Hope Is On The Way

THE REGION THAT KEEPS ON GIVING

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The nation was behind their President, but things were going to get tougher before they could get better. Over the course of January, February, and March, violence in Iraq was on the incline. The number of troop deaths had increased dramatically, and one event in particular sparked calls to reevaluate President Kerry's plan. The al-Askari Mosque bombing occurred at 6:44 a.m. on February 22nd in the Iraqi City of Samarra. The bombing was not as bad as it could have been. Between 600 and 800 people died in the attack, but it could've been worse - those who planned it had intended to use two bombs during the attack, but when several of the co-conspirators were nowhere to be found on the day of the bombing, the others used only one bomb. Much of the Mosque was destroyed, and the evidence pointed to Al-Qaeda. The President was mad that more hadn't been done to prevent the attack, but the CIA wasn't aware of what had happened. The bombing of the Mosque was the kind of evidence that Senator McCain and the rest of the "Three Amigos" were waiting for to roadblock Kerry's plan for withdrawal. The President consulted with his national security team.

General Casey was no longer as enthusiastic about the plan. The people who had bombed the Mosque were members of Al Qaeda, but early evidence suggested that some of them were Iraqi military and police, or, at the very least, they were able to steal uniforms for those positions. On top of that, Iraqi officials were responsible for protecting the Mosque and had been easily subdued and tied up so that the perpetrators could go through with their plan. It was a humiliating sign of weakness for the Iraqi forces. General Casey stressed that the timetable may need to be stretched out and, instead of withdrawing by 2008, withdraw by 2009. The President wasn't convinced. "We would be stretching our troops too thin," he argued. There were several options on the table, and Kerry wasn't sure which way to go.

He could simply ignore the Mosque bombing and go through with the timetable as he had planned. The plan could draw criticism, but the violence could correct itself. He could throw away his timetable and do the opposite: increase U.S. troop levels in the nation to combat the growing violence. General Casey did not support this plan. He argued that by increasing the number of American forces in Iraq, it would only make it easier for Iraq to shift the blame for their own failings to the United States, that was something Casey and the President both saw as problematic. No one really supported the surge plan, but it had been suggested by Senator McCain who called for such a surge. President Kerry could also lengthen the time involved in his timetable. Instead of having forces out by May 2008, he could get them out later in the year or in early-2009, but Kerry feared doing that would cause the military to be too weak during the dangerous summer months, and he couldn't support that. At the moment, Kerry was planning to cut-and-run. It wasn't something Kerry had really wanted to do, but he saw no better approach. Staying the course in regards to the timetable was the best solution.

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The weight of the decision burdened Kerry. The President's hair was grayer, his hair line receding, his usual droopy face looked even more tired, and he suffered from fatigue. The media had picked up on it and argued that he had aged the worst in modern history, including Bill Clinton - and Kerry was only a year in. Stephanie Cutter had seen the President's mood deteriorate and she was especially concerned. As a spokesperson for the campaign, she had seen the toll the campaign had taken on the Senator, but now that he was president, Kerry's appearance was growing older and older. She herself had felt the burdens of the office. She was only 37 years old, but she was exhausted - physically, mentally. She hadn't expected the job to be what it was. She was only a spokesperson, but now she was sitting in on intelligence briefings, and she was the one generals contacted when something in Iraq or Afghanistan went horribly wrong. It hadn't been an easy transition, but in terms of organizing the administration's direction she was a pro. She worked the Hill like it was putty in her hands, and she was ready to combat the Three Amigos, as long as Kerry didn't give up in the face of opposition.

The President was torn, and it didn't help that at this moment past presidents were hoping to get involved. Jimmy Carter publicly denounced Senator McCain in hopes of encouraging the President to stay the course with his plan. Bill Clinton had visited the Oval Office, telling Kerry to stay strong, and former President George W. Bush was silent, until President Kerry decided to seek his advice. Since Kerry left office, books upon books have been published on his relationship with former President Bush. The two were enemies on the campaign trail, but in reality they had become quite good friends. Bush was always phoned by Kerry on important matters involving Iraq and Afghanistan, and most historians agree that no one other than Bush could relate to President Kerry. Even Bill Clinton couldn't - despite being President, he had presided over the country during eight years of prosperity, he didn't get the War in Iraq like Bush did. Cutter, Hagel, and others in the President's inner-circle hated when Kerry phoned Bush. Because the two never agreed, it seemed like Kerry was just asking to fill his head with doubt. This time was no different. When President Kerry sat in the Oval Office and called Bush, he had asked the President what he thought about the Mosque bombing and the increased violence in general. Bush urged Kerry to reconsider his plan and look seriously at a troop surge. The two discussed and debated the pros and cons and after their phone call, Kerry called his national security team back at midnight. "I want to see a report on the effects of a troop surge in Iraq, in the next 24 hours." Was it a sign that Kerry was reconsidering his plan to withdraw the troops?

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While Iraq was engulfed in the mess, tensions with Israel had increased since the stroke of Ariel Sharon. Palestine was fidgeting and Israel was readying their troops. The President was not prepared to deal with war on the Gaza Strip, not now. He wasn't preparing to get involved unless something actually happened, but he was committed to helping Israel and the Palestinian people resolve their conflict, and he called a meeting comprising of Secretaries Hagel and Biden, Stephanie, and other members of his national security team: he wanted to know what he could do to help the two sides bring peace to a conflict that began in the 1940's. Hagel had a "screw Israel" attitude while Biden was less hostile, expressing his own desire to bring peace to the West Bank.

On the campaign trail in 2004, Kerry hadn't spoke out much about Israel, and he was often viewed as pro-Israel, but the truth was Kerry wasn't as comfortable with the nation as his image projected. While Kerry came down on the side of Israel throughout his Senate Career, he had often felt that sometimes the nation got away with too much. Still, if he had to pick sides: his side would be Israel, and that's why when Chuck Hagel went on television and blasted Israel, calling the nation "hostile" and a "trouble maker" Kerry was stunned and unsure of what to do next. Republicans called for his immediate resignation, and they were joined by some Democrats. Israel, of course, was offended, and the pro-Israel community was less than supportive of Hagel keeping his position. The President wasn't so eager about firing Hagel. Hagel had spoken his mind, and, in a weak sense, Kerry agreed with the sentiment, but over the next few days the controversy of Hagel's presence in the administration was too much, and the Secretary of Defense submitted his resignation to President Kerry, urging him to accept it so that his administration could move on. "The Republicans don't want me here, the Israeli Community here in America doesn't want me here," Hagel said, "and the Republicans in Congress will roadblock your defense agenda as long as I'm here. Please accept my resignation, Mr. President." And, on March 27, 2006, John Kerry announced that Chuck Hagel would be leaving his position as Secretary of Defense, and as he did so he scorned the Republican Party for playing politics at the expense of a distinguished public servant's career.

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Secretary Hagel's resignation came at one of the worst possible times. The President had been briefed on the potential of an Iraqi Troop Surge, and he was unconvinced. President Kerry decided to stay the course with his plan for withdrawal, but the emphasis on aiding Iraqi forces would be increase along with the amount of training they would go through - Kerry didn't want to leave Iraq, only to be drawn back a few years down the line. So with Kerry's plan going forward, and Hagel's resignation, appointing a successor for the now ex-Secretary of Defense was a top priority for the Kerry Administration. President Kerry called on Vice President Edwards and Stephanie Cutter to join him in making the decision. Kerry had two names: General Casey and Jane Harman. Harman had been seriously considered for Secretary of Homeland Security and had been thought about for Secretary of Defense briefly during the transition, but Kerry wasn't sure. She was certainly qualified, and the President would welcome her expertise. There was also the idea of promoting General Casey. Casey's promotion would commit the President to his plan for withdrawal and would send a clear message to Congressional Republicans. On the flip side, the President wanted Casey in charge of Iraq and he didn't want his responsibilities burdened by inner-department politics and other frivolous responsibilities, he needed him focused on Iraq. And so, the President made history by appointing the first female Secretary of Defense: Jane Harman. Harman went on to be easily confirmed by the United States Senate.

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The tension between Kerry and Congressional Republicans was proof that the Mid Term elections were fast-approaching. The President's approval rating was at 52% (pretty good for an incumbent this far along in his administration) and the timetable in Iraq had high approval across the board. Those two factors were enough to give the Democrats a surprising edge in holding on to the Senate and reclaiming the House. Both sides were at work to make sure that their party came out on top on Election Day. No matter what, it was going to be a close battle for control of Congress. Both chambers were close to flipping party control, and President Kerry was working hard to get Democrats back on top in the House and keep them in control in the Senate. Vice President Edwards travelled the nation in hopes of earning Democratic support while Republican surrogates included John McCain and Mitt Romney. The President's ability to pass legislation he wanted through congress was at stake with the elections, and he didn't want to risk anything.
 
RALLYING THE BASE

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The 2006 Mid Term elections marked a low point in electoral history. Though the elections were no more negative than previous years and they weren't as expensive as past elections, turnout was surprisingly low and both sides had difficulty in enthusing their base to get out and vote. There were numerous factors. In general, Americans had gotten somewhat sick of politics. President Kerry's domestic failings in those first 100 days showed them that Washington didn't work. In 2005, Senator Bill Frist and Congressman Tom DeLay, both members of party leadership, were investigated for corruption. His 2000 Senatorial Campaign came under heavy scrutiny and Frist eventually earned the title as one of Congress's most corrupt members. While Frist maintained his position as Senate Minority Leader, his job was in danger. Republicans were growing tired of his ways and were ultimately unsatisfied with the stain he had left on the party. Frist announced he would not seek reelection in 2006. In the House, Tom DeLay was run right out of his leadership position due to money laundering. He was replaced by Roy Blunt, a Missouri Congressman.

While Vice President Edwards took the lead on campaigning for Democrats, President Kerry was by his side. They focused on reclaiming the House and keeping control of the Senate. In a massive grassroots effort, and thanks to Cutter's political genius, supporters from Kerry's presidential campaign were contacted as early as September 2005 about their House, Senate, and Gubernatorial races and how they could help Democrats win. They were emailed monthly until July when those emails turned to weekly, and by late-September they became daily updates. Still, the internet had not reached its influence on campaigns yet, and so other methods were still utilized. Kerry and Edwards toured the nation campaigning for Democrats, pointing to the resolution of Iraq as their biggest success. They also talked about the tax cuts that President Kerry had pushed through Congress. John Edwards delivered the summation of their message at one rally for Jim Webb, who was running against Senator George Allen. Edwards said, "If you measure how good an administration is by the number of bills signed, we probably lose, but if you measure the success on an administration based on what they've done to push America forward, well, we've won!"

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Despite this, Democrats (who typically produce smaller turnout in Mid Term elections than Republicans) weren't overly excited to get out and help Kerry. The anti-war movement was, and they got out and campaigned, but there were plenty of Democrats who simply didn't care enough. On top of that, Republicans were playing to their base by campaigning against Iraq. They argued that the President was playing politics with the safety of the nation, and while that appealed to the hawks within the party, most Republicans understood just how unpopular it was to say you were pro-Iraq in those days. The hate for the war itself was boiling over and some Republicans, and especially Independents, were alienated by the Republican Party's pro-Iraq message. Of course, Senator McCain, who was arguably the chief crusader for the GOP, was not ashamed. He believed in the mission in Iraq and cared passionately about talking about the benefits from the war, as difficult as it was. It came to the point when some Republicans asked their dear friend John to simply stay in Arizona instead of campaigning with them.

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John McCain wasn't the only Republican crusader. Governor Mitt Romney, who retired due to his own unpopularity in Massachusetts, was gaining attention across the nation. He was out campaigning for several close friends, especially in gubernatorial races. Most believed that it was a sign Romney was considering a presidential bid in 2008, but Romney brushed off the speculation and campaigned for Republicans nationwide. Romney was the favored surrogate for several reasons, but the main one was he wasn't tied to the Iraq War. While Romney had supported the war effort, unquestionably, he got on the stump and talked about his roots as a businessman and how as a Republican Governor in one of the most Democratic states he had been able to work with a largely Democratic Legislature to pass an agenda that the GOP could be proud of. Romney's support was appreciated by those Senators and Congressmen and Governors who were locked in tough races for reelection. Romney was very committed to helping out the party, and he was sure that he could gain support for a presidential bid by assisting Republicans in need of help.

There were several close races around the country. In terms of the Senate, there were close races in Virginia, Minnesota, and Missouri - to name a few. There were close fights for the Governor's Mansion in Iowa, Illinois, and Colorado - among others. In New England, Democrats hoped to wipe the region out of Republican Congress(wo)men, which forced one respected Congresswoman, Nancy Johnson of Connecticut's 5th District, to air a television ad implying her opponent, Chris Murphy, was friends with drug dealers. While on the national, broad level the fight for Congress was relatively clean, at the roots it was a bitter election, and it was a fight between the left and the right. As Election Day would show, the results were determined by who could get their party to the polls, with the number of Independents (and all voters) who showed up to vote unusually low.
 
I'm going to post the remaining updates I have written out and then post the plans I had, the timeline's more of a chore for me now. Thanks to the supporters of it though, you kept me going longer than I'd planned.
 
FOR THE SECOND TIME IN A ROW

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Democrats had a very positive night on November 7, 2006. For the second time in a row, an incumbent party made gains in terms of House Seats, but the Senate remained exactly the same with one Democratic gain being cancelled out by a single Republican gain. The House was a very big bright spot for the party, however, with the Democrats picking-up 15 seats. The anti-War movement accelerated Kerry's party to victory after the disgust for the war evolved into an enthusiasm for the party. The thinking was, "If they could end the war with a Republican Congress, imagine what they'd do with a Democratic Congress." Still, historians and pundits were dumbfounded by the sheer number of victories the Democrats produced. They still fell through in wiping out New England of Republican representatives, however, with Chris Shays and Rob Simmons (both of Connecticut) and Jeb Bradley of New Hampshire barely winning reelection fights. Nancy Pelosi declared the results "an overwhelming mandate" and the results were positive news to John Kerry who felt he could finally pass some parts of his domestic agenda without Dennis Hastert breathing down his neck.

There were several races around the nation that deserve special attention and the first is the race for U.S. Senate in Connecticut. Incumbent Joseph Lieberman, the leading Democratic voice against the Kerry Administration's efforts in Iraq, was defeated in a close primary by Ned Lamont, a progressive Democrat who inspired the liberals in Connecticut who felt left behind by Lieberman. Senator Lieberman then made an improbable move: he ran for the U.S. Senate as a political Independent. Lieberman's chances were surprisingly high. He was running against Lamont again, but the Republican in the race was little-known Alan Schlesinger. Schlesinger was more than a man with a funny name, he was the mayor of Derby, Connecticut, but had been going to casinos under the alias "Alan Gold" because he was a card counter. It came to the point where the very popular (and Republican) incumbent Governor, M. Jodi Rell, called on Schlesinger to bow out of the race. Though Schlesinger staid in the race, he wasn't much of a factor - serving more as a spoiler in the race. The real race was between Lieberman and Lamont, again, and quite the race it was. Lamont fought hard against Lieberman and was supported by President Kerry, Vice President Edwards, and the majority of the Democratic Party. Any Democrats who contemplated supporting Lieberman chose not do so in fear it would hurt themselves and their political futures. It was not wise to go against your President if you wanted to look good in front of the party. Ultimately, most Democratic heavyweights were chased away from Lieberman and joined Lamont. Though Lieberman had solid Republican endorsements, Connecticut was a Democratic State and those endorsements would not be as beneficial as he may have expected. Lieberman played the victim, arguing that the seat was going to be stolen from the people of Connecticut, but Lieberman was fighting a losing battle. For the first time there was a promise of ending the Iraq War, a plan was already in place, and our troops were going to come home, supporting Lieberman would mean reversing all of that. On Election Day, Lieberman lost by 3.5% of the vote, and conceded the election to Lamont.

