Well if he takes this to the end of the War we will get snippets of what happens in the future. If you have yet read his Leyte story, I recommend it.
A more powerful Curtain Call - The Australasian Federation and World War 2
- Thread starter johnboy
- Start date
Well if he takes this to the end of the War we will get snippets of what happens in the future. If you have yet read his Leyte story, I recommend it.
The issue of the forming of a federation for the colonies in the Pacific had first been mooted by Sir Henry Parkes, who was essentially the first father of Federation and it’s driving force. Parkes first proposed a Federal Council in 1867, but nothing was to come of this for more than ten years.
By 1880 Parkes was firmly installed as Premier as New South Wales and again took up the issue of Federation. However, the first step in federation was the formation of the Federal Council in 1883.
The Federal Council itself was mainly the brainchild of Sir Samuel Griffith, the premier of Queensland. Concerned with both German expansion in New Guinea and French expansion in both New Caledonia and New Hebrides, Griffith was the driving force behind the Federal Council. Ironically, Parkes, seeing no immediate benefit to New South Wales, did not have that colony join, seriously weakening the position of the Federal Council by omitting the most populous state.
It was in 1884 that Parkes had a change of heart, finally seeing the Council as what it really was, merely the first step on the road to federation. Continued French activity in both the New Hebrides and New Caledonia, both close to New South Wales’s territories of Lord Howe and Norfolk Island had also been a catalyst. Only New Zealand did not, at this stage, join. Finally it was put to the Imperial Parliament and enacted on 1.1.1885. The Federal Council had powers to legislate directly upon certain matters, such as extradition, regulation of fisheries and so on, but it did not have a permanent secretariat, executive powers, or any revenue of its own, the latter, in particular, being a major issue.
Nevertheless, it was the first major form of inter-colonial cooperation. It provided an opportunity for Federalists from around the country to meet and exchange ideas. The means by which the Council was established endorsed the continuing role that the Imperial Parliament would have in the development of Australia's constitutional structure. In terms of the act itself, the Australasian drafters established a number of powers dealing with their "common interest" which would later be replicated in the Australasian Constitution. Never the less, the Council itself led directly to agitation for a Constitutional Convention, the first of which was held in Sydney in 1889.
With the exception of Victoria, every other Colony had an issue of one sort or another with Federation. Tasmania and Western Australia worried about the abolition of tariffs in a free trade Federation, depriving them of their main sources of revenue and putting them at the mercy of the larger States. South Australia likewise, with the additional rider of both allowing yet controlling Chinese immigration through it’s goldfield regions in the Northern Territory, which it also worried about losing control of to a Federal government. Queensland, for its part, worried that the advent of national legislation which would restrict the importing of kanaka labourers, thereby jeopardising its sugar cane industry. Parkes and New South Wales were worried that they would be forced to subsidise the poorer economies of the smaller states. New Zealand’s concerns were fourfold, leading to a rejection of the 1883 approach. Namely, the distance involved and losing their best political minds, lack of representation in a larger Federal unit and the rights of their own native population, historically more numerous, better educated and politically aware then the aboriginals in Australia. Fourthly, they were also deeply concerned in regards to the loss of tariffs, the Australian mainland being their main source of trading revenue. Lastly Fiji, whose concerns were also distance from the center of power, their own cultural identity and native rights and lack of representation in a larger economic and political unit.
All of these things would need to be addressed for a coherent Federal body to emerge.
By 1880 Parkes was firmly installed as Premier as New South Wales and again took up the issue of Federation. However, the first step in federation was the formation of the Federal Council in 1883.
The Federal Council itself was mainly the brainchild of Sir Samuel Griffith, the premier of Queensland. Concerned with both German expansion in New Guinea and French expansion in both New Caledonia and New Hebrides, Griffith was the driving force behind the Federal Council. Ironically, Parkes, seeing no immediate benefit to New South Wales, did not have that colony join, seriously weakening the position of the Federal Council by omitting the most populous state.
