I just caught up. Hopefully this isn't dead...

A very interesting timeline, indeed. One mistake I noticed is that according to this TL, Jadwiga is still alive and affecting her husband's policy in the 1420s, when she died in 1399 in OTL, before the point of divergence, too.

You asked about Švitrigaila's stance on Novgorod and Pskov, right? I couldn't really tell you, he only reigned for a few years and failed to accomplish much. And he was a Catholic IOTL (converted in 1387, once again before the POD) rather than Orthodox here, so that complicates matters even more. Švitrigaila's gimmick was seeking independence for Lithuania and breaking the personal union, which he was pretty close to accomplishing...

Novgorod was pretty much dominated by Muscovy in this period, so I doubt Lithuania, especially an independent one, can do much there.
Hi Augenis, glad to have you on board, as a Baltic expert!
No, this isn`t dead, update pace is only very slow because I have little time.
Thanks for the correction re Jadwiga. :(I´ll see if I can straighten that out some time.
Also thanks for the info on Švitrigaila! He is a baptised Catholic ITTL, too, since you`re right that this happened before the PoD. But his powerbase was the Orthodox East, and ITTL he rewarded them with equal privileges, which makes his Lithuania a very Orthodox beast, even though the grand duke and the original Lithuanian nobility are Catholics.

My question was not just about what Lithuania could do with Pskov and Novgorod, but also what Pskov and Novgorod would do with regards to this Lithuania.
IOTL, there was some sort of warfare 1426/27, about which I can find only scarce information. I wondered how these two polities would react to the changed character of their neighbour. For example, Švitrigaila`s toleration and even alliance with the Strigolniki heretics...

As for Novgorod being controlled by Muscovy - IOTL, when Vasili I. of Muscovy died in 1425, his son Vasili II. was in Vytautas` custody (in Trakai, I suppose), as was the deposed Khan of the Golden Horde, Ulug Mehmed. Also, Vasili II. was the son of Sophia of Lithuania. I wonder, thus, whether one could say that Muscovy was, at this point, pretty much dominated by Lithuania???
 
Hi Augenis, glad to have you on board, as a Baltic expert!
No, this isn`t dead, update pace is only very slow because I have little time.
Thanks for the correction re Jadwiga. :(I´ll see if I can straighten that out some time.
Also thanks for the info on Švitrigaila! He is a baptised Catholic ITTL, too, since you`re right that this happened before the PoD. But his powerbase was the Orthodox East, and ITTL he rewarded them with equal privileges, which makes his Lithuania a very Orthodox beast, even though the grand duke and the original Lithuanian nobility are Catholics.

My question was not just about what Lithuania could do with Pskov and Novgorod, but also what Pskov and Novgorod would do with regards to this Lithuania.
IOTL, there was some sort of warfare 1426/27, about which I can find only scarce information. I wondered how these two polities would react to the changed character of their neighbour. For example, Švitrigaila`s toleration and even alliance with the Strigolniki heretics...

As for Novgorod being controlled by Muscovy - IOTL, when Vasili I. of Muscovy died in 1425, his son Vasili II. was in Vytautas` custody (in Trakai, I suppose), as was the deposed Khan of the Golden Horde, Ulug Mehmed. Also, Vasili II. was the son of Sophia of Lithuania. I wonder, thus, whether one could say that Muscovy was, at this point, pretty much dominated by Lithuania???
No problem friend. We're pretty much the only ones writing Eastern Europe TLs here right now, we were bound to read each other's work sooner or later. :p

I could go check on the "History of Lithuania" book series that goes in detail on this time period, among others (I'm using it to gather information for The Silver Knight), but I don't have it at hand at the moment. Considering Švitrigaila's cordial stance with the Orthodox nobility in Lithuania, though, I'd say that this would extend to the Orthodox nations in the east (minus Muscovy, which, despite the marriage ties between the Kęstutis branch of the Gediminids and Muscovite princes, was by now a heavy rival of the Grand Duchy) - considering Moscow's continuous rise to power in the Rus', an Orthodox Lithuania might try to seek to regain dominance over Novgorod and Pskov to obtain an ally against Muscovy.

All in all, though, it really depends on what you have planned, and Švitrigaila's stances are so unknown that you can bend them for the sake of the "plot" if needed.
 
That history book sounds awesome, I'd be very grateful. What I wonder specifically is whether the clashes with Novgorod and Pskov had anything to do with Lithuania's role re vasili's succession in Muscovy or whether they were unrelated.
 
