What about an army of Cossaks on some of these?!
Even I, someone who hates guns, think that is sooooo cool...
Its a motorcycle with a cannon stuck in it...
Now, if only they could mount cannons on bear cavalry, like they had on camels...
20th Century Khan - A Timeline!
- Thread starter The Federalist
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Even I, someone who hates guns, think that is sooooo cool...
Its a motorcycle with a cannon stuck in it...
Now, if only they could mount cannons on bear cavalry, like they had on camels...
What about an army of Cossaks on some of these?!
I've never seen one of those before but was thinking just tanks.
Vault-Scope
Banned
Moscow would probably be mererly encircled, attack would only occuring when starved populations starts revolting.
He would go better with Himmler, who would mererly claim that eastern philosophies where invented by the original aryans, than Hitler.
The Baron could also attract supporters from other parts of the world, including the US.
He would go better with Himmler, who would mererly claim that eastern philosophies where invented by the original aryans, than Hitler.
The Baron could also attract supporters from other parts of the world, including the US.
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The Baron knew his Eastern history and won't be fooled by Himmler's psuedoscientific justifications of Aryan supremacy. If that's the case, the Baron and him might as well just go to war both militarily and ideologically.
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Vault-Scope
Banned
Also, is Japanes-US war delayed a few years or avoided altogether?
In the immediate, the Baron would face some troubles with christianity, in the former soviet-union it won´t be much of a problem, catholic poland hovewer...
When does this continue?
In the immediate, the Baron would face some troubles with christianity, in the former soviet-union it won´t be much of a problem, catholic poland hovewer...
When does this continue?
Let's just say, the Japanese will be busy fighting someone else.
Well the thing about the Baron is he knows how to communicate with people. If he talks to a Mongol, he will talk of resurrecting the empires of the Great Khans, if he was talking to a Russian, he would speak of restoring the Tsar, defeating Bolshevism and restoring Russia's former glory, if he was talking to any European, he would speak of saving Western civilization from the horrors of Revolution. ITTL, he was smart enough to indoctrinate Ukraine with a version of Orthodox Christianity just as radical and just as powerful as his Military Buddhism, he will do the same with every culture he encounters, wether it be Orthodox, Catholic or Muslim.
Sometime in the next week maybe.
Revision #1
In the summer of 1932, the OMB had established its first set of foreign intelligence units in the southern SSR’s, in Ukraine and Central Asia. While the Patriarch was busy writing his treatise, the OMB set about executing simple and arbitrary orders that had one objective, to crush further and make more desperate the populations of the Ukraine and Central Asia, so that they may be more willing to participate in an open revolt. They attempted to accomplish this by first aiding the commissars in confiscating grain. Later on, they committed acts of arson on a vast scale, burning down entire forests, towns and kolkhozes or the collective farms. These acts caused great damaged and intensified the famine to an even greater extent. Both the peasants and the commissars were angry, each side blaming the other, but ultimately, only the commissars had the ability to do something about it. The rate of grain confiscation from what was left of the kholkhozes and the mass executions quadrupled in the following months. Official Soviet propaganda however, downplayed the damage, citing only very minor events from the situation and blaming it on the kulaks. Because of this, a useful strategy was devised by the OMB heads. If caught, OMB officers would admit to being the agents of kulak paymasters, a tactic that helped shield the Baron from the suspicious eyes of the GPU. Another such tactic was the infiltration of the USSR through the almost totally unguarded Chinese border instead of from the Baron’s own territories.
In November of that year, the Patriarch finished his treatise, the Dreams of St. Anthony, and within days, copies of it or at least very simplified versions and pieces of it were circulated amongst the Ukrainian people via the OMB. The beautiful vision of a "Ukraine freed from Communism" that it described served to embolden the hatred Ukrainians felt toward Stalin, whom the book called with certainty, the "Antichrist". Aside from painting a glorious picture of post-Soviet Ukraine and demonizing Stalin, the treatise told its readers that Ukraine's liberation was at hand and that it would happen within their lifetimes as God willed it. For the Kazakhs and Central Asians, similar propaganda was circulated, the only difference was that it was Islamic in nature. Everyone caught with these texts were arrested and shot for possessing kulak propaganda. It was ignorant of the Soviets to think that they were still facing the "kulak threat" but this is what Stalin thought and anything Stalin thinks is truth and law. Little did the commissars know that their actions would only feed their victims' desire for vengeance. The confiscation of the treatise did not stop the spread of its ideas. Slogans like "Stalin is the Antichrist" and "God Will Save Us" was painted in red on every city street and village square. The message was clear and visible. The will and motivation was burned onto the people's hearts and minds. The Baron had won his battle of ideas. All they needed now were the guns...
A group of people especially affected by the propaganda were the Cossacks. Suffering under Decossackization policies, they were deprived of most everything they had and gained during Tsarist times. Their land was confiscated to make way for more collective farms, their horses were given away to the Red Cavalry and they were banned from wearing traditional dress and celebrating Cossack culture. The OMB was quick to exploit this feeling of oppression that the nomadic horsemen suffered by establishing links with the Cossack hosts and promising them support for their cause. They were told to keep quiet and wait for the day of liberation. The horsemen would keep quiet and allow for the repression to continue but in circles of their top leadership, they already made plans of their own, plans that would coincide with the Baron’s own in the revolt to come.