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The most exciting victory for Democrats was their single pickup: Pennsylvania. Senator Rick Santorum, known for his controversial comments on issues like abortion and gay marriage, suffered a humiliating defeat in his bid for reelection. There were some big obstacles in Rick's path to reelection, the first of which was a more trivial matter: his residency. Santorum's opponent, Bob Casey, had called into question Santorum's integrity. On its own, the fact that Rick Santorum had a home in Virginia and spent most of his time there, was not that unusual for a sitting Senator or Congressman, but in order to win a seat to the U.S. House in 1990, Rick Santorum attacked his opponent for not spending enough time in the state and thereby painting him as out of touch. The move came back to bite Santorum in the rear as the same attack was levied against him by Pennsylvania Democrats 16 years later. On top of that, and more importantly, were Santorum's controversial opinions on Same-Sex Marriage and abortion. Both were controversial issues to begin with, but Santorum's opinions were well-outside of the main stream. As James Carville is known for saying, Pennsylvania is Pittsburg on one side, Philadelphia on the other, and Alabama right down the middle. The section he was describing as "Alabama" favored Santorum and largely supported his views, but the liberals and Independents, especially those within the cities, were scared off by Santorum. His support for privatizing social security was among one of the biggest setbacks to his campaign. Ultimately, Santorum was slaughtered in his battle for reelection, losing by 12%. It was enough to end his political career.

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Then there was Washington, the one seat that Republicans managed to pick-up. Congresswoman Cathy McMorris-Rodgers, who was originally elected to the House in 2004, decided to run for U.S. Senate instead of running for another term in the House. It was a risky move, but one that paid off. Because of Maria Cantwell's appointment was Secretary of Energy, Lieutenant Governor Brad Owen was appointed to fill her seat. Owen was well-liked in Washington and had great respect, but he was unable to tie McMorris-Rodgers to the rest of the D.C. Republicans. She was silent on the issue of Iraq and when the media pressed her response was, "The matter's been resolved, and the President has put forward a plan to withdraw our troops." But Cathy's greatest appeal was to mothers who could relate to Cathy. Congresswoman Rodgers had a personal connection to the voters and used it to her advantage. She was personable and she spent time talking with voters and meeting them one-on-one. They liked the image of a young woman with real dreams for the future of Washington. Her image plus her respect from Veterans' Groups across the nation earned her a victory in the U.S. Senate race by just under 1,000 votes. Mrs. Rodgers was going to Washington.

One race that didn't receive much national attention, but one that did receive the attention of Democratic Senator Tom Daschle, was in South Dakota - the governor's race there. Governor Rounds was the incumbent there and when he signed a controversial bill to ban most abortions, the Democrats moved in - partly motivated by Daschle himself who saw Rounds as a threat to him down-the-line. Remember, Daschle had barely survived reelection against John Thune, a young Congressman with little record, facing-off against a two-term governor in the near future would be far more difficult for Daschle. The Democrats started early and hammered Rounds repeatedly in hopes of destroying his reputation, and they did. In the midst of the abortion debate, Rounds announced he would not seek reelection as Governor of South Dakota - this was something the Democrats hadn't anticipated. They figured they would simply destroy Rounds later that year, but Rounds stepped aside and in his place came none other than John Thune. The dashing former Congressman who had barely lost the last two Senate races in the state had immense name recognition and while Daschle tried his hardest against Thune, the voters were heard and in November they replaced Governor Mike Rounds with another Republican, John Thune. With Thune in and Rounds out, Daschle was even more nervous than before, but John Thune maintained he was focused on serving a full term as Governor of South Dakota.

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After millions of dollars, millions of speeches, and millions of votes the composition of the U.S. Senate remained the same, though there was significant turn-over in the gubernatorial elections. The Democrats were still relieved, they had picked-up 15 seats in the House, and that was an impressive and commanding referendum. Despite historical trends from the past, both George W. Bush and John Kerry had seen their party make gains in their first Mid Term elections. Had the trend been rebuked? Time would tell, but so far the people were interested in progress and they had seen it from John Kerry. The President's approval rating was hovering around 51% and that was fairly strong for an incumbent this far along in his administration. Kerry was optimistic, but so were some eager Republicans who planned to take back the White House after being shut out for ten of the last fourteen years. Both sides were manning their stations, the road to the White House was about to begin.

First, though, Kerry was planning on doing some actual work. With a Democratic Congress in place he wanted to address issues like immigration reform and gun control, and he really wanted to make progress - there was a chance he would only have another two years to get anything done. Bill Clinton had called Kerry to congratulate him and was optimistic about Kerry's chances at reelection. The President had also been called by a close personal friend on Election Night, Senator Ted Kennedy. Kennedy congratulated Kerry on a job well-done, theirs was a friendship that both men had been happy to have. In fact, Kennedy's behind-the-scenes string pulling had helped Kerry win the nomination and it never hurt to have the Kennedys on your side. Kerry would appreciate that in the coming months as he pushed through a domestic agenda.
 
PREPARING FOR A NEW DIRECTION

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The 2006 MidTerm elections posed some deeper problems for both parties. The Democrats had not had the turnout among women, students, and other minorities that they had hoped for. While they're foreign politics were right, there were few actual votes in foreign policy, and their lack of substantial domestic achievements proved serious. Congressional Republicans had much more to worry about. Even though Democrats didn't have the turnout among minorities that they had expected, those minorities still went overwhelmingly for Democrats and Republicans needed to broaden their tent. The Republicans had also always benefited from elections when foreign policy was the number one focus, but not in 2006. It served as a harsh reminder to them that unpopular wars gained little votes and that their overly-hawkish attitudes would need to be calmed moving forward. While some Republicans, like John McCain, just wouldn't back down, the majority realized that the issue of Iraq was best ignored, and so the focus turned to attacking Kerry's domestic agenda and Democrats hoped to use their new majorities to form that agenda. With a new congress convening, both sides were eager to produce some major shake-ups to their party leaderships.

Senator Tom Daschle of South Dakota announced he would run for one final term as the Senate Democratic Leader. Daschle had broad support within the Democrat caucus, though it was not as strong as it had once been. No senator challenged Daschle for the position. Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the Senate Democratic Whip, was defeated for reelection by Senator Dick Durbin of Illinois. Durbin had been hoping that Daschle could retire so he could earn his way into leadership, but he decided to challenge Reid for the Whip post anyways, arguing that a new face would help the president get his domestic agenda through Congress. The challenge was unlikely, given that Reid and Durbin were on relatively good terms, but Durbin saw the need for a change of leadership - someone more willing to work with Republicans and keep the Democrats in-check - if there was any hope of passing President Kerry's domestic agenda.

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With Bill Frist retiring as a United States Senator, the position of Senate Minority Leader was left vacant. Kentucky Senator Mitch McConnell and Arizona Senator Jon Kyl sought the position to replace Frist and Kyl, who had much broader support across the caucus, won the seat. Jim Talent, who had recently defeated Claire McCaskill in a tough battle for reelection, sought the position of Republican Senate Whip. While Texas Senator John Cornyn had considered running for the post, he ultimately shied away when he saw the support for Talent. With Kyl and Talent as the Republican Senate Leaders, it signaled a new direction, but changing leaders wasn't enough. With a few exceptions, the caucus agreed to move past the War in Iraq and focus on attacking President Kerry's domestic agenda, which would likely focus on gun control and immigration reform. There was also a presidential election to worry about, and focusing too heavily on the Iraq War would be a bad decision to make for the party moving into that election.

The biggest victory for Democrats on Election Night 2006 was their successes in the House elections across the nation. Democrats had successfully reclaimed a majority in the House after losing it in 1994. They decided on their candidate for speaker: Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi. Pelosi had stepped-up to the plate when Dick Gephardt left office to be a candidate for President, and she was rewarded by becoming the first female speaker in United States History. By her side would be Steny Hoyer, a Democrat from Maryland, who would serve as House Majority Leader for the Democrats, and John Larson of Connecticut became the House Majority Whip. Democrats in the House were confronted by a wide spread of newcomers, some of whom were more moderate than the respectably liberal leadership. Pelosi, Hoyer, and Larson would need to maintain party unity in order to achieve success for their domestic programs and policies.

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With the loss of a Republican House in 2006, Dennis Hastert announced he would not seek the position of House Minority Leader, and so the Republican House Caucus voted unanimously to keep Roy Blunt (who was acting Republican House Leader) as the official House Minority Leader. By his side would be influential Congressman John Boehner of Ohio. The Republicans in the House, much like those in the Senate, were hopeful that a unified front could prevent wide success for President Kerry's domestic agenda. They hoped that several moderate Democrats would join them on key issues like gun control and immigration reform in hopes of winning reelection in 2008. While it was a long shot, Blunt and Boehner prepared to get down to work to eventually reclaim the House in two years, it would be unlikely, but possible. Again, Congressional Republicans decided to drop loud opposition to the Iraq War's ending, but Senator McCain continued to be an outspoken critic of President Kerry's actions, severing one of his closest friendships in Washington.

While Republicans and Democrats on the Hill fought over their new directions, agendas, proposals, and leaderships, former President Gerald Ford passed away on December 26, 2006. Ford was the only Vice President to ascend to the President thanks to resignation, pardoned Richard Nixon in the wake of the Watergate scandal, was the last-serving member of the Warren Commission, and, despite only serving in the Presidency for 895 days (and never being elected to the position), Gerald Ford was the longest-living ex-President. Ford's state funeral was planned and John Kerry braced himself for one of the more somber meetings of the Presidents Club - a club Kerry had grown quite fond of over his two years in office. His personal friendships with George W. Bush and Bill Clinton, were strong and Kerry relied on them heavily for guidance. The dynamics of the Bush/Kerry relationship were especially interesting as the two men had been locked in a nasty presidential election just two years earlier, but Kerry confided in Bush and Bush was respectful of President Kerry in that regard. The American people had made their decision and Bush was going to have to come to terms with that.

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The national service for Gerald Ford was held on January 2, 2007, at the National Cathedral in Washington. Former President George W. Bush delivered a eulogy, as did his father former President George H.W. Bush. President Kerry also delivered a eulogy, where he praised President Ford's commitment to doing the right thing, regardless of the pressures that were placed on him, regardless of the scrutiny he received from the media, and regardless of what the politicos said. Kerry said that he viewed this as admirable, and saying he joined the "entire nation" in an "extended period of mourning - mourning for the loss of a beloved friend and a beloved public servant." Ford's funeral was not as well-viewed on television as former President Reagan's had been, but it was just as somber an occasion. Ford's presidency would be debated in the weeks and months after his death, with his pardon of Richard Nixon being his defining moment.

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With a former president buried, it was time for the incumbent president to lay out his agenda for the next year. The President had ideas in mind, and was optimistic that the Democratic majorities in both Houses would be able to help in pushing through his agenda. The road ahead would not be easy, and because his reelection was just around the corner, it would be difficult for Kerry to pass more controversial legislation on "wedge" issues, but that wasn't going to completely stop Kerry. Just before his State of the Union Address, Chief of Staff Stephanie Cutter announced her resignation from the Kerry Administration as she prepared to run President Kerry's bid for reelection. There were rumors of a possible primary challenge from former Senator Joe Lieberman, and though the administration wasn't worried, they were more concerned about the potential for a Republican victory. Cutter's political expertise would be handy in any bid for reelection. She was replaced by Congressman Marty Meehan of Massachusetts, who was ultimately replaced in the House by Niki Tsongas, wife of the late Senator Paul Tsongas.
 
POLITICAL POSTURING

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January 2007 marked the beginning of Republican efforts to wage a fight against John Kerry in his reelection battle. One name that got a lot of speculation was Arizona Senator John McCain. McCain and Kerry had been somewhat close and Kerry had briefly considered McCain for the position as his running mate in 2004, but since Kerry's announcement on the Iraq War, John McCain severed their relationship. Calling Kerry irresponsible, McCain was the candidate for foreign policy hawks within the Republican Party, but polls between him and Kerry showed the Arizona Senator doing miserably, with political pundits arguing that he was a fringe candidate. The heat was on and McCain just didn't care. He openly flirted with the idea of running for President, and promised that should he run he wouldn't be afraid to stand up and fight for what he believed in. "I'm a maverick," McCain explained, "and I couldn't care less what the media thinks of me." So, it was becoming clear that John McCain was readying to run a presidential campaign based almost exclusively on the idea that the United States should finish through on efforts in Iraq. It was a terribly unpopular platform, and hypothetical polling showed him below most of the other potential contenders.

Former Mayor of New York Rudy Giuliani was one of the top contenders for the Republican Nomination. Giuliani, also known as America's Mayor, was acclaimed for his response to the terrorist attacks in the wake of 9/11. Giuliani's positions on some other issues were troublesome for more conservative voters. Speculation on Giuliani was a result of significant name recognition, and pundits failed to see how a more moderate, former Democrat could possibly win in the Republican primaries. As soon as Republicans started paying attention, they argued, America's Mayor would become no one's president. Still, Giuliani was working the rounds, fundraising as well as wining and dining. Speculation increased when he announced a tour of New Hampshire and South Carolina, two early and critical primary states. His trip to South Carolina was seen as an attempt to rally among the conservative base, but that was going to be harder than he had expected.

Then there was Mitt Romney. Romney, the former Governor of Massachusetts, was the kind of politician who said what he needed to say to get elected. He ran against Ted Kennedy in 1994, and ran as a pro-choice candidate who would support some elements of universal health care. In 2002, he was elected to the Governorship of Massachusetts and as Governor he implemented one of the most state-run health care systems in the nation. As he prepared to run for President, he flip-flopped on numerous issues to appeal to more conservative Republicans. For this reason, Romney was deemed as the kind of stereotypical politician people had grown tired of. Still, moderates looked to some of his policies and found them attractive while conservatives liked him in comparison to Giuliani and McCain, this distinction put Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina (the first three states in the primary calendar) in play for him - that was a huge advantage. On top of that, Romney "looked" like a president, had solid business credentials, and had the personal finances to pay for his own ticket to Pennsylvania Avenue.

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Then there were more dark horse candidates, and the only female politician in speculation was Senator Elizabeth Dole. Since her election in 2002, Dole had an eye on the White House in 2008. She had the experience and the desire to run, and she spent her time in the Senate earning respect among her colleagues. Her approvals in North Carolina were somewhat high, though falling, but despite this she had great respect among her colleagues in the Republican Senate Caucus, modeling herself after her husband's political career. She hoped that this could boost a potential campaign. Because she was a woman in a party that was viewed as anti-woman, she received heavy speculation, and she was considering it. She and Bob had met with their inner circle and started to test the waters, but her age was something that prevented her from going forward with a run right away. She was 72 years old, the same age as John McCain, and many viewed that as simply too old. On top of that, she was facing reelection in North Carolina in 2008, and while she had some general support, she wasn't guaranteed reelection. Running for President would likely prevent a successful senate bid for reelection, a risk some in her inner circle advised her not to take. Her husband, Bob, however, was very supportive of her desire to run, and told her to do so on many occasions - it would be a tough decision for Liddy in the coming weeks.