That history book sounds awesome, I'd be very grateful. What I wonder specifically is whether the clashes with Novgorod and Pskov had anything to do with Lithuania's role re vasili's succession in Muscovy or whether they were unrelated.
It's in Lithuanian, this one in particular. There's 10 tomes released for pretty much everything Lithuanian history related. Very good book, I recommend. :)

I'm interested to see where you take this TL. Looks like we'll see a Reformation 100 years early.
 
It's in Lithuanian, this one in particular. There's 10 tomes released for pretty much everything Lithuanian history related. Very good book, I recommend. :)

I'm interested to see where you take this TL. Looks like we'll see a Reformation 100 years early.
Unfortunately, I don't know Lithuanian... early Reformation, yes, but against Hus et al., Luther and Zwingli had merely minor theological disputes with the church... thus, if things go badly, we'll have the Thirty Years War two centuries earlier, too...

If you look for Eastern european tLs, there's also Zagan's romania-wank and a new corvinus tl...
 
Unfortunately, I don't know Lithuanian... early Reformation, yes, but against Hus et al., Luther and Zwingli had merely minor theological disputes with the church... thus, if things go badly, we'll have the Thirty Years War two centuries earlier, too...

If you look for Eastern european tLs, there's also Zagan's romania-wank and a new corvinus tl...
I already saw Zagan's Romania TL, but it's not really for my taste, and I don't know all that much about Romania in that time period... Will be sure to check the Corvinus TL when I have time.
 

Gian

Banned
I already saw Zagan's Romania TL, but it's not really for my taste, and I don't know all that much about Romania in that time period... Will be sure to check the Corvinus TL when I have time.

Same with me. I just didn't like the (kind-of) ASB approach and the suppression of ethnic minorities.
 
@Salvador79

Nope, the book has no information on that war, either. Doesn't even mention it. It was likely less of a war and more of a minor clash, I suppose. I do know that during the succession troubles at the time, Lithuania was seeking to dominate over Novgorod and Pskov and weaken Muscovite influence there.
 
@Salvador79

Nope, the book has no information on that war, either. Doesn't even mention it. It was likely less of a war and more of a minor clash, I suppose. I do know that during the succession troubles at the time, Lithuania was seeking to dominate over Novgorod and Pskov and weaken Muscovite influence there.
Thank you anyway!
Expect *Svitrigaila to pursue a different policy than OTL-vytautas in his last years.;)
 
Here is a short update with two polls so you can decide how Friedrich`s campaign against the unruly parts of the Baltic German North goes...

Cont.:

Friedrich III. made it perfectly clear that he would no longer leave the execution of the imperial ban to people who chose to ignore it. Wismar and Rostock having lost all their rights and privileges, the duke of Mecklenburg could do as he pleased with them. But the duke of Mecklenburg, Heinrich IV., was only eleven years old, and his custodian, Katharina of Sachsen-Lauenburg, showed no intention to punish the rebellious towns.

Thus, Friedrich III. went to the Free Imperial City of Lübeck, where things had calmed down a little, and talked to the members of the patrician Circle Society / Society of the Trinity. He convinced them and the city`s mayor Hinrich Rapesulver to shift their focus, for the moment, from the war against Erik, and towards their unruly Hanseatic colleagues. He made a promise which was unprecedented in the German North: should they be able to gain control over Wismar and Rostock, then they could annex the towns and keep them as their possessions.

Likewise, when no other imperial subject showed any serious intention to invade Pomerania-Stolp and dethrone Boguslaw the Hussite, Friedrich invited the Teutonic Order. Should they be able to bring Boguslaw before him for a trial, expel the Hussites, and install Casimir V. of Stettin as duke in Stolp, too, where he would oversee a proper Inquisition against any remaining heretics, then they could keep all the lands East of the river Slupia, which were adjacent to the Order`s current Pomerellian territory.

When the fighting season recommenced in 1428, Lübeck`s mayor Rapesulver had gathered a mercenary force which corresponded almost perfectly to Friedrich`s strategic ideas: heavy siege artillery and lots of Pistalen, as the new Czech firearms were called in German, for a disciplined professional infantry. In Friedrich`s eyes, Lübeck`s campaign against Wismar and Rostock was also a test run for the great war against Bohemia and Silesia. The superior endowment of Lübeck`s forces was achieved through the means of loans both from Rapesulver personally and from the imperial coffer. Neither Wismar`s, nor Rostock`s city militias could compare with it – but they would doubtlessly fight to the bitter end, for they stood to lose everything.

