(At least) 100 more meters for Heinrich Brüning

oberdada

-I-​





Monday, May 30th 1932 Reich Chancellery Berlin

Chancellor (Reichskanzler) Brüning stepped into his office. He didn't really know why, maybe to say goodbye. One more Cabinet meeting and then the Cabinet would resign, President (Reichspräsident) Paul von Hindenburg expected that much, there was no way around it.

'I'll have to find a new place to stay.' Apparently that was his biggest personal problem, the Country had much bigger problems. Brüning didn't even want to think who Hindenburg would appoint as a successor. He sat behind his desk, just staring at the interior for a moment.

Then there was a knock at the door; his secretary: “Mister Chancellor, Adjutant Oskar von Hindenburg is here to see you!”

“Of course, send him in.”



Oskar von Hindenburg was probably the last person he wanted to see right now, but he was still Chancellor at the goodwill of the President, and therefore it wasn't a good idea to keep the man waiting that was not only his liaison officer but also his only son; their dislike was mutual. Brüning rose behind his desk, when the younger Hindenburg entered, he didn't look good.

The man had put on his usual uniform, but with a carelessness Brüning had never seen before.

He saluted: “ Mister Chancellor, it is my duty to inform you of the passing of the President; General Paul von Hindenburg died last night peacefully in his sleep.”

Brüning almost automatically returned the salute: ” My condolences, I am sorry for your loss.”

The two man exchanged a couple of more words, but noticed quickly that they both really had no interest in a conversation.

So Oskar von Hindenburg took his leave, while Chancellor and now also acting President Heinrich Brüning sat behind his desk and thought about his options. He wouldn't have to look for a new place to stay, at least not just yet.



Notes:

I think AH.com needs to give Heinrich Brüning a chance, so here it is.

I have entered German terms when titles first come up.

I have some ideas for Brüning to act, but I don't have an entire TL in my head yet.

I want to see where it goes, but slowly.

Suggestions are welcome (unless they are about Lettow-Vorbeck ;-) ), but not useful if they are to far ahead of the story.

The title is inspired by a quote from Brüning memoirs.
 
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oberdada

-II-​



Minutes later Brüning was giving the first orders, preparing a statement, informing the Parliamentary President (Reichstagspräsident ) Paul Löbe himself . There would be a period of morning, and an official ceremony. Of course there would also be a new presidential election, likely with 2 rounds.

It had happened before in 1925. Back then Chancellor Luther had only been acting president for a short time, before the Reichstag had passed that over to somebody else. But back then the Chancellor had had a majority, it had been one of the few relative stable years of the republic.

Brüning needed to talk to an expert in constitutional law, to a very creative expert.
 
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Some Bloke

L-V may have been a badass, but he really wasn't much cop as a politician.
2 years as a Reichstag deputy for the DNVP and a deal with the Stalhelm.
He's been out of politics for 2 years and out of the Army since the beginning of
the republic. He could be given a ministerial or ambassador post, but there's
no evidence that he had the ability or inclination to build a succesful political career.
 

oberdada

-III-​





The Cabinet meeting had been postponed to the early evening, everybody was busy, if only busy running around.



Soon the midday-papers would announce the death of the president; and the vacancy in the presidency.



The professor from the nearby Fredric-Wilhelm-University wasn't the leading expert on constitutional law, but he came close enough, and secrecy was more important.

It had been a very productive meeting.



“Thank you for your time and your expertise. I just wanted to make sure that I can issue emergency decrees (Notverordnungen) according to Article 48 as acting president. Under normal circumstances I wouldn't think about using these powers, but these are not normal times.”

The professor nodded. He had tried to explain to Brüning that is it was questionable if he was acting President at all. The presidential succesion law passed in 1925 meant just for the vacancy after Eberts death, but it was considered commen consensus that it would simply apply in case of another vacancy. But Brüning didn't want to hear any of it. The professor himself would have chosen Heinrich Brüning over Erwin Bumke any day; and as the Chancellor, he changed that in his mind to acting President, had said, these weren't normal times.