Other less-likely candidates included George Allen of Virginia, Newt Gingrich of Georgia, and Fred Thompson of Tennessee. George Allen would have been the perfect Republican candidate. He was a Senator and a former Governor from a state that was trending Democratic, and he had solid conservative credentials. The truth was, Allen had a somewhat shady past. Most recently, he had embarrassed himself in the hyped-up "Macaca" Incident during the Virginia Senate Race - it almost cost him the election, too, but Allen hung on. On top of that, Salon.com and other news sites reported a history of other racial slurs by Allen, especially when he was in college. Even worse in the eyes of conservatives, Allen was invested in Barr Laboratories, a leading manufacturer of the "morning-after pill". As someone who opposes abortion, Allen's involvement in the company raised eyebrows among the conservative community. And there were big tax problems for Allen in his past, as had not properly reported investments and income in the last several years. While Allen was the perfect candidate for conservatives on paper, he wasn't a strong candidate when the press just took a brief glimpse at his past. If he did decide to run, his opponents would have no problem throwing these allegations in his face - and the press would love to even more.

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Then there was Newt Gingrich, the former Speaker of the House. Gingrich resigned in disgrace after having an affair with a staffer. Over the last several years he had begun to piece together a comeback in hopes of returning to public office. Though Gingrich had considerable baggage, he was admired by conservatives for his "Contract With America" plan that won them the House majority in 1994, the first time in over forty years the party took the majority in that chamber. Still, Gingrich was hesitant to run, and the biggest reason was that his friend Fred Thompson was also considering a run. The former Senator from Tennessee, Thompson had a unique role in politics. He had been actively involved in the two most recent impeachment cases (Clinton and Nixon), was a well-respected lawyer, served as a United States Senator, and was an actor on the hit show Law & Order. Thompson had perhaps the largest name recognition of anyone in the field, but most people only saw him as an actor. Thompson's team insisted that if he wanted to run he needed to break his contract with NBC and get in the race, shifting the message around him and his conservative principles. They viewed him as Reagan 2.0 and felt he was the guy to take down John Kerry.

While Republicans fought over who their candidates could potentially be, there was mounting speculation that former Connecticut Senator Joe Lieberman would wage a frivolous primary challenge against President Kerry. The speculation grew to the point where Lieberman announced a press conference on January 15th to formally declare what he intended to do. His press conference from Connecticut was broadcast live on CNN, Fox News, and MSNBC, and he declared that he would not challenge President Kerry for the Democratic Nomination, though he did suggest that if John McCain was the Republican Nominee he would be inclined to endorse him in the general election. It was a relief for the Kerry team. While they knew Lieberman would not have been a serious threat, they were concerned that he would distract them from the general election. With Lieberman out of the way, Stephanie Cutter and Mary Beth Cahill joined John Sasso in mapping out John Kerry's road to reelection. It was an all-star team to help Kerry through to the Presidency, and he was optimistic about his chances. His approval rating was above 50%, extraordinarily high for a President this late into his administration. He was comfortable and confident.

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With the State of the Union in the back of his mind, Kerry also planned on mapping out the themes of his reelection bid. He wanted to emphasize his strong leadership in foreign affairs, his effective management of the Middle East, and his tough line on keeping the United States respected on the world stage. He also hoped to add gun control and immigration reform to his list of domestic accomplishments. The over-arching message of his speech was that the nation needed stability. We were doing fine as a nation, though there were some mild economic concerns on the President's radar. And though Osama bin Laden hadn't been captured, he was proud of the fact that the nation had not experienced a terrorist attack on U.S. soil since he took the Oath of Office. He showed leadership during times of tragedy, notably Katrina, and hoped that the nation could move on to bigger and better things in the future. His theme was optimism, and he was ready to give the State of the Union Address and then prepare for a Presidential Campaign that would take up the majority of the next two years, though he made it perfectly career that in 2007 his number one focus was domestic legislation, campaigning would come second, he insisted. It would be tough to manage, but Kerry wanted to make sure the nation was on strong footing ahead of his fight for reelection.
 
HE SHALL, FROM TIME TO TIME...

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There was much speculation in the media about what John Kerry would say in his State of the Union. The media suggested that because Democratic Congressional majorities were thin, and because it was time to gear up for a presidential election, John Kerry wouldn't do anything. They suggested his speech would simply sum-up his accomplishments and say he hoped to work for the best in the future. Those media specialists obviously knew nothing about President Kerry. Inside the White House, John Kerry was eager to lay out an ambitious agenda in his State of the Union Address. Chief of Staff Marty Meehan was the president's go-to man when it came to the State of the Union Address. In the House, Meehan had served on the House Armed Services Committee and was able to provide Kerry with the advice he needed to shape the foreign policy aspects of the address. With the withdrawal from Iraq continuing on schedule, Kerry would briefly mention the efforts there. He also intended to speak about Afghanistan, where he hoped that the war could draw to an end by the conclusion of his expected second term. "By the year 2013, my lasting hope is that there may be a resolution to the War in Afghanistan, and that terror shall be expelled from the caves and valleys of the Middle East," Kerry planned to say. It was a bold statement. There was no way to predict what could happen in the next six years, but Kerry was truly confident in his leadership and his capabilities and the line found its way into the State of the Union.

President Kerry also hoped to focus on domestic policy. He wanted to push through gun control, immigration reform, and some educational reforms. His priority would be immigration reform, but Kerry was not going to shy away from a fight on gun control. Both issues, he felt, were important and often overlooked by other administrations. Kerry's team wasn't sure about either. Immigration reform was much more popular, but it could be difficult to get the necessary votes to pass any substantive reform through Congress. While it would be easier to unify Democrats on gun control, it was a less popular issue and was considered one of the wedge issues in the nation that both sides would be smarter to overlook. "I was elected to lead," Kerry explained to his staff, "and I'll be damned if politics is going to stop me!" Still, there was some pushback from Kerry's inner circle. They questioned whether it would be wise to make a national push for gun control on the eve of the 2008 Presidential Election, Republicans would love to criticize the president for his stance on gun control. Kerry simply didn't care. Despite high approvals, he didn't want to assume he would be guaranteed reelection, and nothing would get taken for granted.

With the State of the Union only a few days away, former Mayor of New York City Rudy Giuliani announced that he would stand as a candidate for the Republican Party's presidential nomination. Giuliani had received considerable attention and speculation. As the sitting mayor of New York during the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Giuliani had been displayed as a strong leader with real ideas and solutions. Despite consistently polling at the top of the pack, Giuliani wasn't the number one choice of more conservative Republicans, especially the social conservatives of the South. Among more moderate Republicans, however, Giuliani had a lot of respect. Yes, many Republicans questioned his social positions, and the media questioned his qualifications to be President, but in early-2007, Rudy Giuliani looked like he was going to be the GOP Candidate to battle John Kerry one-on-one in the general election. Stephanie Cutter and John Sasso disagreed. They found it incredibly hard to believe that Rudy Giuliani could get anywhere close to the Republican Nomination. It was simply impossible for someone in the mold of Giuliani to get anywhere in the present-day GOP, and that made Kerry less likely to worry about the threat of Giuliani.

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The other Republican to announce his campaign ahead of the State of the Union was Senator McCain. John McCain and John Kerry had been good friends who were divided on the issue that McCain cared most about: Iraq. In fact, McCain's campaign was based on the issue of Iraq. It was an unpopular position to hold, even within the Republican Party, as those Republicans who agreed with McCain were largely embarrassed to admit it in public. The Iraq War was one of the greatest quagmires in American history, and voters didn't want to base their decision off of it. John McCain didn't care. He was running an impassioned campaign, based on the issues, and he was sure he could win as a result, but if he didn't, he wouldn't care. Of course John McCain wanted to be President, but he didn't want to win by selling out. If his support for Iraq meant losing the election, so be it. John McCain, in his own words, was running to put Country First. Needless to say, the liberal media had a little fun at McCain's expense. Though the Arizona Senator had always had a friendly relationship with the press, they couldn't resist the attempt to tie McCain to the backwards policies of the Bush Administration. As Tim Russert said on Meet the Press, "The Iraq War is over. It's done. Running on it is the biggest political blunder I've ever witnessed."

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Senator McCain was sitting in the audience on January 23, 2007, when President Kerry delivered his State of the Union Address. Kerry began by acknowledging Nancy Pelosi, the first female Speaker of the House. He then looked ahead, at the seats filled by a majority of Democrats in both chambers. With Vice President Edwards and Speaker Pelosi behind him, Kerry continued his remarks. Calling for a "national discussion" on the issue of gun control, and urging Congress to act on border security, Kerry was tough in his remarks. On education he let the rhetoric flow, "There are children in falling-down schools who are taking notes from a textbook older than their parents. If that isn't a cry for reform, nothing is!" The line was the most well-received of the night. By the end of his address, Kerry had been interrupted over 70 times. His position was clear: it was time to act, time to get to work.

Perhaps it was her age, perhaps it was Kerry's convincing State of the Union, or maybe it was her desire to serve another term in the Senate, but on the Sunday after John Kerry's State of the Union, Elizabeth Dole took to Meet the Press and announced that she would not seek the White House in 2008. Though she didn't offer an endorsement, she ended months of speculation. However, George Allen did the opposite. A week after the State of the Union, he announced he would stand as a candidate for the GOP Nomination. Immediately, Allen's polling numbers went through the roof. He was a strong fiscal and social conservative, and was favorable to many Republicans on defense. Senator Allen was looking like the front runner until numerous scandals came to light. It took less than two weeks for Allen to become bogged-down in scandals, and in that short amount of time conservatives went looking for their new candidate. Would it be Fred Thompson? Newt Gingrich? What about that Mitt Romney, was he the right guy going into 2008? The Republicans had yet to make up their minds, and with only three major candidates in the race, it was going to be awhile before they did.
 
MISTER RONALD REAGAN

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In early-February, Mitt Romney returned to his native Michigan to announce his Presidential Campaign. Highlighting his time as Governor of Massachusetts and his considerable business experience, Romney hit the President for a lack of action on economics. He questioned the President's leadership and looked to take the front runner spot from George Allen and Rudy Giuliani, but he was quickly overshadowed. Former Senator Fred Thompson was told that he had a legitimate chance at taking the White House from John Kerry, but he would need to get involved right away. Thompson, who was then an actor on the hit show Law & Order, severed his contract with NBC and announced his campaign in late-February. Thompson was instantly a hit among the conservative base of the party. He had been widely speculated as a candidate in 2000, but waited it out. He was preparing to take the White House this year and it was all about image.

Fred Thompson's record in the Senate was firm. He had been heavily involved in the two most recent impeachment cases (Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton), and was a respected lawyer from Tennessee. In 1994, he won a special election to the U.S. Senate and served until 2003. As a Senator, he had a firm conservative voting record that had earned the respect of Republicans nationwide. In 2000, he endorsed John McCain for the GOP Nomination, but this time around he would do nothing of the sort. He was convinced that John McCain's campaign was going nowhere and that the senator had lost his way. It was Thompson's role as D.A. Arthur Branch on Law & Order that had made him a household name. Soon after his announcement, the media began comparing Thompson to former President Ronald Reagan - this was exactly what Thompson had wanted. Ronald Reagan was still adored by the Republican base and his image helped Thompson win the CPAC Straw Poll on March 3, 2007. It was the first of many successes for the Thompson campaign. Immediately, Senator Thompson burst to the front in Iowa and South Carolina while pulling second in New Hampshire.

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Still, that comparison between him and Reagan was still. Both Reagan and Thompson had been actors before being elected to public office. Both had received considerable presidential speculation in the past. Reagan and Thompson were both considered older than the average candidate (Reagan was the oldest). Thompson was a hit and his persona guided him to victory in the CPAC Straw Poll as he burst to the front of the pack. Thompson's close friend, Newt Gingrich, announced that he wouldn't run for President in 2008, and endorsed Thompson. Another previously speculated-about candidate, Mike Huckabee, joined Gingrich in staying out of the race, but chose to endorse Senator Allen instead of Senator Thompson.

With Allen suffering from mountains of past gaffes and scandals, Giuliani facing accusations that he wasn't conservative enough, and McCain running on an unpopular war, it was a two-person race between Fred Thompson and Mitt Romney. Romney and Thompson also believed this. Both sides were hitting the other on the trail, hoping to knock the other one out early and run away with the nomination. They were joined by numerous spoilers as well: Ron Paul, Tommy Thompson, Jim Gilmore, and Tom Tancredo. By this point, most viewed McCain as a spoiler as well. His campaign had no funds and was running against the main stream of voters. It would take a miracle to elect John McCain as President, and any politician who relied on a miracle was going to regret it. Suddenly, Fred Thompson, with the nickname of Mister Ronald Reagan, pulled ahead in the national polls and in the key states of Iowa and South Carolina. Him and Romney were tied in New Hampshire where John McCain was pulling third place. The race was anyone's for the taking as the nation was months away from voting, but it was clear that it would be hard for candidates like McCain to rebound and take the front of the pack.

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Meanwhile, in Washington, President Kerry was fighting for immigration reform. The President wanted a more liberal plan, but even with Democratic majorities that was going to be difficult. Originally, Kerry had thought about a guest-worker program, but Republicans were putting their foot down. Their version of reform consisted of increasing border patrol and leaving it at that. Of course, Kerry was unconvinced. Meeting with Republican leadership, the President hoped to earn the trust of Republicans by promising to ditch a guest-worker program if they could support a path to citizenship or "earned-amnesty". The Republicans wouldn't budge. In fact, the plan had opposition from too many Democrats to pass anyways. It was becoming nearly impossible to get anything done in Washington as President Kerry fought for broad reform. While the nation was supportive of immigration reform, there was no catch-all approach that would work. Coupled with his failure to pass immigration reform was an inability to get movement on gun control. In fact, Senator Allen on the campaign trail said, "The biggest mistake our nation could make would be to abandon our constitution and pass so-called gun control." The sentiments were echoed by Mitt Romney who had been painted by Allen as pro-gun control. Romney reacted by saying, "Allow me to be perfectly clear: gun control would be a mistake and I would not support measures to desert our second amendment." Thompson decided not to way in, and he instead focused on the President's plan for education reform. He argued that the President was being irresponsible and real leadership would be needed if immigration reform was going to pass.

Ultimately, Kerry was unsuccessful in reforming immigration, at least in the short term, and Republicans fought to paint Kerry as out of touch with the voters. As a result, the President's approval ratings dipped to 47% and any hopes of a mandate victory in November 2008 were slipping away. The President wasn't worried, though, and he fully expected to make-up ground. Realistically, 47% was still strong and he planned to rebound in the coming months and take back the lead. Only two Republicans were even tied with Kerry nationally, Giuliani and Romney. Things could change, but there was a lot at stake.
 
THE DARKEST CLOUD
Dedicated to the victims of the Virginia Tech Massacre

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President Kerry went to bed on the night of April 15, 2007, expecting nothing more than a regular day when he woke up. On the morning of April 16, 2007, at approximately 7:15 am, Seung-Hui Cho entered the West Ambler Johnston Hall at Virginia Tech and began a shooting rampage that would eventually claim the lives of 32 individuals, not including the Seung-Hui himself. Two hours after shooting those in the West Ambler Johnston Hall, Cho turned his attention to Norris Hall where he chained the three main entrances shut. His rampage continued has he attempted to claim as many lives as possible. National News began airing the story live at 10:10 am and did not break for a commercial until 7:00 that night. Between 10 and 12 minutes after beginning his attack on Norris Hall, Cho claimed his own life and the shootings seized.