The Teutonic Order mobilized a sizable professional force of almost 10,000 men, almost five times as many as Boguslaw`s. The latter began a campaign of recruiting peasants, and his Hussite advisors attempted to instruct them in the usage of war wagons and pishtala.

To be continued – after two polls:

Who is the more plausible winner in both cases, what do you think?


Poll on Lübeck vs. Wismar / Rostock


Poll on Teutonic Order vs. Pomerania-Stolp
 
Cont.:

Wismar awaited the onslaught of Lübeck`s forces with a mixture of defiance, fear, and frustration. Frustrated were all those (mainly, but not exclusively) of patrician background with or without affiliation to the Old Council, who had tried to talk some sense into Claus Jesup, or to plot his assassination, or at least to carry their valuable assets to safety.

Jesup had indeed attempted to negotiate with Rapesulver and Lübeck`s town council; they had even promised to step up their contributions to the war against Erik, but to no avail. When Jesup realized that Rapesulver was bent on conquest, and that he had been encouraged by the King of the Romans in this pursuit, he oversaw defiant preparations for a military defense of the town. All his supporters, from the guild leaders to their simplest members, were mobilized for an improvised improvement of the fortifications on the town`s outer maritime perimeter, and all eighteen towers along the town`s walls were manned with anyone who could wield a handgonne, a crossbow, a dagger or even just a fishing knife.

Fear had befallen both groups, and it claimed its first victims even before the first Lübecker ship had come into sight. On March 21st, 1428, another group of thugs attacked Claus Jesup, presumably hired by patricians, who wished to deliver the rebel leader to Rapesulver in a last attempt to save their town from a predictable carnage. Jesup`s guard fended the attack off easily, but their disquieted leader, who feared that such acts of sabotage would continue even when the Lübeckers were at the gates, which would render them incomparably more dangerous, began a manhunt among the town`s most respected families, bringing over two dozen suspects before an improvised tribunal, which condemned them to death as traitors. Jesup denied them even the honor of a beheading, famously arguing that he could not spare a single sword to blunt, and had them hanged over the course of the 23rd, 24th and 25th of March.

Just before noon on March 27th, 1428, the crew on the watchtowers on Poel and Lieps islands [see a 21st century map here; in 1428, Lieps was presumably still an ordinary island instead of just a sand bank] sighted Lübeck`s armada. It was more than twenty war-fitted cogs strong – they could be manned with over a thousand mercenaries, it stood to be feared. Both on Poel and on Lieps, the two islands which oversaw the entrance to Wismar Bay, the men hurried to ready their cannons, then waited for the cogs to come into range.

But the Lübeckers opened fire before Wismarer cannons could even reach them; their artillery was fashioned after those models which had been used by the Hussites against Moravia`s towns [1]. They fired at greater distance, with a more massive impact, and they even cooled down in reasonable time. The improvised combined wood-and-stone fortifications on Poel took a few serious blows before it collapsed over the heads of its defenders, rendering one of the two entrance gates to Wismar Bay wide open.

Firepower and numbers proved decisive in the ensuing sea battle between Lübeck`s 16 and Wismar`s seven war-cogs, and later, too, when Lübeck`s mercenaries laid siege to the town. The old walls and gates were subjected to a week-long merciless attack, shortly interrupted only on April 2nd, when the Lübeckers were faced with Mecklenburger relief forces sent by Katharina, which they defeated easily from out of their own adapted version of war wagons.

When the walls were finally breeched on April 5th, 900 well-trained Lübeckers crossed the moats on pontoons and fell into a town whose defenders outnumbered them, but whose discipline and equipment were found lacking. Nevertheless, Wismar did not give in easily. Even when its houses and workshops had been devoured by the flames, guild militiamen still fought back until each and every one of their hideouts had been smoked out. Claus Jesup was purportedly seen in many of these combats; when the end was near, he had retreated with the closest circle of his followers in the Dominican Black Monastery, until the doors of this monumental sacral building had been blown open by a Lübeck cannon, too. When a group of Lübeckers hung the horribly mutilated corpse of Claus Jesup on ropes from the bell-tower of the monastery, Wismar`s last defenders realized that they had lost.