In the summer of 1932, the OMB had established its first set of foreign intelligence units in the southern SSR’s, in Ukraine and Central Asia. While the Patriarch was busy writing his treatise, the OMB set about executing simple and arbitrary orders that had one objective, to crush further and make more desperate the populations of the Ukraine and Central Asia, so that they may be more willing to participate in an open revolt. They attempted to accomplish this by first aiding the commissars in confiscating grain. Later on, they committed acts of arson on a vast scale, burning down entire forests, towns and kolkhozes or the collective farms. These acts caused great damaged and intensified the famine to an even greater extent. Both the peasants and the commissars were angry, each side blaming the other, but ultimately, only the commissars had the ability to do something about it. The rate of grain confiscation from what was left of the kholkhozes and the mass executions quadrupled in the following months. Official Soviet propaganda however, downplayed the damage, citing only very minor events from the situation and blaming it on the kulaks. Because of this, a useful strategy was devised by the OMB heads. If caught, OMB officers would admit to being the agents of kulak paymasters, a tactic that helped shield the Baron from the suspicious eyes of the GPU. Another such tactic was the infiltration of the USSR through the almost totally unguarded Chinese border instead of from the Baron’s own territories.
In November of that year, the Patriarch finished his treatise, the Dreams of St. Anthony, and within days, copies of it or at least very simplified versions and pieces of it were circulated amongst the Ukrainian people via the OMB. The beautiful vision of a "Ukraine freed from Communism" that it described served to embolden the hatred Ukrainians felt toward Stalin, whom the book called with certainty, the "Antichrist". Aside from painting a glorious picture of post-Soviet Ukraine and demonizing Stalin, the treatise told its readers that Ukraine's liberation was at hand and that it would happen within their lifetimes as God willed it. For the Kazakhs and Central Asians, similar propaganda was circulated, the only difference was that it was Islamic in nature. Everyone caught with these texts were arrested and shot for possessing kulak propaganda. It was ignorant of the Soviets to think that they were still facing the "kulak threat" but this is what Stalin thought and anything Stalin thinks is truth and law. Little did the commissars know that their actions would only feed their victims' desire for vengeance. The confiscation of the treatise did not stop the spread of its ideas. Slogans like "Stalin is the Antichrist" and "God Will Save Us" was painted in red on every city street and village square. The message was clear and visible. The will and motivation was burned onto the people's hearts and minds. The Baron had won his battle of ideas. All they needed now were the guns...
A group of people especially affected by the propaganda were the Cossacks. Suffering under Decossackization policies, they were deprived of most everything they had and gained during Tsarist times. Their land was confiscated to make way for more collective farms, their horses were given away to the Red Cavalry and they were banned from wearing traditional dress and celebrating Cossack culture. The OMB was quick to exploit this feeling of oppression that the nomadic horsemen suffered by establishing links with the Cossack hosts and promising them support for their cause. They were told to keep quiet and wait for the day of liberation. The horsemen would keep quiet and allow for the repression to continue but in circles of their top leadership, they already made plans of their own, plans that would coincide with the Baron’s own in the revolt to come.
Revision #2
The Baron’s desire to simply take away the Ukraine and Central Asia from Stalin had evolved into a much larger desire to bring down and dismantle the entire Soviet Union. This desire led him to seek allies from the other side of the world in Europe. The two best candidates were Poland and Finland. Both of these countries were former subject nations of the Russian Empire and possessed longstanding grudges against the Russians. Both countries still had fresh memories of war with Bolsheviks and both countries were led by militaristic regimes which had intentions of turning their second-rate powers into the new great powers. In the case of Poland, it was Pilsudski and his increasingly authoritarian Second Republic’s leadership of the anti-Russian Prometheist effort that had operations within and around the Soviet Union that gave it a head start in any war against Russia. Finland, fresh from a right-wing coup that had installed Carl Mannerheim as President [1], was experiencing a period of ever-growing tension with its Soviet neighbor, evidenced by the rate of “incidents” it had along its Soviet borders.
Envoys were sent to Warsaw and Helsinki and back to Urga, carrying diplomatic messages calling for some kind of conference between the powers. The first set of talks was held in Urga, starting on November 26, 1932. Two delegations of Polish and Finnish diplomats arrived in Urga where they met the Baron himself along with a several representatives from Japan. He spoke about the possibility of conducting “joint military action in containing Soviet influence”. “An invasion?” one of the Poles asked. “Yes”, the Baron retorted. After being given some time to talk amongst themselves, the delegations could not come up with a definitive answer for the Baron’s offer. They flew back to their respective capitals the next day with a secret briefcase they presented to their leaders. The Baron’s habit of sending top secret military plans to other people’s armies proved to be a good one as in this case like in the last, the Poles and the Finns showed interest and agreed to another round of talks, this time with more high-profile people involved. The Poles sent Edward Rydz-Smigly, a senior military official and aide to Pilsudski himself. The Finns sent Askel Airo, a Lieutenant general of he Finnish Army.
The talks took place in a yurt in the Mongolian desert several miles outside Urga. The Baron made bold promises of “total victory” and “an end to Soviet tyranny”. “History will remember us and thank us for eradicating Revolution in its present form”, the Baron declared. “All this, only if you will join our noble cause and accomplish your part”. “Enough of all this ideological discourse” Rydz-Smigly answered. “This cause is noble, we understand, any cause against the interests of Russia is a noble one!” The three parties laughed. “Expound on your actual military strategy! That is what we came here to hear. We want to know if this is feasible enough for us to pull off!”. “Forgive me!” the Baron exclaimed. “We ask Poland and Finland to invade from its Eastern borders and we shall join you from the West. The Red Army, busy stamping out revolt in the Ukraine and Central Asia will be caught in surprise.” “We shall invade from the East and from the inside with the revolt in the Ukraine”. “At that point, the whole affair would be but a good-spirited race to the Kremlin!” The delegations were thrown into silence until Airo asked “I beg your pardon, revolt in the Ukraine?” “Mr. Airo, are any of your men, Soviet spies?” “No!” the Finn answered slightly angrily. The same was asked of the Poles and Rydz-Smigly gave the same answer. The Baron explained the OMB’s activity in the southern SSR’s and how it would lead full-fledged rebellion in a matter of no time.
