let prevail the Greek as administrative language of the country, being a Greek in all senses; and that in the end after reaching adulthood he will decide to return to Constantinople from where ruling the Empire. But, unknown to the most, Constantine didn’t feel as personal priority to return in the city where he was born, because he never remember it; he was habituated to live between Rome and Naples in his youth, and travel around the Italian possessions of the Empire. Plus, he didn’t conceived the idea why he had to rule the Empire from Constantinople when he could rule as well from Rome. After all, his wasn’t the Empire of the Romans? He ruled the Eastern Roman Empire, but it didn’t become after all the only Roman Empire since 476, statement reinforced after Belisarius retrieved Rome from the Goths? That the Roman Senate wasn’t in the end more legitimate to ratify his decisions respect to the Constantinopolitean one, considering it was the original one? Who cared if it wasn’t composed by Greek elements?

On the other side, Constantine thrived to lead soon his armies to the retrieval of lost Imperial territories, also impressed by the victories in the last war with the Lombards but also by the triumph of the Franks at Poitiers in late 732; which after Sutri made him quite impossible to follow for the moment an “Italian” path (essentially for a Papal veto to break a peace the Church promoted personally), forcing him to follow instead a “Balkan” path on the basis of the Bulgarian expansion towards Macedonia which risked to put Thrace, Thessalonika and South Greece to fall more under the pressure of the Khans of Pliska. Besides, despite his “Latin interests”, Constantine never betrayed his Greek roots, his mother made so to reaffirm the cultural upbringing of the father, especially by following the daily masses of Greek rite organized in the Palatine complex or in the halls of the building destined to the Dukes of Naples; with the exception of the Sundays or major Christian celebrations in Rome where he participated to the major Papal mass (usually in the Lateran, and in events such as Christmas and Easter in Saint Peter).

Constantine grew under general Christian orthodox (for both the two Churches) lines, but nevertheless was forced to take contact with the issue of the icons. In part because it was a matter more internal to the oriental communities of the Empire and so enough distant from Italy, in part because in the Imperial retinue weren’t present affiliates of heresies or sects such as the Paulicians. Constantine surely didn’t wanted to promote a policy of persecution and/or promotion of one side respect to another, despite according to certain historians he wasn’t entirely hostile to the iconoclastic stances, albeit not according to the Paulicians but more to the ones of the Bishops of Asia.

The Emperor in fact believed somehow the iconic stance of the Patriarchs of Rome and Constantinople came more for economical opportunism (taking opportunity from the exposition of the icons for the priest or monks by caught more money than necessary from the pilgrims), plus he didn’t like certain aspects of the popular devotion towards objects which seemed to preserve ancient pagan tendencies. However, under suggestion of Maria he confirmed to call after reaching adulthood a Council on the matter to see if the issue could be solved peacefully. Constantine promised to not interfere on the decision of the council if not as moderator, and however requested the presence of a delegation of Paulicians as well; hoping in that way to see a possible reconciliation and a return into orthodox lines for them.

Naturally, the decision of the place of the Council created the usual contrast between the two Churches, the Pope wanting an Italian location and the Patriarch of Constantinople a Greek one (but both agreed not in Anatolia, where the iconoclastic pressures were stronger); plus the necessary expenses to cover, and the necessary time to call from all of Europe and Mediterranean the participants to organize. It was however accepted after a long debate to host the council in Corinth, for various reasons. It was in Greece, but in an intermediate position between Rome and Constantinople; Constantine was interested to be in Greece proper, because he was intentioned at the same time to promote a campaign to liberate the territories north to Athens; and between the Hexamillion and the presence of the Byzantine fleet, it was considered an enough safe position. The council was planned for the autumn of 735, which allowed Maria to obtain from a reluctant clergy an extension of the temporal taxation of ecclesiastic properties in the Empire for other five years since the expiration of the original first term; the excuse was that time the Imperial court needed the necessary funds to host properly the council (food supplies, renovation of Corinth, goods for the various mass, spread of the invitations, security, etc) and the Imperial Church needed to make its part as well.

While the particulars of the Council were more defined, remained the issue to find a suitable wife for Constantine. In that way, arrived the suggestion from Atravasdos to propose the hand of the Tzitzak daughter of the Khagar of the Khazars Bihar from which the Kouropalatos made an alliance to fight together the Arab menace. The proposal was generally accepted in the Empire, from Maria to Constantine passing from the two patriarchs, hoping in a further improvement of the relations between Khazaria and Byzantium which could lead in a conversion of the former to Christianity.