Heinrich Rapesulver personally received the capitulation of a number of former patricians and the last surviving leaders of the craft militia among Wismar`s smouldering ruins. The town, along with the nineteen villages it owned and all its land, became a possession of the free city of Lübeck. Local administration and justice would be delivered through a bailwick, staffed with Lübeckers and a few of Wismar`s former patricians which were hand-picked by Lübeck`s town council. Specifically, the store-houses and the remaining ships of Wismar`s commercial fleet would become Lübeck`s, too. All guilds were dissolved, the formation of new ones prohibited and penalized with death. Lübeck left a garrison with the bailwick, which also took control over Poel, Langenwerder, and Lieps.

When Rostock`s Council of the Hundred heard of Wismar`s fate, they sought help from Erik, and, in a reversal of the town`s policies throughout the past decades, even promised allegiance to the King of Denmark. With Danish forces being busy elsewhere, though, Rostock underwent a similar tragedy between May 1st and 7th.

During this time, Danish forces attacked Stralsund [2] – the Hanseatic town whose engagement against the Kalmar kingdoms was considered outright treacherous by Erik because it was legally a vassal of the Danish crown. Stralsund, which hoped in vain for relief from its allies Lübeck, Wismar and Rostock [3], was thoroughly sacked in such a manner that it would no longer play any role in this war.

Within less than two months, the Wendish Quarter of the Hansa had practically fallen apart. Lübeck was towering alone, singularly powerful to an extent which made the remaining members of the Hanseatic war alliance, Hamburg and Lüneburg, rather uncomfortable. Also, the fleets of the Kalmar kingdoms were, for the first time in this war, nearing a hegemonial control over the Southern Baltic. Hamburg`s town council was split between a peace faction, which proposed a more Westerly orientation on North Sea trade and sought an agreement with Erik even if it was on much less favourable terms than they had bargained for, and a war faction, which hung on to Baltic involvement and called for massively stepping up the city`s war effort in order to turn the tide.

When the latter obtained a narrow victory, aided by a decided stance of King Friedrich III. in favour of the war party, the Hansa, dominated by Lübeck and Hamburg, with a tiny contingent from Lüneburg, sent another fleet which successfully dodged Danish enemies and almost attacked Copenhagen, before it was confronted by combined Danish and Swedish forces. This time, the odds were in favour of the Hanseatic allies, and their heavy ships managed to sink a much greater proportion of their Scandinavian adversaries before they abandoned the attack and returned home. Both sides had reached a situation in which they could not force a decisive defeat on the other; neither could occupy the other`s lands for long, and each side appeared able to muster enough resources to send yet another and another wave of maritime attacks against the enemy. But it would still take both sides years and yet more dramatic events to realize and accept the stalemate they had reached.

Further East, the Teutonic Order had marched into the duchy of Stolp in June 1428. Under Boguslaw`s leadership, Pomerania`s defenders confronted them near Nessin. As they had been taught by their Bohemian advisors, the hastily trained infantry was assembled behind a number of war wagons, with the horses of the duke`s banners securing their flanks. It was not the first time Teutonic forces encountered the war wagon strategy, for a few Teutonic knights had participated in the first crusade against the Bohemian Hussites, but they still had not stumbled upon promising counter-measures, so the army of the Grand Master Paul von Rustorf attempted to simply circumvent Boguslaw`s forces far to their left. Harassed by Pomeranian cavalry, they spread more and more to the North, until von Rustorf realized that they were about to march into a trap laid out by Boguslaw: a position where they would have a lake at their back and swamps to their right and left. Exasperatedly, von Rustorf ordered his army to turn around and advance.

Nessin was a massacre, in which the Order lost over two thousand men, but ultimately they prevailed over the smaller Pomeranian forces, who were not yet as experienced with the tactics they had learned from their Bohemian allies and who lacked a leader like Žižka had been to the early Hussites. At the end of a day which had soaked the Pomeranian fields with blood, Boguslaw was forced to hastily flee towards Stolp with just a handful of men.

Although Stolp / Slupsk did not exactly possess modern fortifications – they contained at least as much wood as they contained stones, and Boguslaw had not been able to come by sufficient gunpowder for the organization of a massive artillery defense –, it nevertheless caused a lot of trouble to the Order. A first frontal assault in July had been fought back. Now, von Rustorf took to subduing all the surrounding villages and reducing the smaller castles one by one, when a series of heavy rains throughout September and a very early arrival of a snowy winter in the first weeks of November bogged down his offensive and prevented him from finishing his business.