The Poles and the Finns came home convinced. Pilsudski, upon hearing of the well-thought out “Quadruple Invasion Plan” and the impeding revolt in the southern SSR’s, exclaimed “Alas, I shall live to see the fall of Russia and Poland shall be an instrument!” “This Baron managed to accomplish in a few years what the entire Prometheist movement failed to do in a decade!” The approval of the General-Inspector was followed by everyone else’s, from the President to the Prime Minister to nearly everyone in the Military. It was official; Poland had joined the noble cause. In Finland, Mannerheim and Finnish General Staff nodded to each other in agreement with the Baron’s plans. Finland too had joined the cause. All that was left was the signing of a diplomatic agreement that would formalize the alliance. In Japan however, there was dispute about Poland. Several of Japan’s military leaders, because of ideological similarities had hoped for an alliance with Germany where Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party were on its way to power. Germany, being Poland’s continental rival would be alienated once the formal alliance is established. Another faction of the Military however pushed for the Polish alliance as they argued that this would be more realistic and beneficial. After days of dispute, Realpolitik had prevailed and the Tokyo Pact was signed in secret on January 5, 1933. Signatory states included; the Far Eastern Republic, Mongolia, Manchukuo, Japan, Poland and Finland. Articles of the Pact called for mutual defense efforts and strategic cooperation between signatory states.
Notes:
[1] Finland underwent a right-wing coup d’etat in 1931 that installed Mannerheim as President. The coup was supported by various rightist and military elements within the Finnish government who launched the coup as a response to what they saw as growing socialist influence.
The Baron’s desire to simply take away the Ukraine and Central Asia from Stalin had evolved into a much larger desire to bring down and dismantle the entire Soviet Union. This desire led him to seek allies from the other side of the world in Europe. The two best candidates were Poland and Finland. Both of these countries were former subject nations of the Russian Empire and possessed longstanding grudges against the Russians. Both countries still had fresh memories of war with Bolsheviks and both countries were led by militaristic regimes which had intentions of turning their second-rate powers into the new great powers. In the case of Poland, it was Pilsudski and his increasingly authoritarian Second Republic’s leadership of the anti-Russian Prometheist effort that had operations within and around the Soviet Union that gave it a head start in any war against Russia. Finland, fresh from a right-wing coup that had installed Carl Mannerheim as President [1], was experiencing a period of ever-growing tension with its Soviet neighbor, evidenced by the rate of “incidents” it had along its Soviet borders.
Envoys were sent to Warsaw and Helsinki and back to Urga, carrying diplomatic messages calling for some kind of conference between the powers. The first set of talks was held in Urga, starting on November 26, 1932. Two delegations of Polish and Finnish diplomats arrived in Urga where they met the Baron himself along with a several representatives from Japan. He spoke about the possibility of conducting “joint military action in containing Soviet influence”. “An invasion?” one of the Poles asked. “Yes”, the Baron retorted. After being given some time to talk amongst themselves, the delegations could not come up with a definitive answer for the Baron’s offer. They flew back to their respective capitals the next day with a secret briefcase they presented to their leaders. The Baron’s habit of sending top secret military plans to other people’s armies proved to be a good one as in this case like in the last, the Poles and the Finns showed interest and agreed to another round of talks, this time with more high-profile people involved. The Poles sent Edward Rydz-Smigly, a senior military official and aide to Pilsudski himself. The Finns sent Askel Airo, a Lieutenant general of he Finnish Army.
The talks took place in a yurt in the Mongolian desert several miles outside Urga. The Baron made bold promises of “total victory” and “an end to Soviet tyranny”. “History will remember us and thank us for eradicating Revolution in its present form”, the Baron declared. “All this, only if you will join our noble cause and accomplish your part”. “Enough of all this ideological discourse” Rydz-Smigly answered. “This cause is noble, we understand, any cause against the interests of Russia is a noble one!” The three parties laughed. “Expound on your actual military strategy! That is what we came here to hear. We want to know if this is feasible enough for us to pull off!”. “Forgive me!” the Baron exclaimed. “We ask Poland and Finland to invade from its Eastern borders and we shall join you from the West. The Red Army, busy stamping out revolt in the Ukraine and Central Asia will be caught in surprise.” “We shall invade from the East and from the inside with the revolt in the Ukraine”. “At that point, the whole affair would be but a good-spirited race to the Kremlin!” The delegations were thrown into silence until Airo asked “I beg your pardon, revolt in the Ukraine?” “Mr. Airo, are any of your men, Soviet spies?” “No!” the Finn answered slightly angrily. The same was asked of the Poles and Rydz-Smigly gave the same answer. The Baron explained the OMB’s activity in the southern SSR’s and how it would lead full-fledged rebellion in a matter of no time.