In theory the wedding should have been hosted in Constantinople. Tzitzak arrived in the city during the autumn of 733 and the wedding was originally planned for the late summer of the next year when Constantine reached adulthood. However, the Khazar princess was still too young than expected, practically a child still, and it was considered somewhat inopportune to let Constantine marry an underage girl; so Maria pushed to celebrate the wedding prior of the Emperor’s sixteenth birthday, believing it was more acceptable marry two underage people instead to promote a marriage between an adult and a child.

The Dowager Empress then requested the immediate arrival of Tzitzak in Italy. The Patriarch of Constantinople, not happy of that decision (fearing that the Pope will celebrate the wedding), but not wanting neither to stall the situation, prepared the voyage of the princess, but he took his own precautions baptizing her officially in Hagia Sophia, allowing her to take the name Irene, and at the same time introducing her to religious texts in Greek.

Maria wasn’t informed of the unilateral act of the Patriarch when things were already done, and Irene was near to Italy. She wasn’t pleased, because she wanted her baptize to be taken in front of his future husband (through a ceremony in Greek rite, naturally), but she passed over the fact. Tensions however endured when arrived advices from the eastern Patriarchate to not promote a wedding hosted by the Pope, feeling it could further depreciate the religious position of Constantinople seeing the endured permanence of the Emperor in Italy; which brought of course to a quite heated reply from Gregory III. In the end, a compromise was reached; the Pope will be the main officer of the wedding, but an Greek deacon will support him in officiating the rite in his language.

According to the historians of the time, Constantine remained delighted of the docility of Irene, he was impressed of the fact she was so young, so he decided to wait some years still to do what she had to do with her until she reached the necessary maturity, respecting her as a good friend. Irene didn't gave him trouble to sort, gaining also his respect noticing how she spent part of her time to further develop her faith and reading books to increase her knowledge.

However, the celebration of the wedding at the start of 734 brought in the general attention of all Christianity the issue of the “Filioque”(intended as in the act of faith of this religion the Holy Ghost descended from both God Father and his Son for the Latin rite whereas in the Greek one descended only from the former): in fact, during the lecture of the Credo in both languages, who was present and knew both Latin and Greek noticed the in the former declaration the addiction of that word: included the same Emperor. As said before, Constantine had the possibility to follow masses both in Greek and in Latin, but he never noticed so far the difference in the two versions of the Credo; but when he heard both in comparison, he requested explanations about that diversification.

It was so reassumed to him the origin of that dispute, starting the explanation of the Holy Trinity which was assumed differently by the Greek rite through the theology of the Cappadocian fathers (which in substance claimed God Father as creator of the Son and only generator of the Holy Ghost) which was confirmed in the Council of Nicaea of 325 (so, recognized also by the Latin Rite), and by the Latin Rite which instead aligned later more over the theology of Agostine of Ippona through his De Trinitate (which declared the Ghost derived from both the Father and the Son under a personal interpretation of the promise of Christ to the Apostles at the Pentecost about the descend of a Spirit upon them, which the African theologian believed it was the Ghost; which was seen by him as a person derived by the Father and a gift conceded by the Son at the same time).

Agostine however badly knew the Greek and it was almost sure he never went in contact with the works of the Cappadocian fathers, so confounding the economical assets of the issue (the donation of the Holy Ghost to the humans for their own salvation) with the infratrinitarian ones (the relations between the Persons of the Holy Trinity) and merging both in a single amalgam. Considering the state of crisis the Western Empire was facing at the time, with the Eastern one having its own problems as well, the Greek theologians never had the possibility to contest the positions of Agostine, which were instead appreciated in the Latin rite area, poorly used to the knowledge of Greek as well. However, in the end the theologians of the Eastern Empire didn’t deny in principle the interpretation of Agostine as debatable along with other interpretations on the matter, always to not be declared as dogmatic truth in relation to the decisions of the Council of Nicaea.