Determined not to let Friedrich`s offer pass, though, von Rustorf decided to hold the positions, withdraw only a portion of the troops, and return with fresh forces in spring. To this end, he levied another round of hefty taxes from the Order`s Prussian lands. (The Livonian master Rutenberg simply ignored von Rustorf`s requests and spared his Northern lands from this new heavy burden.)

In April 1429, Friedrich III. of Hohenzollern, King of the Romans, Prince-Elector of Brandenburg, Burgrave of Nürnberg and Margrave of Kulmbach and Ansbach, personally accompanied von Rustorf`s new offensive against Stolp and witnessed its painstakingly slow and ultimately anticlimactic victory on May 11th, which saw Stolp razed to the ground, Boguslaw put to trial and burned at the stake, and the duchy partitioned between Casimir and the Teutonic Order.

While the Teutonic Order`s professional army ravaged Stolp and Paul von Rustorf enjoyed his triumph, trouble brewed back in the East. Enraged at the taxations and confiscations to which they were subjected without having any participation in the Order`s policies, an alliance of seventeen Prussian towns, led by the city of Danzig, together with 53 nobles, had risen against the yoke of the Order and declared their allegiance to Wladislaw Jagiełło II., King of Poland.

Although this new situation disquieted Friedrich, too, he had no plans to help von Rustorf out of this mess. Encouraged by the successes which the Lübeckers had obtained and by the demonstration that Hussites were not invincible, the King of the Romans decided that now, the time had finally come to take the bull by the horns and launch his long-prepared campaign against the Bohemian and Silesian Hussites.


[1] More on that in a later update.

[2] They did so IOTL, too.

[3] IOTL, it received this relief, and the Danes were defeated in a sea battle.


Soooo, you decided with 5-0 votes that Lübeck defeats Wismar and Rostock, and with 5-2 votes that the Teutonic Order smashes Pomerania-Stolp. Now this is how the story unfolded so far.

Before we see if Friedrich fares any better than Sigismund against the Hussites (you`ll decide that, as per usual), we`ll have to bring other places where there`s also wars up to 1429, i.e. Švitrigaila`s Lithuania and its Eastern neighbours in particular. And, of course, there`s more to describe about how the Hussite Confederacy develops in the years 1425-29. I´ll try to tackle the former next week, and the latter in two weeks` time.
 
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1426-1429 (II): Muscovite Civil War (I)

When his opponent Vytautas died and Švitrigaila`s takeover of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was sanctioned by the Peace of Lublin on the day before Christmas Eve in 1425, Švitrigaila inherited a complex web of diffuse loyalties and conflicts – and an illustrious guest.

At the Lithuanian court in Vilnius, Švitrigaila had a sizable group which supported him and his policies – but he also faced covert, yet stubborn opposition from another group, which viewed his alliance with “schismatics and heretics” in the East and West critically and feared that a rupture with Poland and other Western powers of Christian Europe could be dangerous. Within the ruling Gediminid family, Švitrigaila`s opponents were found mainly in the Kęstutis branch. Outside of the family, the bishop of Vilnius, Motiejus of Trakai, was another nucleus of anti- Švitrigaila plottings, who personally oversaw Inquisition trials against some of Švitrigaila`s retainers who had diplomatically forged the alliance with the Strigolnik-dominated rebel council of Polotsk.

Švitrigaila would retort in kind, but the terms of the very recently enacted Neminem Captivabimus, whose application to all Lithuanian as well as Ruthenian nobles he himself had guaranteed in order to secure support from the East in his revolt against Výtautas, made it virtually impossible for him to really purge the court. He needed the balance of power to tip even more in his favour in order to silence the opposition.

In this context, the interferences of his cousin-once-removed, Sophia, in the succession dispute in the Grand Duchy of Muscovy were dangerous to Švitrigaila`s interests, as they threatened to tie a bond of loyalty between the considerably powerful Muscovy and the Lithuanian opposition against him. Sophia, the grand-daughter of Kęstutis and daughter of Výtautas whom Švitrigaila had deposed, was married to Vasily Dmitrievich, Grand Duke of Muscovy. When the latter died in 1425, a struggle for his succession immediately broke out between Vasily`s son, Vasily II., and Vasily`s brother, Yuri Dmitrievich. In Muscovy, primogeniture had been de facto practiced for almost a century. Yuri, on the other hand, invoked not only the general Rurikid tradition of collateral succession, but also the testament of his and Vasily I.´s father, Dmitry Donskoy, which stipulated Yuri as Dmitry`s successor. Both pretenders to the throne rallied their supporters – and Sophia, Vasily II.´s mother, pulled a very special guest to her son`s enthronement out of her hat: Ulug Mehmet, former khan of the Golden Horde. Ever since Mehmet had been defeated by Baraq in 1422, he had sought refuge with Výtautas in Vilnius (and attempted to plot his comeback from there). Sophia somehow managed to convince Mehmet to attend Vasily`s enthronement and give her son`s reign the blessing of, well, at least of someone who had once been Khan of the Golden Horde.