In Washington, President Kerry was informed of the shooting and was immediately overwhelmed. While there hadn't been any major plans for that day, everything was thrown off the table as he planned to address the issue head-on. That night, as students at Virginia Tech held a candlelight vigil service, Kerry made plans to visit the campus the next day during the school's convocation. It would be one of the most solemn duties of his presidency. Of course the issue on the back of everyone's mind was gun control. Would the shootings at Virginia Tech launch the nation into a debate over the 2nd Amendment and just how far the rights afforded to Americans under that amendment went. Would the shootings launch a major debate on mental health? Would the Virginia Tech Massacre, which happened less than five years after the expiration of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban, lead to the resurrection of that law?

Virginia Governor Tim Kaine, who was in Tokyo at the time, declared a State of Emergency, but would miss the convocation ceremony the next day. In the meantime, President Kerry asked to give an address in memoriam to the victims. It wasn't something usually done, but the university granted his request. The media had already been airing portions from the president's State of the Union where he had talked about the need for stricter gun laws. Perhaps, a tragedy like Virginia Tech would make Congress take the issue seriously. That was John Kerry's hope as he addressed a grieving community in the wake of the worst school shooting in United States History.

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Kerry's address honored the victims and the survivors of the attack before he turned to legislation: "More must be done to prevent this kind of tragedy in the future. The time to act was April 15th. It is a shame that so many lives are lost in these unthinkable disasters that hit us all in the most personal of ways. I cannot imagine being the parent, or brother, or uncle, or friend, of one of the victims in this event. I cannot imagine the transformations that those affected by this will undergo. I can only imagine the transformation that this nation must undergo. In the coming days and weeks and months it will be the responsibility of this nation to make sure that events like this remain in the past and never venture any further than today in our nation's history books." He did not call for a sweeping change, now was not the time, but he laid the groundwork for the legislative battle that would define the next few months.

Politically, George Allen was destroyed. After remarking that, "the biggest mistake our nation could make would be to abandon our constitution and pass so-called gun control..." his campaign was thrown into the most epic attempts of back-pedaling. Mitt Romney had also said that gun control would be a mistake and he too was forced to walk-back his remarks. In the wake of the Virginia Tech Massacre, Kerry's approval ratings shot up while Republicans took a break from the campaign trail in attempt to let the dust settle. In the meantime, Congress was preparing for a fight that would forever change how the nation looked at guns.

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Kerry wanted an aggressive plan and he believed public opinion could carry him to victory. Strengthening and expanding background checks was the priority of his plan, but he also included millions of dollars in research for mental health. The Kerry Gun Reforms, as they would later be referred to, included limiting the size of magazines and clips, and restoring the Federal Assault Weapons Ban. Virginia Governor Tim Kaine stayed out of the debate, not wanting to appear to be politicizing the massacre, but Kerry was in the fight and he wanted to make a difference and to do it immediately. Obviously, Republicans pushed back. The NRA suggested ending gun-free school zones, arguing that Cho claimed so many lives because no one on campus could fight back. Democrats opposed this, arguing that schools should be school zones not war zones. Eventually, Republicans went to the table with Kerry. When the Republicans started to drag their feet, Kerry fought back and passed some of his reforms through Executive Order, an unprecedented action that received heavy pushback from the Republicans in Congress.

Still, Democrats controlled the House and the Senate and with leadership making gun control the priority of the session, moderate Democrats were forced to back the Kerry Gun Reforms while several Republicans crossed party lines thanks in large part to overwhelming public pressure. In the end the Kerry Gun Reforms were passed in their entirety with one exception, the Federal Assault Weapons Ban was not fully restored, though certain provisions (like limiting the size of magazines) did pass. It was a victory for the Kerry Administration, but at a heavy price. Aside from the deaths of those at Virginia Tech, Kerry had used almost all of his remaining political capital to push through the momentous gun control legislation. Though an overwhelming majority of Americans supported the reforms, it still took a lot for Kerry to pass his plan in Congress. He succeeded and his approval rating skyrocketed, but at a large expense. In the coming months Republicans would battle it out in their primary, and Kerry would return to the Middle East while cashing-in on some left over capital for a play to the progressive base.
 
FIGHT FOR THE RIGHT

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It was a disappointing tale. John McCain's political career had begun with so much promise. A Vietnam Veteran who was courageous during one of the most brutal experiences as a prisoner of war. In 2000, he waged a rather strong campaign against George W. Bush in the fight for the presidential nomination. He was the presumed nominee in 2008, until he came out and stuck to his support for the War in Iraq. His campaign, though still alive, was sinking ever so slowly. He was out of money, travelling on commercial airlines and dramatically reducing the size of his paid staff, with everyone who survived the lay-offs got a cut in pay. The funds had dried up and the image of John McCain only appealed to a select few within the Republican Party. Though most had supported the War in Iraq, the draw-down was well-under way and once we were out it didn't make much sense to go back in. And so John McCain continued his crusade on the issues but any campaign for the presidency, any real chance for that campaign, was growing dimmer every time the sun rose and a new day began.

The same could also be said for George Allen. Despite his hardcore conservative persona, Allen had taken hits for numerous lapses in character and some controversial statements on gun control, statements he never apologized for in the wake of the Virginia Tech Massacre. Surely, Allen was confident about his chances at winning in the beginning, but his dream was looking less feasible every time new poll numbers came out. Thompson and Romney battled it out for first place while Giuliani could usually steal third place from Allen. That left Allen in fourth, just above John McCain. It was a disappointing reality for the senator who was once described as being on top of the world in the path towards the nomination. His star had faded and it appeared that George Allen would be the candidate for the hardcore right, and that was it. Still, Allen didn't give up and he focused extensively on winning the Iowa Caucuses. He campaigned day-in and day-out, and he organized a massive effort to win the fast-approaching, Ames Straw Poll. If Allen could pull-off an upset in the Straw Poll it could revitalize his campaign.

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Mitt Romney's campaign was running like a well-oiled machine. He had poured his personal fortune into the race and was running ads like crazy in Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina. Romney spent his time on the ground in Iowa, fighting to win the all-important Straw Poll. There were still big questions for Romney to answer, though. He was accused for being a flip-flopper and Thompson described Romney as the GOP's very own John Kerry. The image of Romney stuck. He was forced to answer questions about his past political positions. Why had he been pro-choice? What had made him think he could mislead the GOP voters? Thompson hammered Romney at every debate and through the television ads which flooded Iowa voters months before their caucuses and weeks before the Straw Poll. Thompson wasn't holding back, a win in the Straw Poll would practically seal the deal for the former Tennessee Senator.

On August 11, 2007, Iowans descended on the famous Ames, Iowa Straw Poll to listen to candidates and vote for their favorite. The winner would become the front runner in the state and would gain momentum that could catapult them to the nomination. In 2000, 1996, and 1980, the Straw Poll accurately predicted the winner of the state's contest. It was time for the candidates to see if 2008 would follow in that pattern. All of the candidates spoke, even though Giuliani and McCain had previously considered skipping the event. The first to speak was Senator McCain, who defended his time in the Senate and promised to be a strong Commander-in-Chief. After McCain spoke, Senator Allen took the podium. Promising a new direction for America, what he described as a return to the "moral vision that should guide America", Allen received wide support among the crowd and commentators speculated that he might pull an upset. After Allen was Rudy Giuliani, followed by numerous other spoilers, and then it was time for Mitt Romney to speak. Romney talked about his roots in business and his leadership as Governor of Massachusetts. It was a weak speech, but the pundits still felt that he would rival Fred Thompson for the top spot. Thompson's speech was down-to-earth and he capitalized on his persona as "Mr. Ronald Reagan". Ultimately, winning 24.9% of the votes, Thompson was declared the winner of the Straw Poll. Romney followed in second place, and George Allen received third place. The first place victory was exactly what Thompson needed.

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While the Republicans toured the nation and fought it out between themselves, President Kerry had important decision to make. Justice David Souter announced he was stepping-down from the Supreme Court and it was Kerry's task to appoint a replacement. Kerry reduced his short list to three names: Senator Obama, Judge Merrick Garland, and Justice Sonia Sotomayor. Sotomayor led the list, but some on Kerry's inner circle urged him to go with the most confirmable candidate: Merrick Garland. Of course, Kerry wasn't one to take the easy way out. Throughout his first term he had put his foot down and usually things worked out okay, his approval rating didn't stray too far from 50%, and Republicans didn't complain too vocally. However, in the wake of the extensive use of political maneuvering it took to get gun control passed, Kerry though it might be in his benefit to throw the Republicans a bone on the Supreme Court choice.

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Chief of Staff Marty Meehan wanted to see Barack Obama get the appointment. He felt that Obama's brilliant political and legal mind would go to good use on the bench, but the President wasn't sure. Though he felt that Senator Obama was qualified, the Illinois Senator probably had a brighter political future ahead for him, and Kerry wasn't sure that he should put the Senator on the spot by asking him to join the bench. There was also one more thing to consider. The Governor of Illinois was a Republican and she would likely appoint a Republican to replaced Barack Obama in the Senate, which could spell disaster for a weak Democratic Majority. And so, Senator Obama was once again eliminated from the President's short list. Down to two names: Merrick Garland and Sonia Sotomayor, President Kerry met with both candidates and reviewed their resumes extensively. In the end, Kerry announced Merrick Garland as his replacement for Stephen Breyer on the bench. While his predecessor hadn't made a single appointment to the bench, Kerry had just announced his second appointment.

Merrick Garland was eventually confirmed though Senator Allen and some other more conservative Republicans opposed the nomination. Still, Garland didn't face the kind of intensity and controversy that Clarence Thomas or Robert Bork did. Kerry had pleased both sides of the aisle, and Garland was soon sworn-in as a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. With Washington politics out of the way, the candidates continued their quest to unseat John Kerry. Though Kerry was the favorite going into the closing months of 2007, there was still a lot of time left for that to change. The only thing standing between the Republican candidates and the Iowa Caucuses was a foreign trip by John Kerry and one of the most controversial decisions of his entire presidency.
 
AND SO ENDS YEAR THREE

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Joe Biden and John Kerry toured Baghdad as they walked with General Casey. The President had just begun an unprecedented five-day tour of the Middle East. He would meet with leaders in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Israel to strengthen U.S. relations. He was particularly interested in Iraq, where the government was planning to take complete control of their nation in just a few months. President Kerry had been very serious about sticking to his plan for withdrawal and was anxious about the opportunities of the Iraqi people to assume control of their nation. In Iraq, he met with leaders and they had an open discussion about where they saw Iraq in the future. They were also anxious to have their nation back and optimistic about the strength of their government and military. With that, Kerry toured Afghanistan: a nation the United States also had considerable involvement in. As Kerry met with troops and commanders on the ground, he was very anxious to see the direction the war was heading. Afghanistan was still quite dangerous but Kerry's presence gave the nation hope. When Kerry was en route to one meeting on a U.S. Military base, a suicide bomber was hoping to have the chance at killing a sitting U.S. President.

A small group of terrorists, who, while affiliated with Al Qaeda were not operating in an Al Qaeda-condoned mission, sought to destroy the base as Kerry was visiting. They were apprehended ahead of time and had Kerry not been roughly half-an-hour behind schedule there is a chance their mission could've been somewhat successful. However, they didn't get far and their mission was cut short with the only casualties being those who attempted to carry out the attacks. Shaken, the Secret Service cancelled the rest of the Afghanistan leg of the trip and urged the President to return home, but in the wake of Chuck Hagel's resignation, President Kerry was very serious about meeting with Israel to rebuild a crumbling alliance.

The Israeli government was far more receptive than Kerry had expected and their meetings were firm and productive as the United States promised Israel nearly unconditional response as long as Israel vowed not to rush things and be too willing to use the nuclear option. As Kerry left the Middle East, the staff back home was very anxious to get to work drafting the State of the Union while Kerry made one last-ditch attempt at substantive immigration reform. Meeting with the Congressional Leadership at the White House, the President charged Vice President Edwards with leading the task force on Immigration, has he had done on gun control and, to some extent, the previous budget. Edwards continued to meet with leaders after the meeting at the White House, but Senators and Representatives were burnt out. Kerry had produced a lot of domestic legislation and had been relatively successful, but the down side was a loss of political capital to push much of anything through the Congress, even with Democratic majorities there wasn't going to be any real reform passed with the Presidential election right around the corner.

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One line in the State of the Union Address had received a lot of attention among the White House staff. The general theme of the speech was the progress America had made and the road ahead. In a section on civil rights the speechwriting team had been instructed to write the line, "It is time that our gay brothers and sisters be treated with the respect that they are entitled to as equal members of this nation." The line went on: "It is time that the government and the military recognize and accept that we are all equal under the eyes of God." It was a nudge and a wink to Congress that President Kerry wanted to overturn Don't Ask, Don't Tell. With the nation as a whole, but more specifically the court and the Congress, becoming more progressive Kerry wanted one of his lasting accomplishments to be progress for the LGBT Community. It had not been as prevalent an issue in 2004, but Kerry wanted to make sure that gay men and women could serve openly in the military. Certain members of the staff argued that it would never work, that they could never receive the necessary support to pass the repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell. It would be an unnecessary risk heading into one of the most important Presidential Elections. Kerry argued that Don't Ask, Don't Tell wouldn't be on anyone's radars ahead of the race and that they shouldn't be concerned with taking risks, it was what they had been elected to do.

Still, there were risks and involved and it was a burden that weighed on the President heavily. He would become the first President to signal that gay rights were a priority from him. He wanted that distinction, not because in would get him in the history books, but because it was what he had to do. Kerry ultimately decided that he wanted the line in the speech. Stephanie Cutter and John Sasso argued that it would cost him votes in potential swing states like North Carolina, Montana, and Virginia - three states that were traditionally Republican, but where signs of a potential flip were emerging. If Kerry made gay rights a piece of his legacy it would be far more difficult to get the votes to win reelection. The President didn't cave. It was time to act. The line was added into the speech, officially, twelve minutes before the President appeared in front of Congress.

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"Madame Speaker: The President of the United States!" bellowed the Sergeant-at-Arms as Kerry walked into the chamber before him. He smiled and worked the receiving line where numerous faces extended a hand, to connect with President Kerry before a legendary State of the Union. It was 9:07 PM as the President entered the room and his speech was short enough that, without interruption, everyone could vacate the room by 9:45, but odds were the speech would extend past then. Finally he reached the podium and turned to shake hands with John Edwards and Nancy Pelosi, members of the most exclusive club in that room on that particular night: the people who knew about the President's significant push for gay rights. While the speech began like any other, congratulating the Congress on a productive year, it soon turned interesting as Kerry made the delivery: It is time that our gay brothers and sisters be treated with the respect that they are entitled to as equal members of this nation. It is time that the government and the military recognize and accept that we are all equal under the eyes of God. Kerry paused.

At first the room was silent for a second or two as Senators and Representatives processed what they had just heard, but soon Nancy Pelosi and John Edwards broke the impromptu silence as they started to clap. Within seconds it was like a scene out of a movie: Edwards and Pelosi collapsed as others scattered around the room joined in with the overwhelming majority of the Democratic side of the room rising to applaud the President as several on the right of the aisle joined in as well as a sea of Congressmen and Senators applauded the President for taking the first step in the right direction. Congressman Barney Frank couldn't have been prouder and another openly gay member of Congress, Tammy Baldwin, shed a tear. It was an historic night for the nation as they prepared to enter a hotly-contested battle over gay rights.

Soon after John Kerry left the Capitol Building. The weeks ahead would lead to a spike in the President's approval rating and a deep debate over gay rights in America. While a repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell was passed by the House, it received significant opposition in the Senate, but Kerry didn't mind: he had catapulted the nation into the 21st Century. Soon the Iowa Caucuses and the rest of the 2008 Primary Contests would engulf the nation, but for a moment the nation was proud of a President who had stood up for a cause he supported.
 