It was in 1884 that Parkes had a change of heart, finally seeing the Council as what it really was, merely the first step on the road to federation. Continued French activity in both the New Hebrides and New Caledonia, both close to New South Wales’s territories of Lord Howe and Norfolk Island had also been a catalyst. Only New Zealand did not, at this stage, join. Finally it was put to the Imperial Parliament and enacted on 1.1.1885. The Federal Council had powers to legislate directly upon certain matters, such as extradition, regulation of fisheries and so on, but it did not have a permanent secretariat, executive powers, or any revenue of its own, the latter, in particular, being a major issue.
Nevertheless, it was the first major form of inter-colonial cooperation. It provided an opportunity for Federalists from around the country to meet and exchange ideas. The means by which the Council was established endorsed the continuing role that the Imperial Parliament would have in the development of Australia's constitutional structure. In terms of the act itself, the Australasian drafters established a number of powers dealing with their "common interest" which would later be replicated in the Australasian Constitution. Never the less, the Council itself led directly to agitation for a Constitutional Convention, the first of which was held in Sydney in 1889.
With the exception of Victoria, every other Colony had an issue of one sort or another with Federation. Tasmania and Western Australia worried about the abolition of tariffs in a free trade Federation, depriving them of their main sources of revenue and putting them at the mercy of the larger States. South Australia likewise, with the additional rider of both allowing yet controlling Chinese immigration through it’s goldfield regions in the Northern Territory, which it also worried about losing control of to a Federal government. Queensland, for its part, worried that the advent of national legislation which would restrict the importing of kanaka labourers, thereby jeopardising its sugar cane industry. Parkes and New South Wales were worried that they would be forced to subsidise the poorer economies of the smaller states. New Zealand’s concerns were fourfold, leading to a rejection of the 1883 approach. Namely, the distance involved and losing their best political minds, lack of representation in a larger Federal unit and the rights of their own native population, historically more numerous, better educated and politically aware then the aboriginals in Australia. Fourthly, they were also deeply concerned in regards to the loss of tariffs, the Australian mainland being their main source of trading revenue. Lastly Fiji, whose concerns were also distance from the center of power, their own cultural identity and native rights and lack of representation in a larger economic and political unit.
All of these things would need to be addressed for a coherent Federal body to emerge.
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Probably not at Federation but they will get there quicker than OTL, particularly in the Southern States. The Northern States were more reactionary, much like the Southern ones in America.
Thanks for the update and explaining things more for me. It is a little funny but sad that the natives will not get full rights in the beginning, and that the reverse of the US happens here. More racist feelings in the North and a more open culture in the South.
I will wonder, is this Parkes any relation to OTL Air Marshall Parkes of WW2 fame?
1916 30 December 1939
Prime Minister John Joseph Curtin was back home in Perth briefly over the Christmas period of the first year of war. It had been a long three months spent pondering the policies and preparedness of the Federation. He had spent a great deal of time reviewing the decisions of the previous three months. As he sat in his old stomping ground, the Australasian Journalists Association Club in Perth, he thought he had been a hard man in not returning to the old demon, booze.
He had consulted all his close political allies and friends and had taken counsel from those he respected on the other side of the cross benches, as well. He was also worried about the health of his deputy and close friend, Michael Savage.
The Government's announcements had been generally welcomed but not all had been received well by London. Curtain had announced the formation of the Second Australasian Military Force as an Expeditionary Force on 12 September. It was hoped to deploy all three divisions so far formed, the 1st, 2nd and 3rd overseas by March-April 1940, with another division to form early 1940, the 4th. He had confirmed Lt General Thomas Blamey as the commander of 1st Australasian Corps, with the three divisional commanders as Freyberg, Laverack and Mackay. When 4th Division was formed Blamey would move up to Army Commander and Laverack and Freyberg as the Corps Commanders. The most controversial announcement was reintroduction of conscription for home defense service effective 1 January 1940.