The issue however appeared irrelevant until the rise of Arianism, which brought in 589 to the deliberations of the third council of Toledo: the Spanish Bishops in fact introduced formally the “filioque” into the Latin version of the Credo to reaffirm the divinity of Christ in relation to God Father to defeat the Arians; there wasn’t sign of maliciousness in their act, but if they defy the deliberations of the Council of 325 (which had ecumenical character while the one of 589 had only a national valence), was more to a scarce knowledge of the Greek theologians and the undisputed truths of Agostine from their side.

The deliberations of the Council of Toledo, albeit in the intention of the partecipants to be limited into the Iberian Church, found easy ground in the lands of the Franks, where Arianism still persisted and the knowledge of the Greek theologians was even more limited by the local clergy, which adopted immediately the “filioque” and was even more induced to support the Agostinian theology; a mindset which took gradually stance across Italy as well after the fall of Spain and the crisis of the peninsula, considering the Frank Church found suddenly itself as major cultural centre of Western Christianity and bulwark against the barbarians of the East, the Islamic invaders of the South-West, and the heretics in the Middle, and destined to become further reaffirmed in its role after Poitiers.

As towards the end of VII century Arianism was considered already defeated in Francia as in Spain, still the use of the filioque remained ingrained into the Frank and Iberian clergy, and above all in the former (considering the latter had few influence even in its own region after the Arab invasion).

However, the Popes of those times weren’t exactly fond of the issue of the filioque. It doesn’t have to be surprising, considering that Rome was Byzantine territory and the Lateran was in continue contact with Constantinople; so the Papal See was more informed about the theologian discussions in the East, and more inclined to stick on the deliberations of 325. Still, the various Popes neither contested the Council of Toledo, which brought Visigoth Spain to abandon Arianism and gave at the time arguments for the French clergy to fight the heretics, so they couldn’t so easily take stance against their position or contest the De Trinitate; plus the Eastern theologians neglected the matter as well, in part for limited knowledge of the Western events and in part because the same Popes didn’t support or showed to support openly the filioque matter, so for them as well was a not relevant issue.

In theory, Gregory III shouldn’t have the necessity to insert the “filioque” word in the enunciation of the Latin Credo during Constantine’s wedding, but he was somewhat forced by external pressures. It happened in the immediate outcome of the peace of Sutri Liutprand returned in Pavia, passing a kingdom in murmur for the double defeat achieved in few years by the Lombards; there weren’t yet voices of open rebellion but the King needed to reinforce his position somehow.

In his aid, came the Lombard clergy, quite displeased by the concessions gave to the Bishop of Rome and at the same time worried by an Imperial resurgence in Italy which could impose gradually the Greek rite in the peninsula. So far, they remained outside from the issue of the filioque promoted by the Franks, but at the actual conditions they believed it could have reinforced the position of the Catholic Church in Langobardia Maior against penetrations of the Orientals; at the same time they started to show a further rigidity towards the Agostinian theology (which was the red line the Greeks didn’t want for the Latins to cross). They didn’t openly call for a national council as for Toledo, but sent a delegation to Rome to pressure Gregory to adopt the use of the filioque in all of the territory of the Patriarchate of Rome, so for all of Western Europe.

Naturally, Gregory caught immediately the risks of this acceptation in the relations between Papacy and Empire and West and East, so he attempted to pacify the issue or at least to contain it the most possible. But when the Lombards let him know the eventual intention to made a separate council to debate unilaterally over the matter excluding Rome from any outcome, he partially folded, allowing them to use at their own discretion in the Lombard territories to use the filioque term, on the basis as he allowed the French to use it, it could allow to the Lombards to do the same, albeit he convinced them to not force him to enact bulls of sort, because it could have been used by the Imperials to wage war to Langobardia Maior declaring its inhabitants heretics.

Recognizing their Kingdom wasn’t ready for a new conflict, the Lombard bishops agreed to not push further the issue at the moment; but, when arrived the news of the impositions coming from Constantinople regards the marriage of Constantine, and the acceptation of the Greek deacon as co-celebrator of the ceremony, they requested the Pope to not allow himself to not be further humiliated and as sort of match to introduce the “filioque” during the Latin Credo. Gregory bowed to that request to not risk a strain with the Lombards, considering it was however only for a time and that probably nobody will take notice; naturally, it went all to the opposite when Constantine realized the sudden incongruence during his wedding ceremony.