The Poles and the Finns came home convinced. Pilsudski, upon hearing of the well-thought out “Quadruple Invasion Plan” and the impeding revolt in the southern SSR’s, exclaimed “Alas, I shall live to see the fall of Russia and Poland shall be an instrument!” “This Baron managed to accomplish in a few years what the entire Prometheist movement failed to do in a decade!” The approval of the General-Inspector was followed by everyone else’s, from the President to the Prime Minister to nearly everyone in the Military. It was official; Poland had joined the noble cause. In Finland, Mannerheim and Finnish General Staff nodded to each other in agreement with the Baron’s plans. Finland too had joined the cause. All that was left was the signing of a diplomatic agreement that would formalize the alliance. In Japan however, there was dispute about Poland. Several of Japan’s military leaders, because of ideological similarities had hoped for an alliance with Germany where Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party were on its way to power. Germany, being Poland’s continental rival would be alienated once the formal alliance is established. Another faction of the Military however pushed for the Polish alliance as they argued that this would be more realistic and beneficial. After days of dispute, Realpolitik had prevailed and the Tokyo Pact was signed in secret on January 5, 1933. Signatory states included; the Far Eastern Republic, Mongolia, Manchukuo, Japan, Poland and Finland. Articles of the Pact called for mutual defense efforts and strategic cooperation between signatory states.
Notes:
[1] Finland underwent a right-wing coup d’etat in 1931 that installed Mannerheim as President. The coup was supported by various rightist and military elements within the Finnish government who launched the coup as a response to what they saw as growing socialist influence.
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Revision #3
The supply lines of guns, bombs and grain had been flowing into the southern SSR’s for days now. The order for the OMB to initiate the revolt came on the 4th of June, 1933. Armed peasants, most of who were paid in grain from the Baron’s farms, stormed rural village and town centers, overpowering the lightly armed commissars and secret police. Soon, the cities were besieged by peasant militias where they were joined by urban militias, also paid in foreign grain. The Red Army was deployed immediately. OMB saboteurs did everything they could to hinder and slow down the Red Army’s mobilization by destroying bridges, mining roads and committing arson on a vast scale, continuing their practice of burning down forests and farms. The peasant attacks were mostly ill-prepared and badly planned but still succeeded in some places.
The revolt in major cities like Kiev, Odessa, Astrakhan and Baku were put down immediately but massive street fighting and looting ensued. In some small cities however like Tselinograd, Voroshilovgrad, Dushanbe and Leninabad, the mob succeeds in taking over. In the next few days however, the tide in some major cities had turned as Kharkhov, Odessa, Poltava and Astrakhan fell to rebel forces. By this time, Stalin had declared a state of marshal law in the southern SSR’s but the whole revolt was downplayed by Soviet propaganda. Fighting between rebel forces and the Red Army continued until several cities like Odessa and Astana were reclaimed by the Red Army on the 11th but these cities were still inhabited by armed hostile populations who had to be subjugated. Also, much of Kiev’s inner city was damaged extensively by a large fire, one that was could have been started by either the mob or the OMB. Similar fires had spread across the other cities embroiled in the revolt. Two major turning points in the revolt happened on the 7th and 8th when soldiers of the Red Army joined rebel forces in Kirovograd. These soldiers were soon joined by their comrades-in-arms in the nearby cites of Donelsk and Zaporozhye. The next turning point happened aboard the Battleship Dzherzhinsky which was called to service in Baku, a city that had just fallen to rebel forces. Upon reaching Baku harbor, the Red Navy officers had mutinied throwing their captain overboard. The Dzerzhinksy then took part in the revolt by providing naval shelling, something which it was supposed to do to squash the revolt. A similar incident occurred with two ships, the Poltova and the Lenina in the Crimea.
The Cossacks began their assault by attacking several Red Army installations in the countryside. The attacks were reinforced by raids on Red Army reinforcements and convoys traveling about in between the revolting cities. The Cossack divisions, armed with rifles from the Baron’s arsenal gathered around Kiev and after defeating a small attachment of Red Army reinforcements entered the city and stormed all government positions there. After attacking the Postal Office, held by the commissars, the Cossacks entered the main square where they were greeted with cheers by the mob. The two forces proceeded to storm the city hall. The Fall of Kiev culminated symbolically when an unnamed Cossack impaled the mayor and posted his head on the end of a bayonet, then raising it to the cheers and roars of the Rebel crowd but their victory was in danger of being reversed when a larger detachment of Red Army soldiers, numbering about 6,000 entered the city and were given orders to kill without restraint any rebel in sight. Rebel leaders devised a clever strategy of luring several hundred Red Army soldiers to the large fireworks factory in the industrial district and blowing it up with explosives, killing at least a hundred Red soldiers and injuring many more. Fighting ensued for several more days with more Cossack divisions entering the city from the East. Cossacks were also responsible for turning the tide in the cities of Odessa, Kharkhov, Donelsk and Voroshilovgrad. The city of Donelsk becoming a particular rebel hotspot as Cossacks joined with several thousand rebellious Red Army soldiers. A massive cavalry battle took place in the area between Voroshilovgrad and Rostov resulting in a Pyrrhic victory for the Red Cavalry. Although the combined effort of the rebel peasant and Cossack armies had been successful in the taking of several major cities and many smaller cities and towns, the rebellion was in great danger of being overturned, as more and more Red Army detachments were sent in from Russia.
Now that the rebellion was in its last throws of major armed resistance, it was the precise time for the Baron to attack. On June 14th, exactly ten days after the revolt began, the Baron launched Operation Mahakala as his armies along with the armies of Japan, Poland and Finland crossed their respective frontiers into Soviet territory, beginning the opening stages of the Great Soviet War.