The navy would follow the convoy overseas. So far, it's only contribution had been the search for the Graf Spee, which had ended when she was sunk by R.N units. Two CVL's, one CA, one CL and 6DD's would be heading to England.
Part of the RAAF establishment and strength had been offered to the RAF, but with certain conditions that had angered certain aspects of the English "establishment". Namely that their units, once formed, were not to be broken up and dispersed amongst RAF units. One squadron of Sunderland's was already in the fight.
This proviso had been insisted on by Curtin in all conversation with Chamberlain and now appeared to be gaining some traction. He had, of course, insisted on the same in regards to deployment of army units. Whilst happy to fight under British command, he had no desire to see his own military units cut up and fed piecemeal into the British structure as had happened in the previous war. He had been strongly counseled in this approach by both sides of politics, in particular by Scullin, who had had extensive dealings with British institutions during the depression and knew how the levers of power in Whitehall worked. Savage was also a strong supporter of this approach. Even "Billy" Hughes, who he had unofficially sounded out on conscription even though he was a opposition member, had thought there was some merit in this approach based on his own experiences as Prime Minister in and after the Great War.
The English had, of course, objected, but they had acquiesced in the finish and Air Commodore Richard Williams would command the RAAF forces in England when fully formed in May 1940.
He thought forward. The coming year would be busy indeed. Japan's adventures in Mongolia had confirmed her aggressive intent and the weakness of the defenses of both the Australasian home front and Singapore, the lynchpin of Empire defenses, was all to evident. It would be a long war, just like the last, Curtin was certain of that. When he got home later tonight, he would go over the home front and the defense contracts so far awarded.
Prime Minister John Joseph Curtin was back home in Perth briefly over the Christmas period of the first year of war. It had been a long three months spent pondering the policies and preparedness of the Federation. He had spent a great deal of time reviewing the decisions of the previous three months. As he sat in his old stomping ground, the Australasian Journalists Association Club in Perth, he thought he had been a hard man in not returning to the old demon, booze.
He had consulted all his close political allies and friends and had taken counsel from those he respected on the other side of the cross benches, as well. He was also worried about the health of his deputy and close friend, Michael Savage.
The Government's announcements had been generally welcomed but not all had been received well by London. Curtain had announced the formation of the Second Australasian Military Force as an Expeditionary Force on 12 September. It was hoped to deploy all three divisions so far formed, the 1st, 2nd and 3rd overseas by March-April 1940, with another division to form early 1940, the 4th. He had confirmed Lt General Thomas Blamey as the commander of 1st Australasian Corps, with the three divisional commanders as Freyberg, Laverack and Mackay. When 4th Division was formed Blamey would move up to Army Commander and Laverack and Freyberg as the Corps Commanders. The most controversial announcement was reintroduction of conscription for home defense service effective 1 January 1940.
The navy would follow the convoy overseas. So far, it's only contribution had been the search for the Graf Spee, which had ended when she was sunk by R.N units. Two CVL's, one CA, one CL and 6DD's would be heading to England.
Part of the RAAF establishment and strength had been offered to the RAF, but with certain conditions that had angered certain aspects of the English "establishment". Namely that their units, once formed, were not to be broken up and dispersed amongst RAF units. One squadron of Sunderland's was already in the fight.
This proviso had been insisted on by Curtin in all conversation with Chamberlain and now appeared to be gaining some traction. He had, of course, insisted on the same in regards to deployment of army units. Whilst happy to fight under British command, he had no desire to see his own military units cut up and fed piecemeal into the British structure as had happened in the previous war. He had been strongly counseled in this approach by both sides of politics, in particular by Scullin, who had had extensive dealings with British institutions during the depression and knew how the levers of power in Whitehall worked. Savage was also a strong supporter of this approach. Even "Billy" Hughes, who he had unofficially sounded out on conscription even though he was a opposition member, had thought there was some merit in this approach based on his own experiences as Prime Minister in and after the Great War.