SOUTHERN CHARM

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It was January 3, 2008, voters in the State of Iowa descended on their local caucus locations to have their voices heard. There was a long list of candidates to choose from, but as the old saying went, there would only be three tickets out of Iowa. Fred Thompson, Mitt Romney, and George Allen had all spent millions of dollars to win Iowa while John McCain and Rudy Giuliani skipped the state to focus on winning New Hampshire where they would need a come-from-behind victory to be considered a serious contender for the nomination. Early into the night the results started to come in and Mitt Romney looked guaranteed to take the state when about 15% of the precincts came in, his lead was large, but the pundits stressed that it wasn't over until it was over, and they were right. Soon Romney's lead started to dwindle with key precincts coming in for Thompson. Slowly the raced narrowed and by the time that 45% of the precincts had reported, Thompson had taken the lead. Everyone was watching George Allen's tallies. If Allen started pulling in the voters he could steal victory from Thompson and throw the state to Romney. That wasn't the case. With 69% of the precincts reporting the Associated Press called the state for Fred Thompson and the Tennessee Senator walked out to deliver a rousing victory speech.

Emphasizing the need for down-to-earth, folksy leaders, Thompson's southern charm was coming in useful. He kept an energetic tone and promised to take the fight of the average Iowan to Washington with him but for now, he said, it was time to pack the suitcases and head to New Hampshire. The Granite State would hold the nation's first primary on January 8th. Mitt Romney held a strong lead in the state and Fred Thompson was in a distant second, but John McCain was getting a significant portion of the votes in the polls. Even with his behind-the-times stance on Iraq, he had the respect of New Hampshire voters in his pocket and it was going to make him a powerful spoiler in the race for President. Behind McCain was Giuliani who was holding on to his life in the state of New Hampshire. If Giuliani couldn't come in second or third in New Hampshire he was finished and he knew it. The tides had turned against him since he was the GOP's favorite at the beginning of the race, it was a tune that George Allen was singing right along with him. Thompson was hoping to use Iowa to chip away at Romney's gigantic lead in the state, but that looked like it would be hard and history showed it probably wouldn't work. On Primary Day the candidates were out waving signs and shaking hands and the results started to come in pretty early.

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One thing was for sure: Romney's turnout was not nearly as high as the talking heads had predicted. They thought that Romney would sweep the state, but that wasn't the case. While his lead was never truly threatened, Thompson and McCain got more votes than expected and Romney did not have the landslide win he had expected. When Romney eventually won the state, John McCain withdrew from the race for President. Within a few days Giuliani and the others had dropped out, some endorsing Romney and some endorsing Thompson. By the time South Carolina rolled around there were four candidates: Thompson, Romney, Allen, and Ron Paul. Though Paul would not win a single state he remained in the race until the convention, running to prove a point.

South Carolina was an all-important state. It had decided the Republican Nominee for years and it was a tie-breaker for Thompson and Romney. It was a must-win for Thompson. Thompson had won Iowa and Wyoming while Romney had won Michigan and New Hampshire. Romney's momentum was growing, but a Thompson victory in South Carolina could turn the tides, especially if he was able to do it with George Allen hanging on as a most unwelcomed spoiler. The polls showed a tight race and when the voters woke up, Thompson and Romney were tied with Allen lagging behind. In Nevada, Romney was the clear favorite but the fight was for second where Ron Paul, George Allen, and Fred Thompson all had a chance. It was anyone's game.

On the night of January 19th, Fred Dalton Thompson was on cloud nine. He had easily won the South Carolina Primary, earning far more votes than Mitt Romney. George Allen's surprisingly low, and extensively embarrassing showing shamed him into withdrawing from the race. In Nevada, Mitt Romney came out on top but with Thompson getting a surprisingly close second. Ron Paul finished a close third. It was an exciting night in the Thompson campaign as the field was reduced to two main contenders: Romney and Thompson. On the 22nd of January, Fred Thompson won the Louisiana caucus, but the biggest state up for grabs was Florida. The state held its primary on January 28th and it was worth 114 delegates. Both Thompson and Romney poured money into the state which was trending towards Thompson even though Romney should have had the lead there. On Primary Day it broke for Thompson and delivered the candidate the momentum he needed as Super Tuesday got closer and closer. After the Florida results came in, Rudy Giuliani stepped up and endorsed Fred Thompson, giving the former senator an extra boost.

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February 5th was a big day for Thompson. He swept Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Georgia, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Tennessee, and West Virginia. Romney won California, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, and Utah. While many of Romney's victories were big on delegates and the fight for the nomination would continue, Thompson had definitely positioned himself as the front runner. On February 10th, former President George W. Bush joined his brother Jeb Bush in endorsing Fred Thompson for the GOP Nomination. Bush was immensely popular with the Republican Party and moderately popular among the nation, his endorsement helped Thompson heading into pivotal future contests, though Romney fought on.

By March 4th, Thompson had upset Romney in states like Wisconsin and Virginia and was looking to seal the deal with a victory in Ohio. If Thompson could beat Romney in the Buckeye State, a state Romney had held the lead in nearly the entire duration of the race, Thompson would knock Romney out of the race for good. Romney knew this and loaned his campaign millions of dollars to stay afloat, but ultimately it was to no avail. On March 4th, Thompson took Ohio and Texas and all but clinched the Republican Nomination. Romney was finished and withdrew on March 6th, endorsing Thompson and giving him the nomination. It was a good fight, but it had met its end.

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With Romney out of the race, Thompson turned to the general election. He would use his southern charm and homey appeal to win voters. He'd also attack Kerry on the economy, which was beginning to show signs of weakness, but first he needed to find a running mate, someone to compliment his strengths and weaknesses. Thompson's team began compiling a list while John Kerry watched from the White House, preparing for a brutal reelection. John Edwards had been out campaigning for the team since late-February as the President stayed in Washington to do his day job. Kerry made a promise to the nation to end all combat missions in Iraq by May of 2008 and that deadline was not far away and it was scheduled to be completed on time. While Stephanie Cutter and John Sasso managed a reelection bid, John Kerry addressed the nation from the East Room of the White House where he was absolutely clear: American combat missions in Iraq had seized and our troops would be gone from the nation, as promised. There would be no second-guessing or reversal: America's boys and girls were coming home.
 
MAKING A TICKET

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The nation was gearing-up for the general election, and the Republicans were well on their way to prepping for their convention, to be held in Philadelphia for the second time in three presidential elections. Fred Thompson and his team hoped that they could move traditionally blue states into play as the economy looked increasingly weak. What Thompson first needed to do was to find a running mate, someone to share the rest of the campaign with him. When a campaign starts vetting for a Vice President they typically start with the top of the ticket. Who is Fred Thompson? He's a former U.S. Senator from Tennessee, older, and doesn't have an ability to attract large crowds. While he appeals to the electorate he isn't fiery (but then again, neither is John Kerry). With the withdrawal from Iraq and a relatively successful first term, President Kerry was going to be a formidable opponent. Thompson's team wanted a woman candidate with the ability to fire up a crowd, they wanted a feisty candidate with broad appeal. Thompson disagreed. The candidate wanted a close friend, a trusted adviser, and a well-respected (at least in the Republican Party) statesman: Newt Gingrich. Gingrich had served as Speaker of the House of Representatives and led the Republican Revolution in 1994. Conservatives loved him, but he had some problems in his past. He was dating his eventual third wife while still married to his second wife. These issues were nothing new, though, and the broad base of the electorate already knew. If Thompson chose Gingrich it wouldn't be too hard to tackle the affairs of his past because the court of public opinion had already issued its verdict, it wouldn't be a bombshell.

The former Speaker of the House was a skilled debater who was a rather engaging public speaker. He was a Reagan Republican, much like Fred Thompson, and would benefit the Thompson campaign in shoring up support among the base, but the Vice President didn't need that. He needed someone that would appeal to more moderate voters. His campaign saw it, Thompson didn't. In Thompson's eyes the running mate's role was ceremonial and no one voted for the bottom of the ticket. For that reason he wanted to bring Gingrich on board, he wanted someone he could trust to stand by him. While Newt likely did have Presidential ambitions of his own, they wouldn't interfere with Thompson's Administration. Fred Thompson wanted to ask Newt Gingrich to be his running mate, but his staff wasn't so sure. And so the long, complicated process of vetting candidates began.

The staff spent an initial phase coming up with around 10-15 names of candidates to vet further. Some were female, some male. Some governors, some Senators. Each had a different niche that would help with the Thompson campaign. A large portion of the Vice Presidential search team wanted the Senator to pick George Allen or Mitt Romney. Allen was out of the question, Thompson said, but he was willing to look at Mitt Romney a little further. While some on the team warmed to Romney, others found a different appeal, from a woman named Sarah Palin, the Governor of Alaska. Palin appealed to Thompson, and she was submitted for a more formal vetting. That's when things went screwy. A deeper look at Palin's time as Governor were troubling. The Bridge to Nowhere was one area where she could be accused of being a flip-flopper, though she was particularly strong on Energy policy. She also had a problem with a small scandal on the whole, but one that dominated the Alaskan press, it was called Troopergate. Palin had dismissed an Alaska Public Safety Commissioner, who happened to be the soon-to-be ex-husband of her sister, and it was widely assumed that this was done for personal reasons. As the vetting continued there were some disturbing things from her husband Todd's past, including the fact that he had been registered with the Alaskan Independence Party. Ultimately, it was too much and Palin was crossed off the list, though she remained the front runner for Secretary of Energy in a potential Thompson cabinet.

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Also considered was Rudy Giuliani. America's mayor ran his own campaign in 2008 that had started off with much promise, but ended in disaster. Rudy was a strong contender for the position, and won a spot on the short list. Another name talked about was Tim Pawlenty. The Governor of Minnesota. Thompson liked the idea of bringing Pawlenty on to the ticket: he was a strong governor with a firm conservative record, but not too radical to appeal to moderates. It was a perfect balance. Still, "T-Paw" (as he was referred to by some) didn't have the excitement that the team felt the running mate should have. All of these running mates seemed to "blah" to be able to impact the general election. The result was a stalemate among the staff. Some wanted Pawlenty, some wanted Romney, a couple were willing to give-in to the candidate and back Fred Thompson. Others were pulling for Rudy Giuliani, and some even felt like bringing on Sarah Palin would pay off in the long run. Thompson should've known better than to involve a large team of individuals to find him a running mate, but his mistake escalated when Romney's name was leaked to the press. That was enough for Thompson who called off the search team and met one-on-one with his campaign manager. "Call Gingrich," he said, "it's time to make the announcement."

The announcement was made a few days before the Republican National Convention. Thompson unveiled his running mate to a large crowd in Tampa. The announcement was strong and very surprising. Gingrich joined the ticket, and the Republicans waited for their upcoming national convention - one that they hoped would shift the dynamics of the fast-approaching general election. From all over the nation the delegates descended on Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and the party prepared for their second convention there in only eight years. Pennsylvania was the new must-win state for the GOP as they prepared for their quest to the White House.
 
The Republican National Convention
August 25, 2008 - August 28, 2008

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The delegates filed into the convention hall early on August 25, 2008. They were back in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania for the second time in three presidential elections. The Wachovia Center would again be hosting the convention as delegates readied for four nights of speeches. They were optimistic - cautious, but optimistic. President Kerry had done a lot to annoy them. He had proven weak during his first 100 days, he had left Iraq out to dry, and he had kicked the Republicans out of the White House after only four years. The Republicans knew it was time to come back. The tone of the event was critical and the party was excited to showcase their new agenda to the American people. The first night would include a slew of speakers. They outlined a plan for education reform as former Florida Governor Jeb Bush addressed the crowded convention center, outlining the GOP's plan on reforming education - praising the work of his brother.

Thompson's primary opponents also spoke. Former Governor Mitt Romney called for party unity, stressing the need for the Republicans to come together in support of Thompson. "These were not the results I had been hoping for, but if Fred Thompson doesn't win this November none of us will get the results we want!" Romney's tone was accepting, and so was the tone of Virginia Senator George Allen who addressed the Republicans. Allen talked about a more conservative America, talking about Kerry's ignorance on social issues. It was a speech that helped paint the GOP as 'behind' on social issues and connecting with young voters, but with President Kerry as their opponent there was little for young voters to be enthused about for the other side. The Republicans felt that this would be a base election and that they needed their party out in full force in order to carry 270 electoral votes.

The biggest speech on the first night came from a certain former President who had surprised delegates with an appearance. In the past, George Bush had always had a cordial relationship with President Kerry, and his remarks on the first night of the convention were not attacks against the current administration. He spoke of the work left undone. He talked about the need for real reform on issues like education and he talked about the need for a smaller government. "Government," he said, "needs to be smaller. We cannot have a bureaucracy telling us what to do and how to do it." Finally, he spoke as a former President. The closest he got to criticizing Kerry was when he said, "I must admit that on some decisions over the past four years I have questioned the judgement of those who made them, but what is done is done. We need to come together and support Fred Thompson for a country that puts the people first."

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The second night of the convention was dubbed the "Night of the Rising Stars" by the media. South Dakota Governor John Thune gave a speech to the convention where he attacked the fiscal policies of the Kerry Administration. He accused them of avoiding the true interests of the American people and argued that the administration had left the people behind. Another notable speaker was Congresswoman Cathy McMorris Rodgers who talked briefly about the role women could play in the election process. Giving a major policy speech on energy was the front runner for Secretary of Energy in a potential Thompson Administration, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin. Palin delivered a strong and appealing address to the Republican crowd, leading some political experts to conclude that her brightest days lied ahead.

Historically, the Democrats had tended to highlight their Keynote Speaker to a larger degree than the Republicans. Most, if not all, of the memorable keynote speeches were delivered by Democrats. Barack Obama in 2004, Barbara Jordan in 1992, Ann Richards in 1988, and Mario Cuomo in 1984 were all Democrats and all gave remarkably impressive speeches. The Republicans tended not to name a keynote speaker and if they did their role was not as hyped-up as the Democratic counterpart. Fred Thompson made it clear he wanted to change that. The convention selected Florida Governor Charlie Crist as the 2008 Keynote Speaker. Crist gave an incredible address, attacking the Kerry Administration for a "lack of leadership" and pointing to Fred Thompson's "readiness to lead". Crist argued that President Kerry had set the nation up for failure and that a true leader was needed to turn things around. His speech was nothing more than throwing a bone to the conservatives in the party, but it was well-written and well-delivered. Crist's remarks set him up for a long and bright future in the GOP.

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The third night of the convention was a big event Senator Elizabeth Dole, who was locked in the fight of her life for reelection, delivered a big speech to the Republican Party - praising Fred Thompson's time in the Senate, but also defending Newt Gingrich's leadership as Speaker. She argued that the best thing for the nation was the Republican ticket. She was followed by former mayor Rudy Giuliani. Giuliani spoke, unsurprisingly, on national security, and defended the GOP's position on a variety of issues dealing with national defense. Because 2008 was the first conventions since 1996 that John McCain would not be delivering a speech, this was Giuliani's chance to establish himself as a credible voice on national security. The speech was a flub. Though he shared vivid and personal anecdotes from the 9/11 terrorist attacks, he was unable to adequately represent the party's policy on national security.

Newt Gingrich had served exactly twenty years as a U.S. Representative from Georgia. He had spent about three years as Speaker of the House and double that as House Minority Whip. He had engineered the landslide Republican victories in 1994 that allowed them to take back the Congress. He had gone toe-to-toe with the Clinton White House, but they had also come together to pass meaningful welfare reform and a balanced budget. Gingrich left the Speakership in a dark cloud, surrounded by a sex scandal. It had hurt Newt's image with the country, but now he was back and Newt Gingrich wanted his revenge.