Brüning leaned back, there was one more thing:

“I need you to draft me an emergency decree. Do it yourself, don't talk to anybody about it and even type it yourself. We have to prevent Hitler from running in the upcoming elections. My best idea is to renounce his citizenship. If you can think of a better way, I will take it. Just do your best; if he can't run now, it won't matter to much if it doesn't stand before court.”



The professor nodded again, he felt uncomfortable, but as he stepped out of the door Brüning knew he would get what he had asked for.



Notes:



Well, that is the setup.

Please excuse my writing English is not my first language, I capitalize more words than usual.

I want to use English terms as often as possible, to keep the text readable.

Any thoughts?
 
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NoMommsen

oberdada said:
So Paul von Hindenburg took his leave, while Chancellor and now also acting President Heinrich Brüning sat behind his desk and thought about his options. He wouldn't have to look for a new place to stay, at least not just yet.
Click to expand...
Sry to spoil your attempt ... a bit, but :
Due to the law of 10.March 1925 about the deputy of the Reichspräsident, this is the President of the Reichsgericht (supreme court in Weimar constitution).

Even though this law was passed 'only' in case of the death of Ebert, it was rendered by the Reichsgericht as well as almost every State lawyers as being in function in 1931 and 1932, when the discussions started about the comming election of a Reichspräsident.

Therefore : Brüning had NOT the rights of article 48. These were with the afforementioned president of the Reichsgericht, who hold for the time until a new president is elected all rights of the Reichspräsident, at that time Walter Simon.

However, even without the Article 48 powers, Brüning was on very 'good footing' with Simon.


Despite this : ... I am eager to read MOOOAARe :extremelyhappy:
 

NoMommsen

Now Brüning has the same problems he had already at the change 1931/1932 : finding a ... suitable Reichspräsident.

One who can stand against the still rising star of Adolf Hitler ....

Only other chance I can see here (Hindenburg dead) would be a declaration of state of emergency and Reichswehr rule.
That on the other hand would almost completly spoil what he had already achieved with the wallies at that time (preparations for theLausanne-conference on reparations, disarmament conference with an outlook for though small rearmament) and that was a lot (principal agreement with everybody beside the french on ending of reparations, change of personal structure of Reichswehr [shorter conscription times plus a 'militia']).
 
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Some Bloke

If NoMommsen's right about the presidential succession laws, this can only mean one thing:

6a00d83452654869e200e55282a3988834-pi
 

NoMommsen

Brüning desperatly needed Hindenburg, period.

So, we/you have to find some other PoD keeping Hindenburg to give Brüning his '100 meters'.

Main reason for Hindenburg giving Brüning the boot was the influence of his 'junker' friends during his stay at his estate at Niedeck from 15.May (IIRC). Prior to that he - once again - confirmed Brüning of his 'manly standing by a friend (Brüning)'.
What brought the 'junkers' up against Brüning, was a part of his 'Notverordnungs'-package already prepared to - once again - fix the financial and economic crisis. A part that threatened the already for years highly indebted 'junkers' with
  • becomming liable to foreclosure ... and
  • not paying them further subsidies for bad managing, as they had squeezed out of almost every Weimar goverment prior already
Brüning sensed this problem well, but was pressured by the SPD, esp. Otto Braun as the prussian 'Ministerpresident', who had to pay the main lot to the junkers on the regulations in function at that time.


PoD could then maybe :
Brüning convinces the SPD (Otto Braun) to postpone this part of the Emergency decree package until after the Lausanne conference. Otherwise he would have to go and a Reichswehr/junker rule friendly to Hitler might follow (that worked quite well already on the presidential election and after 'lost' prussian election of 24.April the SPD would be in an even greater fear).
To Hindenburg he could then sell this postponement as a bowing to his wishes. Hindenburg is happy with his 'MG-company-commander' in charge and Brüning has his 100 meters.

And now have fun with working the details :openedeyewink:.
 

NoMommsen

The flaw of the idea getting rid of Hitler as a Presidential candidate :

The Nazis could easily set up someone else, Göring, Prince August Wilhelm of Hohenzollern, whoever.
Everybody would know it's only a strawman and that they would elect Adolf Hitler in real.

Also Brüning would have to face even worse civil war like conditions after such an act against the 'Führer'.
 

oberdada

NoMommsen said:
Sry to spoil your attempt ... a bit, but :
Due to the law of 10.March 1925 about the deputy of the Reichspräsident, this is the President of the Reichsgericht (supreme court in Weimar constitution).