The English had, of course, objected, but they had acquiesced in the finish and Air Commodore Richard Williams would command the RAAF forces in England when fully formed in May 1940.
He thought forward. The coming year would be busy indeed. Japan's adventures in Mongolia had confirmed her aggressive intent and the weakness of the defenses of both the Australasian home front and Singapore, the lynchpin of Empire defenses, was all to evident. It would be a long war, just like the last, Curtin was certain of that. When he got home later tonight, he would go over the home front and the defense contracts so far awarded.
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Keeping their forces under their own commanders and units is a good thing for the Federation. Seperate but equal allows them to keep their own identity and not under the thumb of London martinets. It will be interesting if the Federation Corp/Army will be deployed into France or will they go to Africa.
Look forward to the next updates.
Look forward to the next updates.
Errolwi
Monthly Donor
With a POD in 1884, the WW2 commanders are all major figures in our WW2 (and WW1). Three of them were WW1 junior officers, and they had 8 DSOs and a VC between them. I'm afraid that (even with a near-identical WW1) all of them making it through the dice re-rolls alive and in very similar positions doesn't seem at all likely.
2119 30 December 1939
John Curtin thought as he went through defense expenditures and contracts for 1939. Firstly, for the navy, in addition to the four Tribal Class destroyers and six Bathurst Class corvettes building, he had ordered another 14 Bathurst Class, so easily built at regional shipyards. In addition, the RAN had proposed refitting the old derelict destroyer Attack as an AA destroyer and six liners had been requisitioned, Mannora, Kanimbla, Westralia, Wanganella, Zealandia and Australasia. It was planned to convert the first three to armed merchant cruisers, Wanganella to a hospital ship, Zealandia to a troopship and the RAN had requested the possibility of using the Australasia as a conversion to an aircraft carrier. Eight others ships had been requisitioned for mine sweeping. The training submarine, Oberon, was also being brought up to front line standard and the old gunnery training ship Gorgon was to be refitted.
The army had raised and equipped three divisions for overseas service but was short of heavy equipment and would need British assistance to fill out these divisions full TO&E. Manufacture of trucks and transport had been greatly stepped up and the government had placed an order for 100 Sentinel tanks, although production facilities were not yet in place. Manufacture of 2 pdr anti tanks guns had, however, commenced. Chronically short of all automatic weapons, aside from older vintage heavy machine guns, more stocks of the Thompson machine gun had been ordered from the US and a locally built gun, the Owen sub machine gun, was being evaluated.
The air force was fairly well prepared. It had three aircraft manufacturers in Australasia, De Havilland Australasia, Hencall Aviation and the Commonwealth Aircraft Factory. The main shortage was, however, aircraft engines. However, the government was hopeful of license building the Merlin engine by early 1940 in a reciprocal arrangement where in exchange for the license 25% of the engines built would go to the UK. In terms of aircraft building programs, De Havilland was currently producing the Tiger Moth and Moth Minor trainers for pilot instruction. The government had requisitioned some in private use and ordered 500 Moths and 200 Moth Minors. Commonwealth aircraft factories had been given an order for 115 Wirraways and a prototype new fighter was being developed. Hencall aviation was given a contract for a further 90 He 112's. Their new bomber prototype had largely been a failure, capable of speeds of only 200 mph with the Kestrel engine, despite being a modern looking design. Never the less, it was the only platform able to deliver 1500kg of bombs and a limited run of 36 were ordered. The government were more hopeful of getting Wellington Bombers from the UK but supply seemed unlikely at present. Hencall also had under development a new fighter, the He100. An upgrade on the He 112, it offered improved performance, but the mating of this airframe with one of the three Merlin engines shipped to Australia as a testbed had produced some exceptional results on the prototypes test only eight days ago.