In truth, the Lombards and the Pope managed during 733 to keep low in Rome the debate over the filioque, saw as an internal affair of the Patriarchate of the Eternal City and discussed mostly in private, so neither Constantine nor Maria (besides around Imperial Italy for part of the year), or other of the Imperial court, caught was going on in the halls of the Lateran; plus the Lombard Bishops started the use of the filioque at the end of that year, so the Imperials didn’t have possibility to notice that change as distracted by the issues of the Council and the wedding.

Constantine was left puzzled. According to the historians of the time, he read both the books of Agostine and the scripts of the Cappadocians, but he naturally knew of Nicaea so about the matter was more inclined to refuse the filioque enunciation. At the same time, he recognized with the Pope Agostine wasn’t at fault at all but there was more a misinterpretation of his enunciations, especially in the deliberations of Toledo, even if for a good cause such as the destruction of the Arian heresy. The Emperor anyway agreed to keep the issue ignored for the moment as was more urgent the issue of the icons and he didn’t want to jeopardize the imminent council with two matters at the time.

Still, across 734 the fact the Lombards used more frequently the filioque in their enunciations of the Credo started to spread across Italy, and from there arrived to Constantinople, causing some concern in the Patriarchate of the city, with Germanus (1) asking explanations to the Pope and the Emperor. In truth he knew in a undertone way of the issue of the filioque in the Frank territories from his exchanges from Rome, but as his predecessors he closed an eye considering an issue not relevant and contained, acceptable to fight the Arian heresy in the West; but now, the Lombard bishops started to use that word as well, and not to fight an heresy, but in open defiance of the Greek rite.

In agreement, Constantine and Gregory attempted to do a sort of “damage control” with Germanus stating it wasn’t nothing of so extremely worrying and still containable, it was nothing more than a new match launched by the Lombards to upset the Empire more than a defiance towards Nicaea, and the priority was in the end to solve the matter of the icons. Germanus wasn’t fully convinced but he agreed to wait to take a definitive stance until he finally encounter the Emperor after fifteen years. Still, from Thrace to Anatolia, and then to the rest of the Oriental Churches, a sense of uncertainty was growing: the Western Church was somewhat defying the resolutions of the first ecumenical council? There was an attempt from Rome to subvert the balance of the two rites in its favour, and not only from a religious side but also from a political one? And what was the real role of the Emperor in all of this?

And considering that Frank and Lombard delegates on behalf of the Latin Church were invited to participate at the imminent council of Corinth, Constantine was unaware of the situation he was getting into…

(1) As Constantine doesn’t takes TTL an iconoclast stance, Germanus is still Patriarch of Constantinople at the time.
 
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Can you tell me the exact point you notice this? Maybe or I made a narration mistake or I explained bad the situation...

On the other side, Constantine thrived to lead soon his armies to the retrieval of lost Imperial territories, also impressed by the victories in the last war with the Lombards but also by the triumph of the Franks at Poitiers in late 732; which after Sutri made him quite impossible to follow for the moment an “Italian” path (essentially for a Papal veto to break a peace the Church promoted personally), forcing him to follow instead a “Balkan” path on the basis of the Bulgarian expansion towards Macedonia which risked to put Thrace, Thessalonika and South Greece to fall more under the pressure of the Khans of Pliska. Besides, despite his “Latin interests”, Constantine never betrayed his Greek roots, his mother made so to reaffirm the cultural upbringing of the father, especially by following the daily masses of Greek rite organized in the Palatine complex or in the halls of the building destined to the Dukes of Naples; with the exception of the Sundays or major Christian celebrations in Rome where he participated to the major Papal mass (usually in the Lateran, and in events such as Christmas and Easter in Saint Peter).

Msybe I read something wrong, but it seems like he's leading some kind of military action...
 
The deliberations of the Council of Toledo found easier ground in the lands of the Franks, where Arianism was more strong and the knowledge of the Greek theologians was even more limited by the local clergy
Unless it's involving an earlier PoD, you're quite wrong there.

1) Visigothic councils in particular, but basically every regional councils, weren't intended to be automatically enforced in all christianity. They were far more local organisation of the churches, ruled by episcopal and royal authority.
Visigothic councils particularly tied that up.

2) Arianism was certainly not stronger in Francia, Aquitaine or Burgundy. It was superficial up to VIth centuty and virtually disappeared afterwards.
 
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