Even though this law was passed 'only' in case of the death of Ebert, it was rendered by the Reichsgericht as well as almost every State lawyers as being in function in 1931 and 1932, when the discussions started about the comming election of a Reichspräsident.

Therefore : Brüning had NOT the rights of article 48. These were with the afforementioned president of the Reichsgericht, who hold for the time until a new president is elected all rights of the Reichspräsident, at that time Walter Simon.

However, even without the Article 48 powers, Brüning was on very 'good footing' with Simon.


Despite this : ... I am eager to read MOOOAARe :extremelyhappy:
Click to expand...

I have to check this, the succession became part of the Constituon on December 17th 1932, so I thought that Brüning would get this powers, untill the Reichstag decides something else, at this point not very likely. So it is not absolutely clear. According to Wikipedia Walter Simons was succeeded in 1929 by Erwin Bumke.

But thanks for input. So far Brüning has not used any presidential powers.
 

oberdada

-IV-​



Minister kept arriving at Wilhelmstr. 77, but Brüning was still busy, so far the only Minister he had seen personally was Wilhelm Groener, Minister for Defense (Reichswehrminister), but he hadn't a thing to say to his colleges, it was symbol enough that he was there at all for the Cabinet meeting.

Meanwhile people kept arriving at Wilhelmstr. 73, the official Residence of the President and simply gathered in mourning and to sign their condolences into a big black book. It seemed that the remembrance of Tannenberg was enough to unite most of the country, if only for a day or two.



Finally Brüning left his office after one of many talks, the last one being with Prussian deputy Prime Minister (stellvertretender preussischer Ministerpräsident) Hirtsiefer, apparently Otto Braun was not well. The Prussian government had lost parliamentary majority in the election last month, but was still acting, and would until a new government could be elected, not likely with KPD and NSDAP holding more than 50% of the seats.

The Cabinet meeting was short, just some basic announcements really. The Chancellor will meet with leaders of the parliamentary clubs (den Fraktionsvorsitzenden) on Friday on how to set the timetable for the presidential elections. The Government will propose July 3rd and July 31st in the very likely case of the second round. Parliament would gather in three 3 days on Thursday for a memorial and on the following Monday for a special session.

A similar law as in 1925 will be presented to parliament regarding the cost of the funeral.

Attempts will be made to postpone the Conference of Lausanne for a second time, due to the election.
The alternative would be to postpone the election for 2 or 3 weeks.

The Government will continue to work for the good of the people.







Notes:

Trying hard to avoid an “As you know Bob...” moment.

After what NoMommsen has pointed out, I will have to do some research, maybe rewrite a bit of this TL and this will take time and effort, so the next update might take some time, but I am not giving up the POD, no matter where it will lead to.

I have never claimed that 100 meters would be enough...

Edit: Apparently parliament passed specials law in 1925 after Ebert's death, so I have changed some details. Brüning can not simply set the dates for the election.
 
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NoMommsen

Me baaad, you're right with Ermin Bumke. As well as with the incorporation of the mentioned law of 1925 into the constitution proper in december 1932.

However, this question was discussed broadly in 1931/32. And general consensus was, that the law of 1925 would apply again.
The important part in Article 51 (1) :
"Lasts the prevention/absence expectedly longer, has the substitute to be regulated by a law."

Dead I would assume is an to be expected longer absence.;)

Therefore the law of 1925 would be the 'blueprint' this time.
 

oberdada

NoMommsen said:
Me baaad, you're right with Ermin Bumke. As well as with the incorporation of the mentioned law of 1925 into the constitution proper in december 1932.

However, this question was discussed broadly in 1931/32. And general consensus was, that the law of 1925 would apply again.
The important part in Article 51 (1) :
"Lasts the prevention/absence expectedly longer, has the substitute to be regulated by a law."

Dead I would assume is an to be expected longer absence.;)

Therefore the law of 1925 would be the 'blueprint' this time.
Click to expand...

Well, Brüning wasn't one to simply accept a general consensus, this might get closer to a self-coup than I had intended...
 
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