John Curtin thought as he went through defense expenditures and contracts for 1939. Firstly, for the navy, in addition to the four Tribal Class destroyers and six Bathurst Class corvettes building, he had ordered another 14 Bathurst Class, so easily built at regional shipyards. In addition, the RAN had proposed refitting the old derelict destroyer Attack as an AA destroyer and six liners had been requisitioned, Mannora, Kanimbla, Westralia, Wanganella, Zealandia and Australasia. It was planned to convert the first three to armed merchant cruisers, Wanganella to a hospital ship, Zealandia to a troopship and the RAN had requested the possibility of using the Australasia as a conversion to an aircraft carrier. Eight others ships had been requisitioned for mine sweeping. The training submarine, Oberon, was also being brought up to front line standard and the old gunnery training ship Gorgon was to be refitted.
The army had raised and equipped three divisions for overseas service but was short of heavy equipment and would need British assistance to fill out these divisions full TO&E. Manufacture of trucks and transport had been greatly stepped up and the government had placed an order for 100 Sentinel tanks, although production facilities were not yet in place. Manufacture of 2 pdr anti tanks guns had, however, commenced. Chronically short of all automatic weapons, aside from older vintage heavy machine guns, more stocks of the Thompson machine gun had been ordered from the US and a locally built gun, the Owen sub machine gun, was being evaluated.
The air force was fairly well prepared. It had three aircraft manufacturers in Australasia, De Havilland Australasia, Hencall Aviation and the Commonwealth Aircraft Factory. The main shortage was, however, aircraft engines. However, the government was hopeful of license building the Merlin engine by early 1940 in a reciprocal arrangement where in exchange for the license 25% of the engines built would go to the UK. In terms of aircraft building programs, De Havilland was currently producing the Tiger Moth and Moth Minor trainers for pilot instruction. The government had requisitioned some in private use and ordered 500 Moths and 200 Moth Minors. Commonwealth aircraft factories had been given an order for 115 Wirraways and a prototype new fighter was being developed. Hencall aviation was given a contract for a further 90 He 112's. Their new bomber prototype had largely been a failure, capable of speeds of only 200 mph with the Kestrel engine, despite being a modern looking design. Never the less, it was the only platform able to deliver 1500kg of bombs and a limited run of 36 were ordered. The government were more hopeful of getting Wellington Bombers from the UK but supply seemed unlikely at present. Hencall also had under development a new fighter, the He100. An upgrade on the He 112, it offered improved performance, but the mating of this airframe with one of the three Merlin engines shipped to Australia as a testbed had produced some exceptional results on the prototypes test only eight days ago.
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Once the Merlin gets optimised for high altitude perfomance and a few range upgrades are added you could be looking at the Hencall 100 ("Dingo"?) being a competitor/substitute for the Mustang in RAF service.
Upgrade the bomber's engine to Peregrines and you might have a decent transport aircraft.
Upgrade the bomber's engine to Peregrines and you might have a decent transport aircraft.
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The 1889 Constitution Council debated whether or not the time was ripe to proceed with federation. There had been political issues over the last four years that proven it's need, most notably Queensland's annexation of Papua in 1883 to counter German expansion, that had initially been rejected by the British Government and only later acquiesced to.
Whilst some of the delegates agreed it was, mostly notably Victoria and New South Wales, the smaller states were not as enthusiastic. Thomas Playford from South Australia indicated the tariff question and lack of popular support as hurdles. Similarly, Sir James Lee Steere from Western Australia and the New Zealand delegates suggested there was not high support for Federation in their respective colonies.
A basic question at this early assembly was how to structure such a Federation within the Westminster tradition of government. The act which had confederated Canada provided a model with respect to the relations between the federation and the Crown. There was less enthusiasm, however, for the centralism of the Canadian Constitution, especially from the smaller states. Following the conference of 1889, the Canadian Federal model was no longer considered appropriate for the Australian situation because of this reason. Although the Swiss provided another example, it was inevitable that the delegates should look to the United States as the other major model of a Federation within the English-speaking world. It gave just a few powers to the Federal government and left the majority of matters within the legislative competence of the states. It also provided that the Senate should consist of an equal number of members from each State while the Lower House should reflect the national distribution of population. Andrew Inglis Clark, a long-time admirer of American Federal institutions, introduced the U.S Constitution as an example of the protection of States' rights. He presented it as an alternative to the Canadian model, arguing that Canada was "an instance of amalgamation rather than Federation."