The former Speaker entered the stage to a fit of applause and burst into a smile. He motioned for the delegates to calm as he began his remarks. Newt Gingrich didn't hold back. He ripped the Kerry Administration. He called them "ruthless" and "irresponsible" and argued that the domestic policy displayed by John Kerry was "so naive" that he couldn't see how the President's approvals had remained so high. He chastised Kerry's emotional side while tearing him to shreds on issues like energy and defense. "We want a President who understands that national defense policy should be made by generals, not pollsters." Perhaps his most brutal attacks were against the media, calling out the liberals in the press and telling them that their favorite punching bag was back and it was time to "bring it on!"

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Gingrich hadn't held a single punch, but he had also spent just as much time tearing Kerry down as he had spent building Fred Thompson up. "This is man I know, a man I respect, a man I've served with. Fred Thompson will make an excellent president." Gingrich's speech was hit by the media, but most Americans liked it. They warmed to Gingrich's bluntness and it was clear that the bottoms of the tickets would outweigh the top of the tickets. With Gingrich's fiery speech in the past and the Vice Presidential debate in the near future, attention turned to the final night of the Republican convention where Fred Thompson would deliver his address.

The final night of the convention had some big speakers. Minnesota Senator Norm Coleman, who was desperately hoping to win reelection, gave a speech supporting Fred Thompson and his plans on foreign policy. Praising the Republican nominee as the right person to be Commander-in-Chief, Coleman helped paint a picture of Thompson that was largely ignored in past nights of the convention. Former Connecticut Senator Joe Lieberman also addressed the convention and received a very warm response. "I was ousted by the Democratic Party because I believed that President Kerry was playing politics with a war. I am not ashamed of my positions, I am only ashamed that my party could be so wrong on such an important issue as our national defense." The speech was highly critical of the Kerry foreign policy and helped prepare the delegates for a big speech from their nominee.

A rising star in the GOP, Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal, also spoke during the final day. He admitted that while Kerry had been there for Louisiana during Hurricane Katrina, he had not been there when they needed lower taxes, when they needed better roads, and when the troops needed protecting. He attacked Kerry's leadership and integrity and brought the convention to their feet. Also speaking on leadership and the economy was Meg Whitman, an influential businesswoman who spoke about Fred Thompson's economic plan for the country. Her speech was also well-received and set her up for a potential spot in a Thompson administration.

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Finally, it was time for Fred Thompson's turn to talk to the convention. His speechwriting staff had spent weeks on Thompson's address. They debated the tone that Thompson should take, and finally agreed that the bulk of Thompson's speech would be about the future. He would talk briefly about the Kerry Administration, but after Gingrich's address they were worried that if Thompson came out swinging the Republicans would come across as desperate. Thompson's speak would talk about his plans for the economy, his plans on entitlements, his plans on the War in Afghanistan, and, above all, his plans to reduce the size of the federal government.

It was the central argument of the American right, and it was Fred Thompson's biggest goal for his time in the White House. He wanted to make it clear that the era of big government was over and that he wasn't going to use it to get elected, he meant it. Throughout his speech, Thompson spoke about the need to cut back on government spending and reduce the amount of waste in the federal government. All the while, he kept his attention focused on moving the country forward. The candidate outlined his proposals on immigration, promising to make it a centerpiece of his administration, and he talked about the instability of the economy, calling on the President to do more to help the middle class. Fred Thompson came across as ready to lead and ready to win.

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Thompson's speech was a call to arms for the Republicans as they prepared to enter into a daunting general election. When it was done, he and Newt Gingrich stood before the convention as the balloons fell and the Republican Ticket waved the convention to a close. It was over. Four nights, millions of dollars, and dozens of speeches were over. In the end, the Republicans would receive a sizable bounce from their convention - helping them prepare for a long general election battle where much was at stake. The Democrats prepared for their convention in Denver, but there was much to worry about. Not only would Mother Nature have other plans, they'd be forced to confront the accusations that the GOP had made during their convention in Philadelphia. There was a lot left to go for the nation as the election neared, but in reality it was going to go so quickly.
 
(I only got about half-way through the DNC)

The Democratic National Convention
September 1, 2008 - September 4, 2008

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As the Democrats descended on Denver, Colorado there was a lot on their minds. The Republicans had received a respectable convention bounce from their event in Philadelphia and the electoral map had turned less blue than it had been before. President Kerry was still in the lead, but the Democrats needed to use their convention to fight back and redefine the President and his administration after the Republicans had questioned his record, but there was a bigger problem looming on the horizon to make that happen. It was an obstacle that would prevent the Democrats from a four-night extravagance. While delegates moved-in on Denver there was a hurricane moving-in on the Gulf Coast. The hurricane forced the Democrats to revamp their first night and suspend most operations. All major speeches were rescheduled and only mandatory business was attended to.

With the first night ruined the Democrats planned for a massive second night. They crammed their biggest speeches into three nights and that left the first night with a long list of notable speeches. Barack Obama, the U.S. Senator from Illinois who gave the keynote address in 2004, delivered a strong address on the second night. He talked about the progress the President had made, highlighting Kerry's resolution of the War in Iraq and bolstering Kerry's foreign policy credentials. He spoke of Kerry's outreach to the poor and middle class. The speech was not as strong as his 2004 delivery, but the Senator had once again made headlines with a strong speech at the convention. Obama was followed by liberal lion Ted Kennedy who spoke of health care reform. Kennedy's remarks were straight to the point. He called on the Democrats to unite and resolve to win bigger majorities in the Congress and to reelect Kerry in order to ensure health care reform in a second Kerry term. "Only if we come together will we see the type of reform our country needs!" Kennedy's speech brought Democrats to tears as the frail Massachusetts Senator delivered what he assumed would be his final address to the convention of the party he loved.

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Former President Jimmy Carter addressed the convention as well. He praised the decisions made by President Kerry in regards to Iraq - a prevailing theme throughout the convention. Carter's speech was an ode to success, praising the Kerry Administration in its entirety, but Carter's speech would not be the biggest of the night. There were two other large speeches. New York Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton was giving a major address to the convention. She had hoped to be offered the Keynote Slot, but she the honor went to one of her colleagues in the Senate. Hillary's speech centered on doing more. She outlined the successes of the Kerry/Edwards team, but called for the Democrats to make sure they could do more. "The War in Afghanistan is not over. We must do more!" She called for health care reform, highlighting Senator Kennedy's address. She called for more regulations on banks and Wall Street. She called for a bolder plan, but one that could only be accomplished with large Democratic majorities. The speech was consistent and very well-received. The pundits in the skyboxes were quick to remark that this was likely a prelude to a 2012 Presidential Campaign by Hillary, one they assumed she would have no problem winning. Denver was the birth of at least one potential campaign, and the night (let alone the convention) wasn't even over.

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THE REST OF KERRY'S TERM:

CHAPTER 28: THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION
Hurricane Gustav leads to the cancellation of the first night of the Democratic Convention, which was held in Denver. On the first night Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton praise Kerry in addition to speeches from Senator Ted Kennedy and former President Carter. Russ Feingold delivers the Keynote Address. On the second night, former VP Al Gore gives a speech as does former President Clinton. Vice President John Edwards also talks on the second night and talks of one America, resolving the story of his two Americas from 2004. On the final night, President Kerry delivers a somewhat short convention speech that highlights on the fight ahead. While the Republicans had received a fair convention bump, the Democrats receive a slightly larger one in the wake of their convention and the general election lies ahead.

CHAPTER 29: COUNTRY FIRST
Economic meltdown. President Kerry is called away from the campaign trail to address the situation while Fred Thompson is able to continue his campaign across the nation. Kerry works with Republicans and Democrats to try and save the economy, suggesting an immediate bailout of mortgage-backed securities. Treasury Secretary Jon Corzine introduces the proposal which is aimed at fixing the crisis before it blows out of control. Kerry pushes the plan through congress, costing American taxpayers $850 billion. After this, Kerry and Thompson meet for the first debate where Thompson, who can easily oppose the bailout because he's not an incumbent Senator, hits the President on the economy while the President fights back, talking about the need for action. Kerry is declared the winner of the debate, even though its by a hair.

CHAPTER 30: THE STORM GATHERS
John Kerry also pushes for the passage of the Troubled Asset Relief Program, which would go hand-in-hand with the bailouts. There is some Republican opposition but no senator dared to earmark such important measures and the bill met cloture and was eventually passed with a few votes to spare, though some moderate Republicans supported the plan. On the campaign trail, Thompson fights to paint Kerry as out of touch and in the second, Town Hall debate Thompson lashed out against Kerry in an attempt to paint the President as too close to Wall Street and too far from Main Street. Kerry's attempts to fight back are futile. On other issues, such as foreign policy, Kerry is effective, reminding the country that combat operations in Iraq have seized. Still, it isn't enough and Thompson wins the debate by an overwhelming margin. The third debate focuses on foreign policy where Thompson is revealed to have no position on Iraq. Kerry is declared the winner by over 70% of viewers in a CBS Poll and received support from about 65% in the CNN Poll conducted at the end of the debate. It wasn't quite enough for Kerry who was now gasping for air, but his strong leadership in Iraq was enough to make the race closer than most had expected, after all: Kerry was fighting hard to save America.

CHAPTER 31: THE HOPE DIES
John Kerry loses his bid for reelection and Republicans retake control of the United States Senate. Fred Thompson gets 307 electoral votes while John Kerry only gets 231. Kerry calls back the lame duck congress in an attempt to pass an economic stimulus that will jumpstart the economy. The bill provided for $600 billion. The bill provided aid to the unemployed, billions for infrastructure development, and energy development, among other things. Kerry was able to sell Republicans the bill with a zero-pork promise, bringing some moderate Republicans and even a select few more conservative members to his side. The bill passed the lame duck congress and Kerry signed it into law before leaving office.

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CHAPTER 32: MOVING-IN
With Kerry leaving office, President-Elect Thompson gets to work selecting a cabinet. His first decisions deal with who he wants leading the economy. He briefly considers keeping Jon Corzine on for a year, but quickly decides against it. His short list includes Meg Whitman, Carly Fiorina, and Rob Portman. Ultimately, Thompson appoints Rob Portman as his Secretary of Treasury. Other major positions include Secretary of State. Thompson considers Joe Lieberman, John McCain, and Richard Armitage. Thompson eventually selects Armitage. His short list for Secretary of Defense is Lindsey Graham, John McCain, and Bob Gates - Thompson selects Gates after consulting with George W. Bush. Finally, his choice for Attorney General is Lindsey Graham after considering Joe Lieberman and Rudy Giuliani as well. Thompson plans to govern as a conservative and immediately address the economy, putting Afghanistan on the back burner. Meeting of the Presidents Club (Carter, 41, Clinton, Bush, Kerry, and Thompson).
 
THE THOMPSON ADMINISTRATION:

CHAPTER 33: A NEW ERA
Fred Thompson becomes President of the United States on January 20, 2009, his inaugural address is a mild success with a focus on the resilience of the American spirit. He plans to immediately address the economy, and with Republican Majorities he succeeds. He succeeds in passing tax cuts on all Americans, dubbed the Thompson Tax Cuts. His tax cuts also include decreases in taxes for businesses. On top of that, Thompson hopes to pass legislation reducing the size and scope of the bailout and attempts to gut the stimulus bill, but backs off when he loses support from moderate Republicans.

CHAPTER 34: THE STATE OF OUR UNION
President Thompson delivers his State of the Union Address. He commits America to finishing out the War in Afghanistan and finding Osama bin Laden. Domestically, he outlines his agenda for the next year: hoping to control unemployment and limit the damage to the country's economy. He talked about President Kerry's TARP and Stimulus Bill and said that he would allow them to go into effect, fearing that instability would ruin the nation's economy further. He also promised to support businesses and allow them to expand while limiting the government regulations that restrict them. He pledged a continuation of the Bush and Kerry Tax Cuts, and failed to pledge drastic spending cuts. Senator Hillary Clinton gave the Democratic Response to the State of the Union and she was well-received.

CHAPTER 35: TRACKING BIN LADEN
Thompson assembles his national security team and informs him that he intends to find Osama bin Laden by the end of his term. He overturns Kerry's executive order preventing water boarding and other enhanced interrogation techniques and continues the pursuit of bin Laden by following the terrorist's courier. He also visits Afghanistan where he meets with troops and promises to work to bring them home as soon as possible.

CHAPTER 36: ECONOMIC WOES
Treasury Secretary Rob Portman announces that the United States Government will purchase toxic assets from banks in an attempt to curb the economic disaster - it is a move that isn't widely embraced by the Republican Party. Thompson suffers from personal turmoil over the issue of the auto bailout. Saving the auto industry is something Thompson feels compelled to do, but he knows it will cost him political support within his own party and he simply doesn't agree with it. Undecided, he phones former president George W. Bush - a well-respected leader within the GOP. "Dubya" tells him he needs to go through with the plan to bailout the auto industry and when Thompson goes forward with it, Bush is able to shut up several of the conservative Republicans by coming out to support Thompson. Former President Kerry breaks his silence as well to support the plan. It ultimately passes the United States Congress and the auto industry is saved.

CHAPTER 37: A NEW COURT
Sandra Day O'Connor announces her resignation from the United States Supreme Court. Thompson considers a wide variety of potential nominees: J. Harvie Wilkinson (former member of the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals), Priscilla Owen (5th Circuit Court of Appeals), and John Roberts (Court of Appeals for D.C. Circuit) make the short list. The President nominates Roberts who receives an easy confirmation battle, despite minimal opposition led by Ted Kennedy and Barack Obama. Roberts is easily confirmed nonetheless.

CHAPTER 38: IT'S THE ECONOMY, STUPID
Thompson maintains that his number one commitment is the economy. He passes reform by reducing regulations from the EPA, scaling back their influence to allow businesses to expand. Furthermore, he passes sweeping tax cuts for businesses (small and large) and increases the size and scope of the Small Business Administration. On top of that, he passes his own version of a stimulus plan, which includes massive infrastructure expansion, modernizing the military, and increasing drilling production. He also phones every governor to urge them to revamp their statewide governments to reduce the size of their state's government, arguing that the federal government can't do it all.

CHAPTER 39: THERE'S STILL A WAR
Thompson meets with his leaders on the Afghanistan War and approves another surge to push back the Taliban once and for all. The massive troop deployment is made possible with a lack of War in Iraq and Thompson's surge receives bipartisan support. The Taliban fall back as the surge begins to work as Thompson begins drafting plans to get Americans out of the war as soon as safely possible. He puts David Petraeus in charge of the mission in Afghanistan in hopes of securing an end to the war as quickly as possible while also guaranteeing victory in the country.

CHAPTER 40: BACK OFF, IRAN
The President delivers a tough speech on the Iranian Nuclear Program, vowing that he will make sure peace is preserved "in the long run" and ensuring that he will take the necessary actions to prevent rogue nations from obtaining nuclear weapons. In the White House, Thompson's national security team imply that Iran is getting closer to nuclear weapons, but Thompson insists that he doesn't want Iran to turn into his Iraq. He asks for solid evidence and says that if the evidence says he needs to jump, he'll ask how high - implying that if there's solid evidence of nuclear weapons, he'll ask the generals for a plan to take out the facilities. On top of that, he continues the push to find Osama bin Laden.