The supply lines of guns, bombs and grain had been flowing into the southern SSR’s for days now. The order for the OMB to initiate the revolt came on the 4th of June, 1933. Armed peasants, most of who were paid in grain from the Baron’s farms, stormed rural village and town centers, overpowering the lightly armed commissars and secret police. Soon, the cities were besieged by peasant militias where they were joined by urban militias, also paid in foreign grain. The Red Army was deployed immediately. OMB saboteurs did everything they could to hinder and slow down the Red Army’s mobilization by destroying bridges, mining roads and committing arson on a vast scale, continuing their practice of burning down forests and farms. The peasant attacks were mostly ill-prepared and badly planned but still succeeded in some places.
The revolt in major cities like Kiev, Odessa, Astrakhan and Baku were put down immediately but massive street fighting and looting ensued. In some small cities however like Tselinograd, Voroshilovgrad, Dushanbe and Leninabad, the mob succeeds in taking over. In the next few days however, the tide in some major cities had turned as Kharkhov, Odessa, Poltava and Astrakhan fell to rebel forces. By this time, Stalin had declared a state of marshal law in the southern SSR’s but the whole revolt was downplayed by Soviet propaganda. Fighting between rebel forces and the Red Army continued until several cities like Odessa and Astana were reclaimed by the Red Army on the 11th but these cities were still inhabited by armed hostile populations who had to be subjugated. Also, much of Kiev’s inner city was damaged extensively by a large fire, one that was could have been started by either the mob or the OMB. Similar fires had spread across the other cities embroiled in the revolt. Two major turning points in the revolt happened on the 7th and 8th when soldiers of the Red Army joined rebel forces in Kirovograd. These soldiers were soon joined by their comrades-in-arms in the nearby cites of Donelsk and Zaporozhye. The next turning point happened aboard the Battleship Dzherzhinsky which was called to service in Baku, a city that had just fallen to rebel forces. Upon reaching Baku harbor, the Red Navy officers had mutinied throwing their captain overboard. The Dzerzhinksy then took part in the revolt by providing naval shelling, something which it was supposed to do to squash the revolt. A similar incident occurred with two ships, the Poltova and the Lenina in the Crimea.
The Cossacks began their assault by attacking several Red Army installations in the countryside. The attacks were reinforced by raids on Red Army reinforcements and convoys traveling about in between the revolting cities. The Cossack divisions, armed with rifles from the Baron’s arsenal gathered around Kiev and after defeating a small attachment of Red Army reinforcements entered the city and stormed all government positions there. After attacking the Postal Office, held by the commissars, the Cossacks entered the main square where they were greeted with cheers by the mob. The two forces proceeded to storm the city hall. The Fall of Kiev culminated symbolically when an unnamed Cossack impaled the mayor and posted his head on the end of a bayonet, then raising it to the cheers and roars of the Rebel crowd but their victory was in danger of being reversed when a larger detachment of Red Army soldiers, numbering about 6,000 entered the city and were given orders to kill without restraint any rebel in sight. Rebel leaders devised a clever strategy of luring several hundred Red Army soldiers to the large fireworks factory in the industrial district and blowing it up with explosives, killing at least a hundred Red soldiers and injuring many more. Fighting ensued for several more days with more Cossack divisions entering the city from the East. Cossacks were also responsible for turning the tide in the cities of Odessa, Kharkhov, Donelsk and Voroshilovgrad. The city of Donelsk becoming a particular rebel hotspot as Cossacks joined with several thousand rebellious Red Army soldiers. A massive cavalry battle took place in the area between Voroshilovgrad and Rostov resulting in a Pyrrhic victory for the Red Cavalry. Although the combined effort of the rebel peasant and Cossack armies had been successful in the taking of several major cities and many smaller cities and towns, the rebellion was in great danger of being overturned, as more and more Red Army detachments were sent in from Russia.
Now that the rebellion was in its last throws of major armed resistance, it was the precise time for the Baron to attack. On June 14th, exactly ten days after the revolt began, the Baron launched Operation Mahakala as his armies along with the armies of Japan, Poland and Finland crossed their respective frontiers into Soviet territory, beginning the opening stages of the Great Soviet War.
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Revision #4
The towns of Novosibirsk and Tomsk fell immediately. The small chunks of Taymyrsky and Yakutia belonging to the Soviets also fell without a fight. The first major battle took place in Omsk where the Baron’s tanks battled the Red cavalry, still on horseback. Cossack divisions from further South helped reinforce the Baron’s armies, as they arrived on the 17th. Omsk fell on the 20th and the Baron met up with more rebel forces from Kazakhstan’s northern most towns. The newly supplied and replenished rebel armies marched south to Dzezhkhazgan, where the Red Army was defeated after two days, as the Baron’s armies marched toward Tyumen and Kurgan. Also, the Japanese Air Force, repeating tactics from the Manchurian war flew into the USSR and annihilated the barely existent and obsolete Soviet Air Force and started a grand bombing campaign that supported both the invading land forces in western Siberia and the rebel forces in Central Asia. Soon, all of Central Asia except a few coastal cities fell to the rebels, all other cities that remained in Soviet hands were bombed into submission by the effective Japanese bombing campaign. The Red Army POW’s were either imprisoned or recruited to fight their former government in the newly created Russian Liberation Army. Sepailoff and Prince Daichin, who commanded tank divisions in the westernmost parts of Siberia, succeeded in crossing into Archangelsk beginning a battle on the 17th.