It was agreed to offer New Zealand two seats at a Federal model, one as the South Island, another as the North Island, assuaging their fears about under representation and playing into the traditional rivalry between these two parts of the land of the long white cloud.
In regards to tariffs, it was agreed to start reducing tariffs on a sliding scale by 0.25% starting in 1890 and reducing each year over a ten year period to 1900. They would then continue to reduce or be held at 1%(whichever was higher) until being abolished completely on 1.1.1910.
Fiji was to be connected to both Australia and New Zealand by regular freight and passenger services and provided by a series of low interest loans by both Victoria and NSW to stimulate economic development, removing it's fears about not only isolation but being a backwater.
It was agreed that all citizens in Australasia over the age of 21 would be accorded the right to vote, with some states not having yet introduced voting for women. Maoris were not excluded, removing an issue for New Zealand. In regards to Australian Aboriginals, it was agreed that those already enrolled to vote in their respective states could not be excluded and that those literate enough to so so would be able to vote. The thorny issue of immigration had also come up, but had been deferred to a later conference.
A controversial proposal that ignited much debate, some very acrimonious, was the possibility of Australasia having it's own separate monarch, using a Cadet branch of the House of Saxe-Coburg Gotha, possibly one of Queen Victoria's sons. Ties with England were still string for many, yet for others, such as Australasia's large Irish population, it was a despised link. The sheer distance from England was also an issue.
The conference in Melbourne ended with an agreement by the delegates that the time for Federation had perhaps finally arrived, although issues remained to be worked out. It was agreed that a draft constitution should be raised and the conference would reconvene in early 1890.
Whilst some of the delegates agreed it was, mostly notably Victoria and New South Wales, the smaller states were not as enthusiastic. Thomas Playford from South Australia indicated the tariff question and lack of popular support as hurdles. Similarly, Sir James Lee Steere from Western Australia and the New Zealand delegates suggested there was not high support for Federation in their respective colonies.
A basic question at this early assembly was how to structure such a Federation within the Westminster tradition of government. The act which had confederated Canada provided a model with respect to the relations between the federation and the Crown. There was less enthusiasm, however, for the centralism of the Canadian Constitution, especially from the smaller states. Following the conference of 1889, the Canadian Federal model was no longer considered appropriate for the Australian situation because of this reason. Although the Swiss provided another example, it was inevitable that the delegates should look to the United States as the other major model of a Federation within the English-speaking world. It gave just a few powers to the Federal government and left the majority of matters within the legislative competence of the states. It also provided that the Senate should consist of an equal number of members from each State while the Lower House should reflect the national distribution of population. Andrew Inglis Clark, a long-time admirer of American Federal institutions, introduced the U.S Constitution as an example of the protection of States' rights. He presented it as an alternative to the Canadian model, arguing that Canada was "an instance of amalgamation rather than Federation."
It was agreed to offer New Zealand two seats at a Federal model, one as the South Island, another as the North Island, assuaging their fears about under representation and playing into the traditional rivalry between these two parts of the land of the long white cloud.
In regards to tariffs, it was agreed to start reducing tariffs on a sliding scale by 0.25% starting in 1890 and reducing each year over a ten year period to 1900. They would then continue to reduce or be held at 1%(whichever was higher) until being abolished completely on 1.1.1910.
Fiji was to be connected to both Australia and New Zealand by regular freight and passenger services and provided by a series of low interest loans by both Victoria and NSW to stimulate economic development, removing it's fears about not only isolation but being a backwater.
It was agreed that all citizens in Australasia over the age of 21 would be accorded the right to vote, with some states not having yet introduced voting for women. Maoris were not excluded, removing an issue for New Zealand. In regards to Australian Aboriginals, it was agreed that those already enrolled to vote in their respective states could not be excluded and that those literate enough to so so would be able to vote. The thorny issue of immigration had also come up, but had been deferred to a later conference.