CHAPTER 41: THE PRESIDENTS CLUB
Former President Kerry is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in October 2009 and Thompson hosts the Presidents Club at the White House following the award ceremony. All the former presidents are in attendance and discuss a variety of issues. Thompson and Kerry, whose relationship was weak, strengthens as a result of the meeting, but Thompson continues to rely on George W. Bush, not Kerry, for advice - especially on matters of foreign policy. Still, Thompson asks Kerry to accompany him as he travels through New Orleans to survey damage from Hurricane Katrina and the two develop an even stronger relationship. The trip is cut short as Thompson returns to Washington to address H1N1, declaring a national emergency.


CHAPTER 42: FREEDOM OF SPEECH
The court rules against Citizens United, ruling that the first amendment did not prohibit the government from restricting independent political expenditures by corporations and unions. In the wake of the ruling, Antonin Scalia announces his retirement from the Supreme Court. He is replaced by Deborah Cook of Akron, Ohio. Cook's nomination is again opposed by Obama but to no avail as she is ultimately confirmed to replace Scalia on the bench.

CHAPTER 43: DEATH AND ELECTIONS
Bob McDonnell becomes Governor of Virginia and former Treasury Secretary Jon Corzine becomes Governor of New Jersey. Fort Hood Shooting. Thompson travels to Texas to give a eulogy honoring the victims. Senator Ted Kennedy dies after being diagnosed with brain cancer in June of 2009. There will be a special election to replace Kennedy in the Senate. Republicans rally around Scott Brown while the Democrats have several possible contenders, including the possibility of former President John Kerry, but ultimately the Democrats choose Niki Tsongas who goes on to win the seat.

CHAPTER 44: DISASTER
Thompson supports US Aid to Haiti in the wake of their earthquake and he calls on George W. Bush and John Kerry to lead efforts to assist the recovery. Bush and Kerry work together and develop their friendship further, growing on mutual respect for one another. Months later, Thompson visits Haiti to see how the U.S. Aid has worked, hoping to make sure that is has gone to good use. He returns to the United States and assures the American people that they are fighting a "noble cause".

CHAPTER 45: ENTER 2010
The President's State of the Union Address is well-received as he promises to continue efforts to save the economy. Thompson pledges to continue the fight to restore our economy, but liberals say he isn't doing enough. The economy is still in terrible shape and Democrats are preparing for massive victories in the 2010 MidTerm Elections. Senator Feingold delivers the Democratic response to the State of the Union. Feingold's response is very well-received and makes him a kingmaker in time for the Democrats in the 2010 MidTerm Elections.

CHAPTER 46: OIL SPILL
The BP Oil Spill. Capped in mid-June, the well is sealed officially in late-July. Democrats attempt to manipulate the spill as an excuse to prevent future oil expansions, which are expected to begin as a result of Thompson's stimulus package which included massive increases in oil. Thompson thinks long and hard about it, but decides to stay the course and not overturn his oil expansion projects, despite Democratic backlash. Thompson visits the Gulf Coast through a three-day tour, meeting with governors from the states affected.

CHAPTER 47: WE FOUND HIM
In mid-September, Thompson is told that the CIA has tracked Osama bin Laden to a compound in Pakistan. Thompson reviews the intelligence, which isn't absolute, but he decides to go ahead with a mission to take out bin Laden. He receives many recommendations but the two major proposals include a Navy SEAL mission which will ensure that it is bin Laden who is killed and will give the U.S. Military the opportunity to raid the compound for intelligence or simply launching an air raid over the compound and blowing the compound up, hoping that bin Laden is inside. Thompson enlists the help of George W. Bush and ultimately decides to go with the Navy SEAL route - the team is launched on November 1st and Osama bin Laden is killed, in his address to the nation Thompson tells the country that this is the "beginning of the end" for Al Qaeda's reign of terror and promises to keep the fight. Osama bin Laden's death limits the size of the Democratic victories in the MidTerm Elections.

CHAPTER 48: BY THE SKIN OF THEIR TEETH
The composition of the Senate remains 50-50 and Republicans, while losing a few seats, keep a small majority in the House. The lack of significant GOP victories in the wake of the bin Laden death show how desperate the economy is. With unemployment still high and the nation still very much in a recession, President Thompson hopes to address the economy in 2011 as Democrats prepare to take him out. Preview potential candidates (H. Clinton, Obama, Feingold, Bayh).

CHAPTER 49: KICKING THE CAN
In President Thompson's State of the Union Address he fights for more tax cuts for the nation while Democrats hit the GOP on the debt and deficit. A battle over spending ensues with the GOP saying tax cuts help the economy and that we have a spending problem. Thompson's tax cuts go nowhere as Democrats put their foot down and say enough is enough. Hillary Clinton announces a bid for President.

CHAPTER 50: SHE'S DANGEROUS
Some Democrats in the Senate want to prevent Hillary from becoming President and they plan to recruit Barack Obama, but Tim Feingold desperately wants to be President. With Congressional approvals low and a general dissatisfaction with Washington, many feel that Feingold is highly electable and he meets with Senator Obama to keep the Senator out of the presidential race. Obama decides to continue testing the waters. Meanwhile, Evan Bayh stays out of the race as Hillary Clinton continues to campaign around the nation. As this continues, Thompson confronts the spending debate.

CHAPTER 51: INTERNATIONAL CHAOS
Arab Spring. Happens as it did IOTL. Explain how Thompson doesn't want to get involved in Libya. The Thompson Admin. stays out of the situation altogether, promising neutrality. On top of that, some lesser known Democrats enter the race for President (Kucinich and Martin O'Malley). Kerry openly flirts with the idea of getting involved himself.

CHAPTER 52: UNITY
Barack Obama agrees to stay out of the race for President and Russ Feingold enters, essentially making it a two-way race between Hillary and Feingold with O'Malley constantly trying to get ahead, but most agree it just isn't his time. Former President Kerry announces he won't run for President and former VP Edwards decides to enter the race, beating O'Malley, but not quite rivaling Hillary and Feingold.

CHAPTER 53: TALES FROM THE TRAIL
Democratic Primaries. Feingold hits Hillary for "flip-flopping" while Edwards suffers from a general bad taste from the Kerry Admin. Hillary attacks Feingold as inexperienced, but Feingold argues a need for a Washington outsider. Hillary tries to suggest that's what we got with Fred Thompson, but the argument goes nowhere. Barack Obama formally endorses Feingold in October 2011 and helps Feingold tremendously. In the debates, Hillary and Feingold spar over a variety of issues and take turns winning debates. There are twelve debates throughout the season.

CHAPTER 54: WHAT PROGRESS?
Economic progress is slow with only a few jobs being created monthly. Democrats call for another stimulus, Republicans fight for tax cuts, and there's an inability to get anything done. Finally, a small package consisting of infrastructure development passes the Congress and is signed by Thompson, but it isn't enough. Point out that the economy never gets as bad as it did IOTL because of Kerry's last-minute stimuluses, but a lack of real action by Thompson has prevented real growth.

CHAPTER 55: WE DO NOT HAVE A NOMINEE
Democrats are deadlocked as Hillary and Feingold go back-and-forth and Edwards acts as a spoiler in the race. The nomination gets dragged-out past Super Tuesday. (Detail primary victories, etc.)

CHAPTER 56: AT THE BALLOT BOX
Feingold sweeps the next few states and Hillary ends her presidential campaign. With the nomination now on his side, Feingold reaches out to Hillary, sincerely, to make sure there are no hard feelings between them. Though the campaign got rough, it was never personal, and Hillary shows a genuine interest in helping Feingold defeat Thompson. On top of that, Feingold begins to select a Vice Presidential Nominee. The long list of names (Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama, Evan Bayh, Martin O'Malley, Ned Lamont, and Jack Reed) are brought down to a final three (Obama, Bayh, and Reed). Eventually, Feingold selects Obama who accepts the position.

CHAPTER 57: WELCOME TO PHOENIX
The Democratic National Convention is in Phoenix. First night: Hillary Clinton, Bill Clinton, and Mark Warner, former President Kerry. Hillary and Bill's speeches are exceptional. Second night: former VP John Edwards and Keynote Speech by Ned Lamont. Third night: Barack Obama (Evan Bayh and Martin O'Malley). Fourth Night: Russ Feingold.

CHAPTER 58: BACK IN MIAMI
The Republican National Convention is in Miami. First night: George W. Bush, George Allen, Mitt Romney, and Rudy Giuliani. Second night: Charlie Crist, John Thune, Keynote Speaker: Nikki Haley, the senator from South Carolina who replaced Lindsey Graham. Third night: VP Gingrich. Fourth night: President Thompson impresses. Democrats manage a bigger bump.

CHAPTER 59: THE FINAL STRETCH
Debates galore. The candidates have four debates (2 domestic, 1 general, 1 foreign - Feingold wins the first, Thompson wins the second, Feingold wins the town hall, Thompson wins the foreign). Gingrich and Obama have the most exciting debate, but Gingrich edges out a win. Feingold attacks Thompson on slow economic progress, Thompson says that he can't do anything without the help of Congress. The election is going to be close as Feingold brings out the reinforcements. Hillary and Obama campaign a lot together and form a deep, personal friendship. Former President Kerry hits the trail even though he left the presidency somewhat unpopular. Thompson and Gingrich fight to the bitter end as well.

CHAPTER 60: AND THE WINNER IS...
Feingold defeats Thompson: 297-241. Upon Feingold's victory he plans to map out a legislative agenda: equal rights for the LGBT community, an end to Afghanistan (a war now on its fourth president), and finalizing the turnaround of the American economy. He decides that he will tackle health care reform and education in a second term, should he get one. He also begins to loosely form a cabinet. He considers keeping Robert Gates on as Secretary of Defense, but decides to have a new face. His short list contains Jack Reed, Leon Panetta, and Marty Meehan. For Secretary of State he considers Hillary Clinton, bringing back Joe Biden, and Dick Holbrooke (who escapes death ITTL). He does name one post almost immediately after election: his Chief of Staff will be Bill Daley.

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CHAPTER 61: MAKING A ROADMAP
Go over Feingold cabinet selections. Treasury = numerous people considered (Laura D'Andrea Tyson, Erskine Bowles, Tim Geithner, Lawrence Summers, Roger Altman, and Sheryl Sandberg). Secretary of State is a long, complicated decision that Feingold is unsure about. He ultimately puts Hillary Clinton in the spot after strong urging by Barack Obama. Feingold's legislative agenda: pass another stimulus bill (largely dependent on infrastructure development), raising the minimum wage, and pushing through equal pay will make for an ambitious first term. Republican Jim Talent becomes the new Republican Senate Leader and the new whip for the party is Cathy McMorris-Rodgers. Democrat Senate Leadership = Dick Durbin, Leader and Patty Murray, Whip. Democratic House Leadership = Nancy Pelosi, Speaker, Steny Hoyer, Leader, and John Larson, Whip. Republican House Leadership = Roy Blunt, Leader and John Boehner, Whip.
 
THE FEINGOLD ADMINISTRATION:

CHAPTER 62: ENTER THE PROGRESSIVES
Cover Feingold's first 100 days: raising the minimum wage, equal pay for equal work, and a jobs bill. The first two pass easily while the Jobs Bill receives more hesitation. The plan, if passed, would call for massive government spending to be poured into the economy and seal the deal on a recovery. Republicans, with Jim Talent their leading voice, makes the case that the President would actually damage the economy due to inflation. Feingold argues that in these times of economic unrest major action must be taken. Ultimately, his bill passes though somewhat watered-down with the amount spent greatly reduced. Feingold signs the package by the spring of 2013. Repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell.


CHAPTER 63: DRAW DOWNS
Thompson left office without any real plans to bring America out of the war. Feingold meets with his team to discuss bringing about an end to the war. Feingold intends to get troops home by 2015, a task that the generals scramble to make happen. In the mean time, Feingold faces pressure from the more progressive wing of his party to tackle health care reform and other major issues, but Feingold stays the course with his plan of tackling those issues in what he hopes will be a second term.

CHAPTER 64: SEPARATION OF POWERS
Ruth Bader Ginsburg announces she is stepping down from the Supreme Court. Feingold considers a list of four people: Sonia Sotomayor, Jennifer Granholm, Kathleen Sullivan, and Patricia Timmons-Goodson. Ultimately Feingold goes with Sotomayor who faces a relatively easy confirmation. In the process of Sotomayor's confirmation hearings, Justice John Paul Stevens dies and is replaced by Feingold's second choice to replace Ginsburg: Granholm. The Granholm nomination is controversial as she is a partisan politician but she is ultimately confirmed 57-40.

CHAPTER 65: NUCLEAR OPTION
After the threat of a filibuster during the Granholm nomination, Feingold urges Senators to pass the nuclear option, eliminating the Senate filibuster. The motion is passed with hefty support from both sides of the aisle and will make compromise easier in the future. In the mean time, Vice President Obama tours the nation to gain support for Feingold's economic agenda as the economy begins a rebound.

CHAPTER 66: TIME FLIES
State of the Union. NJ & Virginia governor races (2013).

CHAPTER 67: BRACE YOURSELF
Death of Anthony Kennedy. Preview for MidTerm elections.

CHAPTER 68: FULL EQUALITY
Supreme Court finds laws that are anti-gay rights as unconstitutional, allows national gay marriage.

CHAPTER 69: HALFWAY DONE
Mid term elections. Preview for presidential race. Preview for end of engagement in Afghanistan.
 
Everything Else:

Presidents , Vice Presidents, Elections-
44. John Kerry (2005-2009)
45. Fred Thompson (2009-2013)
46. Russ Feingold (2013-2021)
47. Nikki Haley (2021-2029)
47. John Edwards (2005-2009)
48. Newt Gingrich (2009-2013)
49. Barack Obama (2013-2016)*
50. Ned Lamont (2016-2021)
51. Paul Ryan (2021-2029)
* appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court in 2016
2008: Thompson/Gingrich def. Kerry/Edwards*
2012: Feingold/Obama def. Thompson/Gingrich* (Somewhat Close)
2016: Feingold/Lamont* def. Thune/Crist (Nail biter)
2020: Haley/Ryan def. Lamont/O'Malley (Somewhat Close)
2024: Haley/Ryan* def. Julian Castro/Tammy Baldwin (Landslide)
Political Careers of Tickets-
Tim Kaine:
- Governor of Virginia, 2006-2010
Nikki Haley:
- U.S. Senator from South Carolina, 2009-2020 (Appointed after Lindsey Graham leaves)
Charlie Crist:
- Governor of Florida, 2007-2015
John Thune:
- Governor of South Dakota, 2007-2011
- U.S. Senator from South Dakota, 2011-2041 (Retires in 2040)
- Senate Republican Leader, 2017-2031
Julian Castro:
- Governor of Texas (2017-2025)

