The new vessels were exhilarating, especially compared to the ageing Cormoran and Condor that had accompanied the Emperor on his grand tour. SMS Reval and Wismar were already at sea, and the launch of SMS Hamburg and Rostock were to follow soon. The Kreuzerflotte was to be the second part of Germany's navy to get its overhaul, after the building programme that had replaced decrepit ships of the line with state-of-the-art ones. Prince Regent Albert had wanted to leave it at that – everyone had agreed that muzzleloading 10-inch guns were not adequate to defending Germany's shores any longer – but the National Liberals had made their support for the appropriations dependent on the new cruiser fleet, and since the Flottenverein had patriotically collected money for the outfitting of the Hansa-class cruisers, the cost had eventually not turned out too prohibitive. Wilhelm loved the sleek, greyhound craft, and even Albert, once he had boarded SMS Reval, could not help being thrilled at their power. Disparage them as toys he might, but he was hardly immune from their charm.
In the comfortable armchair of the Hotel Jacob, Admiral von Koester, the erstwhile commander of His Majesty's escort cruisers and now admiral of the cruiser fleet, happily stretched out his feet towards the fire and relished his cigar. Most of his days were spent in Kiel and Hamburg, working at desks, despite the close friendship he had developed with the emperor over the course of their journey together. He rarely took to the sea, so the trial runs of new vessels was an opportunity to be savoured. It also brought him together with Wilhelm, who loved warships (as he did all things technological), and it meant they could talk, rather than have official interviews. A man of plebeian origins – and despite the “von”, Koester was very much not a nobleman – otherwise could find it hard to meet royalty socially. Of course, it also meant he would have to deal with anyone who managed to inveigle themselves into the imperial presence to push their agendas. Recently, the number of such people had greatly increased. Today, a number of representatives from the Flottenverein had come to casually, and entirely coincidentally, speak of the need for a larger navy. Their timing was not even bad.
“...but considering how powerful the French navy is today, will we not have to consider when economic considerations must take second place to the vital interest of the nation? Four more ships of the line are launching this year, against only cruisers of ours!” Mr Hachmann, a Hamburg senator, argued. Wilhelm was stung by the accusation, but seemed unsure how to respoind. Von Koester came to his side.
“The economics do not matter too much, really. You probably know better than I that we have adequate tax receipts and can afford our defense. The key difference lies in strategy. The French fleet is designed differently, and consequently has different needs from ours. France has global commitments we lack, and needs the ability to defend sea lanes we can forgo.”
“'True global commitments?' Hachmann was visibly incensed. “Admiral, are you suggesting that Germany does not? Who will defend our colonies?!”
“First of all, Mister Hachmann,” Koester was not normally an arrogant man, but he resented being told his business by civilians, “I am not at all sure that Germany should be counted among the true colonial powers. Surely no more so that Denmark or Belgium. Who shall defend our colonies? Our army, of course. In the event of a French attack, we cannot hope to hold them for long. What we can and will do is administer such blows to France on land that they must return our colonies, and probably more besides, at the peace conference. A larger navy would not help us in that endeavour – we lack the web of coaling stations and the oceanic ports for it. The money to defend Togo and Südwest is spent on our divisions in Elsass-Lothringen, not on our navy. Trying to rival France at sea would mean starving our land forces of funds they need to defend our borders.”
Wilhelm had fallen silent, sensing that taking either side might be construed as an endorsement. The question he had been meaning to ask was voiced by Mayor Mönckeberg.
“Admiral, then, why do the French need so many ships?”
“The French, Mr Mayor, have essentially the same problem we do. They have a powerful enemy on each side, us and Britain. The French army is designed to threaten us, but their fleet is meant to be a threat to the Royal Navy. Our own fleet probably hardly features in their calculations.”
“The British!” Hachmann was unconvinced. “Admiral, the French navy cannot hope to rival Britain's, not if they kept building ships at the rate they are for two decades. If not Germany, what is their target?”
Koester sighed, quietly enough to seem involuntary, but just loudly enough to be audible to everyone. “Nobody can rival the Royal Navy, that is right, Sir. But the French figure they will not need to. If they can muster a fleet large enough to be difficult for the Royal navy to defeat without massive losses, they will be safe from attack. France needs sea lanes to her colonies, and especially across the Mediterranean to Africa. But she can survive without them for a time, even a few years of war. Britain needs the sea like we need air to breathe, and even a few months of being cut off will destroy her. That is why she needs the Royal Navy. If a war with France means Britain will lose a significant number of warships, then she cannot dare it. France, true, will lose her entire fleet in the process, but Britain's will be crippled and spend years rebuilding. Years anyone may use to pick at the British Empire. Even we might.”
“Very well, Admiral,” Mönckeberg interjected pensively, ”but such a powerful strategy could and should be emulated. Why are we not using such a – deterrence – against Britain? Buying safety from the threat of war should be worth a great sum.”
“Mr Mayor, mainly because the strategy is wrong. The French have been launching battleship after battleship mainly because they used to rely on smaller ships in the past and, like us, need to rebuild their main battle fleet. Unlike us, they feel compelled to defends their sea lanes even against Britain, and want to deter her. The problem is that their calculations are based on the Royal Navy as it was in 1895. The British are also building ships, and they can build more. Even as they are, the French war plans depend on luck and skill over numbers. If the British fight as little better, or the French get unlucky early on, they will have lost the war at sea, just like they did a hundred years ago. And it presupposes that the British will be fighting them alone, which they might not be. Even a small fleet, allied to Britain's, can tip the scales decisively if it forces the French to detail ships away from their main force. And on top of all of that, the French government has been spending more money than it can afford. Their army is already suffering. To be frank, we are better off than they. Our army defends us against both Russia and France, but they need an army against us and a navy against England.!”
Mönckeberg nodded. He did not look convinced, but was wise enough to shut up while he still could with dignity. Hachmann seemed fiercely angry, but defeated. Wilhelm sent his Admiral a grateful glance before guiding the conversation towards the Bismarck memorial the city was building.