In the west, Polish forces crossed a day after the war began in the east, creating two fronts, the Northern and Southern fronts. The Southern Front was characterized by initial success in battles in near Zhytomir and Vinnitsa, resulting in the Polish capture of those cities by the 26th. However, the Polish still had to consolidate those gains by winning a battle in Berdychov which lied in between. They did this by the 28th and soon moved on into Cherkasy and Yelisavetgrad were they were assisted heavily by the rebels. After these victories, Polish forces encircled Kiev which was already being besieged inside by the rebel mob. Kiev fell after a week of bloody siege. Kharkhov followed suit by the beginning the 5th of July. The Ukrainians had greeted the Poles as liberators, a sentiment which would be exploited with the creation of the Ukrainian Liberation Army, a puppet Ukrainian Army similar to its Russian counterpart. Cossacks were recruited into a special Cossack Cavalry Brigade of the ULA as was the case in the RLA. Ukrainians joined the Army with pride as they went to battle in the Northern Front. This front told a different story. Where in the South, it was a string of relative successes; the Northern Front began with the Siege of Minsk. The first phase of the siege saw Polish artillery and bombers pound Minks to the ground. The second phase saw blood urban warfare. The Polish Armies of the Northern and Southern fronts along with the ULA joined together in Novgorod, where the Soviet enemy was encircled and annihilated, and headed toward Stalingrad.
In the North, the Finns crossed into Murmansk, fighting a bloody eleven day battle ending on the 28th. Although, encountering many Naval defeats on their own cost, the Finns crossed Karelia into Archangelsk, aiding Sepaillof’s forces in taking it. The Soviets retaliated by invading the Finnish northern coast through the sea, but were repelled and defeated in Nautsi. The Finnish forces however who remained in Karelia were slaughtered by Red Army detachments from Leningrad as they made their way to capture Murmansk. The Siege of Murmanks began on the 5th of July. Epic battles were fought in Stalingrad, Archangelsk and Minsk, marking the second much bloodier phase of the Soviet War.
In Moscow, Stalin, in a paranoid frenzy, arrested Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Bukharin and all of his remaining political rivals under accusations of being part of an internal Polish-Finnish-Japanese sponsored Anti-PartyTerroristCenter. He summoned all of his marshals to a meeting where they convened to discuss a possible defense strategy using what was left of the Red Army. As the marshals talked amongst themselves and made busy with a large map on the table, Stalin disrupted them with the words “Lenin left us his legacy and we fucked it up”. They devised a defensive strategy of holding out and waiting for the Winter when they hoped they could makes some gains in driving out the invaders, but it was too late.
By early August, Arkhangelsk and Stalingrad had fallen and the march toward Moscow had begun. Murmansk had survived the siege and remained in Finnish hands. After the fall of Stalingrad, the Polish Southern Army split one again with one group, the Southwestern Army heading to reinforce Minsk while the other, the Southeastern Army headed deeper into the South, toward the Caucuses. In the east, the northern armies of Sepailoff coordinated with the Finns for an invasion of Leningrad which began on the 18th. A detachment of forces led by Prince Daichin, which included the Northern faction of the RLA met up with the Baron’s forces from farther south in Kirov, and started heading toward Groky. At this point, the numbers of the RLA where growing steadily with the capture of every city, reaching about 40,000 in the Battle of Gorky. The Polish Southeastern Army met up with Japanese and Rebel Cossack and Peasant forces in the Caucuses where the fall of Rostov and the invasion of Stalin’s native Georgia destroyed Soviet oil supply lines, demobilizing the Red Army. Although, the invading armies found that the Soviets had blown up their own oil wells to save it from being in their hands. Tbilisi and Yerevan fell by the 26th and 27th but Baku was heavily protected by the Red Navy and had to be bombarded from the air by a joint Japanese-Polish bombing campaign. The Baron captured Vornonezh on the 2nd of September, destroying the last trail of Red Army reinforcements into Central Asia. Minsk finally fell on the 7th and Leningrad on the 9th with captured POW’s recruited into the RLA, numbering about 50,000. Polish forces, along with the ULA and RLA under its command, attacked Moscow on the 13th and were soon reinforced by the Baron’s armies which included the now 70,000 strong RLA. Japanese bombers, from newly acquired bases in Central Asia flew with their Polish counterparts to bomb the Soviet capital. Stalin left Moscow for Pskov where he hoped to escape to the safety of the local Communist Party in neutral Latvia but it was the 48th Polish Bomber Squadron that destroyed Stalin’s armored train on its way out if Moscow, killing the dictator and his entourage and leaving the Soviet Union leaderless.
After holding out for more than twenty days, an internal revolt led by several Red Army cadets displaced their superiors and declared surrender. Moscow fell on the 4th of November and the Soviet Union signed its surrender under Marshall Timoshenko on the 25th. Poland occupied the Ukraine, Belarus, the westernmost part of Russia, the Eastern Russian Caucuses, Georgia and Armenia. Japan occupied Central Asia, Azerbaijan, southwestern Russia including a portion of the Russian Caucuses, Finland occupied everything north of Novgorod while the Baron’s forces occupied the rest of Russia, everything west of Moscow, including the city of Voronezh. The various Cossack hosts were also given their own occupation zones within the occupation zones of the victorious invaders. The fate of Russia was decided by the victors in the Moscow Conference.