Švitrigaila did not want an offspring of the Kęstutis branch, who owed his inner-Lithuanian opponents a favour, on the throne of the strongest Russian principality. He very much favoured Yuri Dmitrievich, who had married Anastasia Ivanovna, the sister of his own wife, Anna, on the Muscovite throne.
1406107818.jpg

Yuri of Zvenigorod

Sophia`s successful orchestration of Vasily II.´s enthronement with Mongol blessing had caught him off guard, but Švitrigaila was determined to reverse the situation as soon as possible.

Švitrigaila and Yuri had been busy forging alliances, and when snow and ice melted in the spring of 1426, Yuri brought forces from Kostroma, Zvenigorod, Vologda, and the Vyatka republic with him from the North, while Švitrigaila led a 8,000 to 10,000 strong Lithuanian contingent (recruited to no small extent from Ruthenia) alongside another ally, Ivan of Mozhaisk, from the West against Moscow.

Švitrigaila`s and Yuri`s forces outnumbered Vasily`s defenses clearly, and although Moscow was comparably well-fortified, it fell after a few weeks. The two brothers-in-law put many of the city`s defenders to the sword and secured control over the capital, but Vasily II. was able to escape Eastwards, to Nizhny Novgorod. He was followed by a significant portion of the Muscovite boyars. But even after their exodus, opposition against Yuri – and, more importantly, against the Lithuanian interference – did not disappear entirely. Even the Metropolitan Photios, who had become quite an intimate friend of Vasily`s family, rejected to celebrate a mass in the context of Yuri`s enthronement.

But in freshly conquered and sacked Moscow, neither Švitrigaila, nor Yuri Dmitrievich were subject to restrictions equaling those which applied in Lithuania, and so Photios was captured, put on a short trial, and executed for treason. While a mixed Lithuanian-Muscovite embassy was sent out to Constantinople to request a new Metropolitan of Kiev, Švitrigaila and Yuri went after Vasily and his entourage, who left Nizhny Novgorod, too, for the North, where they sought and found refuge in the Republic of Novgorod. After Simeon was instituted as Metropolitan of Kiev in August 1426, the enthronement of Yuri II. finally took place in a ceremony in Moscow, in which Švitrigaila attended a mass celebrated in accordance with the Eastern rites, and in which Yuri called Švitrigaila his “beloved greater brother” – words which, apart from their technical adequacy in this case, for centuries used to convey the acceptance of another`s overlordship.

To be continued.
 
Cont.:

Returning to Vilnius triumphantly, Švitrigaila sought to silence the internal opposition once and for all. He put Bishop Motiejus and a number of other Catholic clergymen, as well as dozens of knights with close connections to Sophia, who had mysteriously disappeared after the fall of Moscow, on trial in the Grand Ducal Council, and he even accused the absent Sophia herself. In this latter case, as in a number of others, the Council declared the accused not guilty, or declined to discuss the matter for procedural reasons. But at least Motiejus and a few of his advisors were found guilty of treason, having cooperated with the enemy Vasily Vasilievich, and duly decapitated.

Because of Švitrigaila`s renewed focus on internal matters, Yuri faced the challenge of pacifying and controlling his entire grand duchy on his own. This was no easy task. Most of Vasily`s armed forces who had not been killed in the storm of Moscow and parts of the upper echelons of the grand-ducal administration had left the capital, following their leader to the Novgorod lands. Even if they had wanted, the Republic of Novgorod could not have accommodated such a huge group of service nobility within their social system. But there was no such will in Novgorod anyway: they offered asylum and safety to those who had repeatedly attempted to enforce their will on Lord Novgorod the Great when they were still in power, but nothing else. Keeping Vasily`s desperate crowd around in the Republic`s South-Eastern territories was useful, too. They were too weak to take on Novgorod`s own armed forces, but they were strong enough to conduct occasional raids which destabilised the Grand Duchy of Muscovy under Yuri II.`s rule and its control over Beloozero and the upper Northern Dvina.