Fred Thompson's Cabinet -
President: Fred Thompson
Vice President: Newt Gingrich
Secretary of State: Richard Armitage
Secretary of the Treasury: Rob Portman
Secretary of Defense: Bob Gates
Attorney General: Lindsey Graham
Secretary of the Interior: Marc Racicot
Secretary of Agriculture: Sonny Perdue
Secretary of Commerce: Ted Waitt
Secretary of Labor: John Engler
Secretary of Health and Human Services: Mike Huckabee
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Michael Steele
Secretary of Transportation: Tim Pawlenty
Secretary of Education: Phil Handy
Secretary of Energy: Sarah Palin
Secretary of Veterans' Affairs: Arlen Specter
Secretary of Homeland Security: Susan Collins
2008 Senate Elections -
Alabama: Jeff Sessions (R) reelected over Vivian Figures (D). R Hold
Alaska: Ted Stevens (R) reelected over Mark Begich (D). R Hold
Arkansas: Mark Pryor (D) reelected over Rebekah Kennedy (G). D Hold
Colorado: Bob Schaffer (R) defeats Mark Udall (D). R Hold
Delaware: John Carney, Jr (D) reelected over Christine O'Donnell (R). D Hold
Georgia: Saxby Chambliss (R) reelected over Jim Martin (D). R Hold
Idaho: Jim Risch (R) reelected over Larry LaRocco (D). R Hold
Illinois: Dick Durbin (D) reelected over Steve Sauerberg (R). D Hold
Iowa: Tom Harkin (D) reelected over Christopher Reed (R). D Hold
Kansas: Pat Roberts (R) reelected over Jim Slattery (D). R Hold
Kentucky: Mitch McConnell (R) reelected over Bruce Lunsford (D). R Hold
Louisiana: John Neely Kennedy (R) defeats Mary Landrieu (D). R Gain
Maine: Tom Allen (D) reelected over Charlie Summers (R). D Hold
Massachusetts: Deval Patrick (D) reelected over Jeff Beatty (R). D Hold
Michigan: Carl Levin (D) reelected over Jack Hoogendy (R). D Hold
Minnesota: Norm Coleman (R) reelected over Al Franken (D). R Hold
Mississippi: Thad Cochran (R) reelected over Erik Fleming (D). R Hold
Mississippi: Roger Wicker (R) reelected over Ronnie Musgrove (D). R Hold
Montana: Max Baucus (D) reelected over Bob Kelleher (R). D Hold
Nebraska: Mike Johanns (R) defeats Scott Kleeb (D). R Hold
New Hampshire: John Sununu (R) defeats Maggie Hassan (D). R Hold
New Jersey: Dick Zimme (R) defeats Frank Lautenberg (D). R Gain
New Mexico: Tom Udall (D) defeats Steve Pearce (R). D Gain
North Carolina: Elizabeth Dole (R) reelected over Kay Hagan (D). R Hold
Oklahoma: Jim Inhofe (R) reelected over Andrew Rice (D). R Hold
Oregon: Gordon Smith (R) reelected over Jeff Merkley (D). R Hold
Rhode Island: Jack Reed (D) reelected over Robert Tingle (D). R Hold
South Carolina: Lindsey Graham (R) reelected over Bob Conley (D). R Hold
South Dakota: Tim Johnson (D) reelected over Joel Dykstra (R). D Hold
Tennessee: Lamar Alexander (R)reelected over Bob Tuke (D). D Hold
Texas: John Cornyn (R) reelected over Rick Noriega (D). R Hold
Virginia: Mark Warner (D) defeats Jim Gilmore (R). D Gain
West Virginia: Shelley Moore Capito (R) defeats Jay Rockefeller (D). R Gain
Wyoming: Mike Enzi (R) reelected over Chris Rothfuss (D). R Hold
Wyoming: John Barrasso (R) reelected over Nick Carter (D). R Hold

Old Senate Composition = 50 Democrats & 50 Republicans
New Senate Composition = 51 Republicans & 49 Democrats

2008 Gubernatorial Elections -
Delaware: Jack Markell (D) defeats William Swain Lee (R). D Hold
Indiana: Mitch Daniels (R) reelected over Jill Long Thompson (D). R Hold
Missouri: Jay Nixon (D) defeats Kenny Hulshof (R). D Gain
Montana: Brian Schweitzer (D) defeats Roy Brown (R). D Hold
New Hampshire: John Lynch (D) defeats Joe Kennedy (R). D Hold
North Carolina: Pat McCrory (R) defeats Bev Perdue (D). R Gain
North Dakota: John Hoeven (R) reelected over Tim Mathern (D). R Hold
Utah: Jon Huntsman, Jr. (R) reelected over Bob Springmeyer (D). R Hold
Vermont: Jim Douglas (R) reelected over Anthony Pollina (I) and Gaye Symington (D). R Hold
Washington: Christine Gregoire (D) reelected over Dino Rossi (R). D Hold
West Virginia: Joe Manchin (D) reelected over Russ Weeks (R). D Hold

2010 Senatorial Elections -
Alabama: Richard Shelby (R) reelected over William Barnes (D). R Hold
Alaska: Lisa Murkowski (R) reelected over Scott McAdams (D). R Hold
Arizona: Janet Napolitano (D) defeats John McCain (R). D Gain
Arkansas: John Boozman (R) defeats Blanche Lincoln (D). R Gain
California: Barbara Boxer (D) defeats Carly Fiorina (R). D Hold
Colorado: Ken Salazar (D) defeats Ken Buck (R). D Hold
Connecticut: Richard Blumenthal (D) defeats Rob Simmons (R). D Hold
Delaware: Chris Coons (D) defeats Mike Castle (R). D Hold
Florida: Betty Castor (D) reelected over Marco Rubio (R). D Hold
Georgia: Johnny Isakson (R) reelected over Michael Thurmond (D). R Hold
Hawaii: Daniel Inouye (D) reelected over Campbell Cavasso (R). D Hold
Idaho: Mike Crapo (R) reelected over Tom Sullivan (D). R Hold
Illinois: Barack Obama (D) reelected over Mark Kirk (R). D Hold
Indiana: Evan Bayh (D) reelected over Dan Coats (R). D Hold
Iowa: Chuck Grassley (R) reelected over Roxanne Conlin (D). R Hold
Kansas: Jerry Moran (R) reelected over Lisa Johnston (D). R Hold
Kentucky: Daniel Mongiardo (D) reelected over Trey Grayson (R). D Hold
Louisiana: David Vitter (R) reelected over Charles Melancon (D). R Hold
Maryland: Barbara Mikulski (D) reelected over Eric Wargotz (R). D Hold
Missouri: Robin Carnahan (D) defeats Roy Blunt (R). D Gain
Nevada: Harry Reid (D) reelected over Sue Lowden (R). D Hold
New Hampshire: Kelly Ayotte (R) defeats Paul Hodes (D). R Hold
New York: Charles Schumer (D) defeats Jay Townsend (R). D Hold
North Carolina: Erskine Bowles (D) reelected over Mike Easley (R). D Hold
North Dakota: John Hoeven (R) defeats Tracy Potter (D). R Gain
Ohio: Lee Fisher (D) defeats Ken Blackwell (R). D Gain
Oklahoma: Tom Coburn (R) defeats Jim Rogers (D). R Hold
Oregon: Ron Wyden (D) defeats Jim Huffman (R). D Hold
Pennsylvania: Joe Sestak* (D) reelected over Joe Scarnati (R). D Hold
South Carolina: Jim DeMint (R) reelected over Alvin Greene (D). R Hold
South Dakota: John Thune (R) defeats Tom Daschle (D). R Gain
Utah: Bob Bennett (R) reelected over Sam Granato (D). R Hold
Vermont: Patrick Leahy (D) reelected over Len Britton (R). D Hold
Washington: Patty Murray (D) reelected over Dino Rossi (R). D Hold
West Virginia: Joe Manchin (D) defeats John Raese (R). D Hold
Wisconsin: Russ Feingold (D) defeats Ron Johnson (R). D Hold

*Sestak was chosen to replace Arlen Specter

Old Senate Composition = 50 Democrats & 50 Republicans
New Senate Composition = 50 Democrats & 50 Republicans


Governor Elections, 2010 -
Alabama: Robert Bentley (R) defeats Ron Sparks (D). R Hold
Alaska: Sean Parnell (R) reelected over Ethan Berkowitz (D). R Hold
Arizona: Terry Goddard (D) defeats Jan Brewer (R). D Hold
Arkansas: Mike Beebe (D) reelected over Jim Keet (R).
California: Gavin Newsom (D) defeats Meg Whitman (R). D Gain
Colorado: John Hickenlooper (D) defeats Dan Maes (R). D Hold
Connecticut: Dan Malloy (D) defeats Tom Foley (R). D Gain
Florida: Charlie Crist (R) reelected over Alex Sink (D). R Hold
Georgia: Nathan Deal (R) defeats Roy Barnes (D). R Hold
Hawaii: Neil Abercrombie (D) defeats J.R. Aiona (R). D Gain
Idaho: Butch Otter (R) defeats Keith Allred (D). R Hold
Illinois: Judy Baar Topinka (R) reelected over Dan Hynes (D). R Hold
Iowa: Jim Nussle (R) reelected over Christie Vilsack (D). R Hold
Kansas: Sam Brownback (R) defeats Tom Holland (D). R Hold
Maine: Eliot Cutler (I) defeats Paul LePage (R). I Gain
Maryland: Martin O'Malley (D) reelected over Robert Ehrlich (R). D Hold
Massachusetts: Thomas Reilly (D) reelected over Charlie Baker (R). D Hold
Michigan: John Cherry (D) reelected over Rick Snyder (R). D Hold
Minnesota: Carol Monau (R) reelected over Mark Dayton (D). R Hold
Nebraska: Dave Heineman (R) reelected over Mike Meister (D). R Hold
Nevada: Brian Sandoval (R) defeats Rory Reid (D). R Hold
New Hampshire: John Lynch (D) reelected over John Stephen (R). D Hold
New Mexico: Susana Martinez (R) defeats Diane Denish (D). R Gain
New York: Andrew Cuomo (D) defeats Carl Paladino (R). D Hold
Ohio: Ted Strickland (D) reelected over John Kasich (R). D Hold
Oklahoma: Mary Fallin (R) defeats Jari Askins (D). R Gain
Oregon: Ron Saxton (R) reelected over John Kitzhaber (D). R Hold
Pennsylvania: Jim Gerlach (R) defeats Dan Onorato (D). R Gain
Rhode Island: Charles Fogarty (D) reelected over John Robitaille (R).
South Carolina: Henry McMaster (R) defeats Vincent Sheehan (D). R Hold
South Dakota: Dennis Daugaard (R) defeats Scott Heidepriem (D). R Hold
Tennessee: Bill Haslam (R) defeats Mike McWherter (D). R Gain
Texas: Rick Perry (R) reelected over Bill White (D). R Hold
Vermont: Jim Douglas (R) reelected over Peter Shumlin (D). R Hold
Wisconsin: Mark Green (R) reelected over Tom Barrett (D). R Hold
Wyoming: Matt Mead (R) defeats Leslie Petersen (D). R Gain

Tim Kaine's Cabinet -
President: Tim Kaine
Vice President: Barack Obama
Secretary of State: Hillary Clinton
Secretary of the Treasury: Sheryl Sandberg
Secretary of Defense: Jack Reed
Attorney General: Cass Sunstein
Secretary of the Interior: Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.
Secretary of Agriculture: Tom Vilsack
Secretary of Commerce: John Bryson
Secretary of Labor: Rosa DeLauro
Secretary of Health and Human Services: Tom Daschle
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Shaun Donovan
Secretary of Transportation: Jim Oberstar
Secretary of Education: David Boren
Secretary of Energy: Maria Cantwell
Secretary of Veterans' Affairs: Max Cleland
Secretary of Homeland Security: Susan Rice
Senate Elections (2012)-
Arizona: Richard Carmona (D) defeats Jeff Flake (R). D Gain
California: Dianne Feinstein (D) reelected over Elizabeth Emken (R). D Hold
Connecticut: Ned Lamont (D) defeats Linda McMahon (R). D Hold
Delaware: Tom Carper (D) reelected over Kevin Wade (R). D Hold
Florida: Bill Nelson (D) reelected over Connie Mack IV (R). D Hold
Hawaii: Mazie Hirono (D) defeats Linda Lingle (R). D Hold
Indiana: Richard Lugar (R) reelected over Joe Donnelly (D). R Hold
Maine: Olympia Snowe (R) reelected over Cynthia Dill (D). R Hold
Maryland: Ben Cardin (D) defeats Dan Bongino (R). D Hold
Massachusetts: Martha Coakley (D) reelected over Scott Brown (R). D Hold
Michigan: Debbie Stabenow (D) reelected over Pete Hoekstra (R). D Hold
Minnesota: Amy Klobuchar (DFL) defeats Kurt Bills (R). D Hold
Mississippi: Roger Wicker (R) reelected over Albert Gore, Jr. (D). R Hold
Missouri: Jim Talent (R) reelected over Robin Carnahan (D). R Hold
Montana: Jon Tester (D) defeats Conrad Burns (R). D Gain
Nebraska: Ben Nelson (D) reelected over Pete Ricketts (R). D Hold
Nevada: Shelley Berkley (D) defeats Dean Heller (R). D Gain
New Jersey: Bob Menendez (D) defeats Joe Kyrillos (R). D Hold
New Mexico: Martin Heinrich (D) defeats Heather Wilson (R). D Hold
New York: Hillary Clinton (D) reelected over Wendy Long (R). D Hold
North Dakota: Heidi Heitkamp (D) defeats Rick Berg (R). D Hold
Ohio: Ted Strickland (D) defeats Mike DeWine (R). D Gain
Pennsylvania: Bob Casey (D) defeats Tom Smith (R). D Hold
Rhode Island: Lincoln Chafee (R) reelected over Frank Caprio (D). R Hold
Tennessee: Ed Bryant (R) defeats Mark Clayton (D). R Hold
Texas: Kay Bailey Hutchison (R) reelected over Paul Sadler (D). R Hold
Utah: Orrin Hatch (R) reelected over Scott Howell (D). R Hold
Vermont: Bernie Sanders (I) reelected over John MacGovern (R). I Hold
Virginia: Tim Kaine (D) defeats George Allen (R). D Gain
Washington: Cathy McMorris Rodgers defeats Dennis Heck (D). R Hold
West Virginia: Joe Manchin (D) reelected over John Raese (R). D Hold
Wisconsin: Tammy Baldwin (D) defeats Tommy Thompson (R). D Hold
Wyoming: John Barrasso (R) reelected over Tim Chesnut (D). R Hold

Old Senate Composition = 50 Democrats & 50 Republicans
New Senate Composition = 55 Democrats & 45 Republicans

Supreme Court (Vacancies) -
Chief Justice: Ann Williams (2005-2020) (Retires, Replaced by Tim Kaine)
1) Merrick Garland (2007-)
2) John Roberts (2009-2027) (Retires, Replaced by Nikki Haley)
3) Antonin Scalia (1986-2016) (Dies, Replaced by Tim Kaine)
4) Anthony Kennedy (1988-2014) (Dies, Replaced by Tim Kaine)
5) Clarence Thomas (1991-2021) (Retires, Replaced by Nikki Haley)
6) Ruth Bader Ginsburg (1993-2013) (Retires, Replaced by Tim Kaine)
7) Stephen Breyer (1994-2017) (Dies, Replaced by Tim Kaine)
8) John Paul Stevens (1970-2013) (Dies, Replaced by Tim Kaine)
----
9) Sonia Sotomayor (2013-2028) (Dies, Replaced by Nikki Haley)
10) Jennifer Granholm (2013-)
11) Kamala Harris (2014-)
12) Barack Obama (2016-2020) (Elevated to Chief Justice)
13) Paul Watford (2017-)
14) Barack Obama as Chief Justice (2020-)

Supreme Court Appointments -
Tim Kaine:
2013 = Sonia Sotomayor to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg
2013 = Jennifer Granholm to replace John Paul Stevens
2014 = Kamala Harris to replace Anthony Kennedy
2016 = Barack Obama to replace Antonin Scalia
2017 = Paul Watford to replace Stephen Breyer
2020 = Barack Obama to replace Ann Claire Williams
2020 = Jacqueline Nguyen to replace Barack Obama

Nikki Haley:
2021 = Raoul G. Cantero, III to replace Clarence Thomas
2027 = Cecilia Maria Altonaga to replace John Roberts
2028 = Brett Kavanaugh to replace Sonia Sotomayor
 
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