The towns of Novosibirsk and Tomsk fell immediately. The small chunks of Taymyrsky and Yakutia belonging to the Soviets also fell without a fight. The first major battle took place in Omsk where the Baron’s tanks battled the Red cavalry, still on horseback. Cossack divisions from further South helped reinforce the Baron’s armies, as they arrived on the 17th. Omsk fell on the 20th and the Baron met up with more rebel forces from Kazakhstan’s northern most towns. The newly supplied and replenished rebel armies marched south to Dzezhkhazgan, where the Red Army was defeated after two days, as the Baron’s armies marched toward Tyumen and Kurgan. Also, the Japanese Air Force, repeating tactics from the Manchurian war flew into the USSR and annihilated the barely existent and obsolete Soviet Air Force and started a grand bombing campaign that supported both the invading land forces in western Siberia and the rebel forces in Central Asia. Soon, all of Central Asia except a few coastal cities fell to the rebels, all other cities that remained in Soviet hands were bombed into submission by the effective Japanese bombing campaign. The Red Army POW’s were either imprisoned or recruited to fight their former government in the newly created Russian Liberation Army. Sepailoff and Prince Daichin, who commanded tank divisions in the westernmost parts of Siberia, succeeded in crossing into Archangelsk beginning a battle on the 17th.
In the west, Polish forces crossed a day after the war began in the east, creating two fronts, the Northern and Southern fronts. The Southern Front was characterized by initial success in battles in near Zhytomir and Vinnitsa, resulting in the Polish capture of those cities by the 26th. However, the Polish still had to consolidate those gains by winning a battle in Berdychov which lied in between. They did this by the 28th and soon moved on into Cherkasy and Yelisavetgrad were they were assisted heavily by the rebels. After these victories, Polish forces encircled Kiev which was already being besieged inside by the rebel mob. Kiev fell after a week of bloody siege. Kharkhov followed suit by the beginning the 5th of July. The Ukrainians had greeted the Poles as liberators, a sentiment which would be exploited with the creation of the Ukrainian Liberation Army, a puppet Ukrainian Army similar to its Russian counterpart. Cossacks were recruited into a special Cossack Cavalry Brigade of the ULA as was the case in the RLA. Ukrainians joined the Army with pride as they went to battle in the Northern Front. This front told a different story. Where in the South, it was a string of relative successes; the Northern Front began with the Siege of Minsk. The first phase of the siege saw Polish artillery and bombers pound Minks to the ground. The second phase saw blood urban warfare. The Polish Armies of the Northern and Southern fronts along with the ULA joined together in Novgorod, where the Soviet enemy was encircled and annihilated, and headed toward Stalingrad.
In the North, the Finns crossed into Murmansk, fighting a bloody eleven day battle ending on the 28th. Although, encountering many Naval defeats on their own cost, the Finns crossed Karelia into Archangelsk, aiding Sepaillof’s forces in taking it. The Soviets retaliated by invading the Finnish northern coast through the sea, but were repelled and defeated in Nautsi. The Finnish forces however who remained in Karelia were slaughtered by Red Army detachments from Leningrad as they made their way to capture Murmansk. The Siege of Murmanks began on the 5th of July. Epic battles were fought in Stalingrad, Archangelsk and Minsk, marking the second much bloodier phase of the Soviet War.
In Moscow, Stalin, in a paranoid frenzy, arrested Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov, Bukharin and all of his remaining political rivals under accusations of being part of an internal Polish-Finnish-Japanese sponsored Anti-PartyTerroristCenter. He summoned all of his marshals to a meeting where they convened to discuss a possible defense strategy using what was left of the Red Army. As the marshals talked amongst themselves and made busy with a large map on the table, Stalin disrupted them with the words “Lenin left us his legacy and we fucked it up”. They devised a defensive strategy of holding out and waiting for the Winter when they hoped they could makes some gains in driving out the invaders, but it was too late.
By early August, Arkhangelsk and Stalingrad had fallen and the march toward Moscow had begun. Murmansk had survived the siege and remained in Finnish hands. After the fall of Stalingrad, the Polish Southern Army split one again with one group, the Southwestern Army heading to reinforce Minsk while the other, the Southeastern Army headed deeper into the South, toward the Caucuses. In the east, the northern armies of Sepailoff coordinated with the Finns for an invasion of Leningrad which began on the 18th. A detachment of forces led by Prince Daichin, which included the Northern faction of the RLA met up with the Baron’s forces from farther south in Kirov, and started heading toward Groky. At this point, the numbers of the RLA where growing steadily with the capture of every city, reaching about 40,000 in the Battle of Gorky. The Polish Southeastern Army met up with Japanese and Rebel Cossack and Peasant forces in the Caucuses where the fall of Rostov and the invasion of Stalin’s native Georgia destroyed Soviet oil supply lines, demobilizing the Red Army. Although, the invading armies found that the Soviets had blown up their own oil wells to save it from being in their hands. Tbilisi and Yerevan fell by the 26th and 27th but Baku was heavily protected by the Red Navy and had to be bombarded from the air by a joint Japanese-Polish bombing campaign. The Baron captured Vornonezh on the 2nd of September, destroying the last trail of Red Army reinforcements into Central Asia. Minsk finally fell on the 7th and Leningrad on the 9th with captured POW’s recruited into the RLA, numbering about 50,000. Polish forces, along with the ULA and RLA under its command, attacked Moscow on the 13th and were soon reinforced by the Baron’s armies which included the now 70,000 strong RLA. Japanese bombers, from newly acquired bases in Central Asia flew with their Polish counterparts to bomb the Soviet capital. Stalin left Moscow for Pskov where he hoped to escape to the safety of the local Communist Party in neutral Latvia but it was the 48th Polish Bomber Squadron that destroyed Stalin’s armored train on its way out if Moscow, killing the dictator and his entourage and leaving the Soviet Union leaderless.