Yuri rose to this challenge in the manner which many, including the service nobility which had fled with Vasily for exactly this reason, had predicted: he relied on the knyazes of the many petty principalities which theoretically formed the Grand Duchy of Muscovy, but whose importance had gradually waned under Dmitry Donskoy and Vasily I., and on the oligarchs of city republics like Vyatka. He needed and trusted them to raise fresh troops, and in exchange he guaranteed them great influence on Muscovite policies.

In April 1427, Yuri called together an assembly which consisted

a) of a boyar duma totally different from the bloated service nobility duma where Vasily`s okolnichy, duma dyaks and stolniki had sat, i.e. a boyar duma in which only the various princes and great allodial landowners from the old families sat;

b) of a Holy Sobor, consisting of bishops, abbots and other influential clergymen

c) and of representatives from various towns which traditionally enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy.

This assembly of the land, this zemski sobor, Yuri II. asked not only for their commitment to providing armed forces (with the exception of the clergy, of course). He also solemnly guaranteed that he would start no war, raise no tax, and imprison none of those who enjoyed the immunity of belonging to the zemski sobor (even when it was not called together) without subjecting them to a fair trial before a grand ducal judicial council for which he had the three estates each elect judges from among their ranks. While Yuri was despised by Vasily`s okolnichy, duma dyaks, and stolniki, he was celebrated by the zemski sobor he had convened. And Yuri swore them in on a conservative agenda, with the blessing of the clerical estate: they would for ever mutually defend all their natural rights and privileges against anyone who sought to reduce, subject, or infringe upon them.

This someone would come rather soon. A force was gathering beyond the borders of the grand duchy, much larger than the petty raiding parties of Vasily`s men. But it would take another year for this force to take shape – a second peaceful year, in which Yuri was busy repairing Moscow`s defenses which he had torn down himself, touring the grand duchy in order to solve disputes in the wake of his great land restoration, and ensure himself of the loyalty of his subjects, and negotiating a treaty of peace and mutual assistance with the Principality of Yaroslavl.

In 1427, Ulug Mehmet`s plans finally came to fruition: with thousands of supporters which he had garnered from all corners of the Tatar lands, Mehmet attacked Baraq, killed him, and had himself restored as Khan of the Golden Horde. In spite of past differences, Mehmet sent messengers to Švitrigaila, offering the Grand Duke of Lithuania his recognition of Yuri II.´s rule in Muscovy against Švitrigaila`s recognition of Mehmet`s suzerainty over Muscovy, and proposing a more permanent delineation of Lithuanian and the Horde`s spheres of influence.

Švitrigaila, though, was unwilling to compromise. In his view, Yuri had offered him his loyal service, and it was his duty to protect Muscovy now. Perhaps he was even overly flattered by his Ruthenian followers who styled Švitrigaila as the liberator of all Rus` from the Tatar yoke. Or maybe Švitrigaila reckoned that his own Lithuanian forces and those of Muscovy – and maybe other Russian principalities, too: Pronsk and Rostov had already assured him of their contributions, and even negotiations with Boris of Tver’ were going well – could easily take on Mehmet`s horde.

Angered by Švitrigaila`s rejection, and even more so by the delay in tribute payments by Yuri II., who had been infected by the hope that they would be able to beat the Golden Horde and shake off the Tatar yoke, too, Mehmet rode against Muscovy in May 1428.

Švitrigaila set an army of almost 30,000 in motion. On their way, they were joined by smallish contingents from the Russian princes allied with him. In deep woods, forty kilometers away from Moscow, Švitrigaila awaited news about Yuri`s arrival.

Yuri arrived after a few days – but he had no good news. Most of the Northern princes and towns were unable to provide troops, he reported, for they had come under massive attack by ushkuiniki: Novgorodian river raiders, who had rowed down the Dvina. Muscovy had faced trouble from these river pirates often before, but this time was different. The ushkuiniki had come in unprecedented numbers – 20,000 said some, 40,000 others –, and they were joined by Vasily`s disciplined knights. They had laid waste to Vologda and a number of smaller towns and were presently sacking Kostroma.

ushkuiniki.png


Ushkuiniki attacking a town in the South.