A controversial proposal that ignited much debate, some very acrimonious, was the possibility of Australasia having it's own separate monarch, using a Cadet branch of the House of Saxe-Coburg Gotha, possibly one of Queen Victoria's sons. Ties with England were still string for many, yet for others, such as Australasia's large Irish population, it was a despised link. The sheer distance from England was also an issue.
The conference in Melbourne ended with an agreement by the delegates that the time for Federation had perhaps finally arrived, although issues remained to be worked out. It was agreed that a draft constitution should be raised and the conference would reconvene in early 1890.
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katchen
Banned
It surprises me that Tonga, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands are not part of this federation as colonies. Also, Hawaii. Queen Liliokalani would have every reason to try to get Hawaii into the Australasian Federation to thwart the American planters that wanted to take over Hawaii and make a US territory out of it with no native land rights.
And Mauritius. If Australasia is trying to maximize it's population and reach and potential without absorbing TOO many nonwhites, an island colony such as Mauritius that is as close to Perth as Samoa or Tonga is to Sydney would be perfect for Australlasia.
And don't forget that Pitcairn's Island will be a far outpost of Australasia, settled as it is by the descendants of the Bounty mutineetrs. Which means so will Ducie and Mangareva.
And this Australiasia may be far more aggressive about pressing a claim to it's portion of Antarctica and attempting to claim it's resources. It would not have surprised me ITTL for the Royal Australian Navy, sometime during one of Australia's severe droughts in the 20s or 30s to send the entire fleet to an antarctic iceberg and attempt to tow it to run it aground near some strategic location where it could do some good. Perhaps the Coorong, near Adelaide. Perhaps Western Port near Melbourne. Perhaps north of Perth. And worry about getting the meltwater off the berg once the berg was landed.
And Mauritius. If Australasia is trying to maximize it's population and reach and potential without absorbing TOO many nonwhites, an island colony such as Mauritius that is as close to Perth as Samoa or Tonga is to Sydney would be perfect for Australlasia.
And don't forget that Pitcairn's Island will be a far outpost of Australasia, settled as it is by the descendants of the Bounty mutineetrs. Which means so will Ducie and Mangareva.
And this Australiasia may be far more aggressive about pressing a claim to it's portion of Antarctica and attempting to claim it's resources. It would not have surprised me ITTL for the Royal Australian Navy, sometime during one of Australia's severe droughts in the 20s or 30s to send the entire fleet to an antarctic iceberg and attempt to tow it to run it aground near some strategic location where it could do some good. Perhaps the Coorong, near Adelaide. Perhaps Western Port near Melbourne. Perhaps north of Perth. And worry about getting the meltwater off the berg once the berg was landed.
Andrew Inglis Clark had given considerable thought towards a suitable constitution for Australasia. In March 1888 he began writing a draft constitution, taking the main provisions of the British North America Act and its supplements, the U.S Constitution, the Federal Council of Australasia Act, and various colonial constitutions. Clark's draft introduced the nomenclature and form which was subsequently adopted:
The importance of the draft Constitution of 1889 was recognised by Henry Parkes when he flatly declared that "The draft of 1889 is the Constitution of 1894, not its father or grandfather." Indeed, 86 Sections (out of a total of 132) of the final Australasian Constitution are recognisable in Clark's draft.
- The Australasian Federation is described as the Commonwealth of Australasia
- There are three separate and equal branches - the Parliament, the Executive, and the Judicature.
- The Legislature consists of a House of Representatives and a Senate
- It specified the separation and division of powers between the Federal and State governments.
The importance of the draft Constitution of 1889 was recognised by Henry Parkes when he flatly declared that "The draft of 1889 is the Constitution of 1894, not its father or grandfather." Indeed, 86 Sections (out of a total of 132) of the final Australasian Constitution are recognisable in Clark's draft.
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