Northern Muscovy saw itself unable to spare any troops; they had their hands full with the pest sent from Novgorod.

Soon upon their reception of these news, the princes of Pronsk and Rostov deserted Yuri and Švitrigaila, and the latter still remembered the Battle of the Vorskla all too well. He would not meet a Mongol army in the open field. He convinced Yuri to retreat with all their forces behind the walls of Moscow, the better to defend themselves and everything that was in Moscow.

Mehmet`s siege of Moscow took three weeks, but when the final assault surged against Moscow`s walls, the city`s defenders were already exhausted. The heavy artillery on which Švitrigaila set great hopes had proved insufficient in keeping the numerically superior attackers from storming the walls and swarming into the city, bringing fire, death, and destruction to the proud city once again – and from this blow, Moscow would not recover. While Švitrigaila was able to escape from the city with a surprisingly large portion of survivors, among them Yuri`s two sons, Vasily and Dmitry, Yuri was killed in the gruesome slaughter which Moscow suffered.

In the meantime, Vasily Vasilievich had descended with the ushkuiniki force into Muscovy, parted ways with the river raiders, and moved with his retainers towards Moscow, too. According to legends, he cried, fell to the ground, and screamed with anger and sorrow when he saw the smouldering ruins to which his ally Mehmet had reduced his beloved city.

Although there was no point in ruling the devastated grand duchy he had just won back from Moscow in the state in which it presently was, Vasily II. nevertheless remained in the city for several months, gathering his provisional court and administration and busying them with organizing aid and relief, before he oversaw the transfer of his entire court and administration – provisionally, he reassured himself – to Suzdal.

The first phase in the Muscovite Civil War had ended with the exhaustion of the main internal belligerents. Švitrigaila`s gains had gone as easily as they had come. Ulug Mehmet had restored Horde control over North-Eastern Russia, but he had far more important problems to tend to, so he departed immediately after his bloody triumph. The most important outcome of the first phase of the Muscovite Civil War, though, was the implosion of Dmitry Donskoy`s and the two Vasilys` model of state development. Although Vasily Vasilievich would struggle to rebuild his administration, he soon had to recognize Yuri`s creation of the zemski sobor, and convene another one in order to gather all available forces for a rebuilding of the towns which his various allies had destroyed. Muscovite policies of strength and hegemony had become obsolete dreams now, though. Its neighbors, chief among them Novgorod the Great, benefitted the most from the outcome of the first three years of warfare over the Grand Duchy of Muscovy.


@Augenis , well, Svitrigaila did mess up ITTL, too... but not so much Lithuania as its large Eastern neighbour.
OK, next week we`re back in Bohemia, yay!!!
 
Wow... Muscovy has been ravaged....

I'm not too familiar with the OTL situation... does this mean that we are going to see a longer-lasting Golden Horde?
 
Wow... Muscovy has been ravaged....

I'm not too familiar with the OTL situation... does this mean that we are going to see a longer-lasting Golden Horde?
The Golden Horde is already in the full process of disintegration, like IOTL. The Girays are preparing Crimean secession, and regardless of Mehmet`s little arson and butchery in Moscow, he`s still likely to be labelled "ulug", i.e. the great, for establishing the separate Khanate of Kazan. Unless more things begin to diverge...
IOTL, Muscovy experienced its civil war during the 1430s and 1440s, too. It wasn`t so devastating, but the main difference is that the centralist party came out victorious. That`s not likely to happen ITTL.
THAT may be good for the later Khanate of Kazan, whose problems with Muscovy, or rather: Russia, began a lot later. Until then, a lot can happen.
It´s not as if Muscovy`s not centralising (yet) precludes anybody else from becoming a threat to Kazan. Most of the time, the Khanate of Kazan was riddled with internecine conflicts anyway.
And there are other Russian principalities with ambitious princes. Novgorod, too.
Also, Svitrigaila`s adventures in Muscovy and his losses have weakened his internal position, but haven`t weakened Lithuania substantially. He or his successors may not turn on Russia again immediately, but in a few decades` time, things may look different.
And from the South, the Ottomans are building up just on OTL track.

Long story short, Horde future is totally open still. (And I haven`t made up my mind about it. The focus of the next updates will be on much more Westerly regions, so I suppose butterflies from there will arrive in great swarms.)
 
Does this update means that Muscovy, if it lasts as an independent state, will be less autocratic? And does Novgorod gets more chances for survival?
 
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