After holding out for more than twenty days, an internal revolt led by several Red Army cadets displaced their superiors and declared surrender. Moscow fell on the 4th of November and the Soviet Union signed its surrender under Marshall Timoshenko on the 25th. Poland occupied the Ukraine, Belarus, the westernmost part of Russia, the Eastern Russian Caucuses, Georgia and Armenia. Japan occupied Central Asia, Azerbaijan, southwestern Russia including a portion of the Russian Caucuses, Finland occupied everything north of Novgorod while the Baron’s forces occupied the rest of Russia, everything west of Moscow, including the city of Voronezh. The various Cossack hosts were also given their own occupation zones within the occupation zones of the victorious invaders. The fate of Russia was decided by the victors in the Moscow Conference.
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The Moscow Conference
The Conference was held in the magnificent and spacious Catherine the Great Hall in the Moscow Kremlin. The victors of the Soviet War decided the fate of Russia in two weeks with five nine-hour days in each. In between, the victors ate caviar, drank Caucasian wine and toured the Kremlin halls but despite these luxuriess befitting a Tsar, the tense mood of the negotiations prevailed. The Baron argued for the recreation of the Russian Empire that existed before the Revolution, with the pre-1914 borders excluding Poland and Finland of course. Japan for the most part agreed to this and only added to this by proposing several trade agreements that would benefit its interests. This arrangement however made the Poles and Finns feel that they did not get their rightful share in the victory spoils. They pushed for their own permanent occupation zones. Poland was ready to give up Western Russia and the Ukraine to the mad Patriarch Svaroslav but not Belarus, Georgia and Armenia where it wanted to expand its influence by establishing friendly puppet governments. Finland on the other hand, just wanted to keep the territory it was already occupying. They were rewarded with this and got to keep their desired occupation zones.
Despite these differences, they agreed on a few things. One, that Russia should retain the same form of government it had had before the Revolution. For this, the OMB kidnapped in Paris and smuggled by ship into Russia, the self-proclaimed “Emperor-in-Exile”, Grand Duke Cyril Vladmirovich, the closest living relative of Nicholas II who was suitable to the throne. Two, that the Tokyo Pact be expanded from being a mere military organization to an economic one. Several articles that were to be added to the original Tokyo Pact which dealt with economic issues and commerce related subjects were signed. The policies that Japan had pushed for were applied to all the powers, allowing for more equality and fairness within the Pact. Three, after significant pressure from all other parties, Japan agreed to help with the expansion of the navies of Russia, Poland and Finland. Japanese naval attachés and technicians would be sent to these countries for this naval assistance. The Conference was concluded on October 20, with everything agreed upon put in firm written statement.
The RLA and the ULA assisted the victors’ armies in occupation duty, stamping out what was left of the Red Army. In the Ukraine, the Patriarch entered the streets of Kiev to the cheers and joyful cries of his new subjects. As soon as the Poles left, the Holy Patriarchate of Ukraine was proclaimed in the Cathedral of St. Sophia in Kiev. In Moscow, the Baron threw a grand parade along Red Square and was greeted by the Russians as a hero and liberator. Behind him were his Cossack armies, the OMB and the RLA whose newly acquired prestige made it become the official army of the new Russia. Soviet flags, banners and books along with images of Lenin and Stalin were thrown into a large bonfire near St. Basil’s. All remaining commissars, Party officials and loyal Communists were executed. But the Baron dealt a final blow to the Soviet memory when on November 7, 1933, the 16th anniversary of the October Revolution, the Baron proclaimed Grand Duke Cyril Vladmirovich, Tsar Cyril I in an elaborate coronation ceremony in the Dormition Cathedral in Moscow. With this came the existence of the new Russian Empire. The Baron’s official title among others was “Lord Protector”, which made him the de facto, political leader. “Our Protector”, the Russian people affectionately called him. In every Russian home, there hung of a portrait of him along with the new Tsar. The Baron’s face replaced Stalin’s as the object of the Russian people’s fear and adoration.
In Belarus, Georgia and Armenia, puppet governments friendly to Poland were established. Aside from these three countries joining the Tokyo Pact, Polish military bases were established. At home, these bases on foreign soil proved to the Poles that they had ascended to the status of a true power. The Finnish occupation of Karelia and Murmansk had a similar effect on the Finnish people. Most everything in the postwar situation went along fairly and smoothly as the remaining Red partisans were driven to extinction by the effective occupation armies. The International reaction to this however, was mixed. The international Russian émigré community was ecstatic as they contacted the new regime hoping to be let in and see their Motherland again. The governments of Western Europe and America sent diplomatic missions in the hopes of establishing friendly relations with the new regime, which they did successfully. The new Russian Empire was recognized unanimously internationally as the legitimate government of Russia. However, the League of Nations started to look at Japan with suspicion for its involvement in what it saw as a potentially antagonistic rival international organization, the Tokyo Pact. In Germany, the Nazi Party, although already on the fast track to power was slightly thrown off by the fall of the Judeo-Bolshevik regime it wished to overthrow and it seemed the Baron beat Hitler to destroying world communism. Nazi propaganda however, had some consolation in the fact that the Baron was a Baltic German but still, it had to reconsider its position on the lebensraum idea in regards to the new regime.
The Conference was held in the magnificent and spacious Catherine the Great Hall in the Moscow Kremlin. The victors of the Soviet War decided the fate of Russia in two weeks with five nine-hour days in each. In between, the victors ate caviar, drank Caucasian wine and toured the Kremlin halls but despite these luxuriess befitting a Tsar, the tense mood of the negotiations prevailed. The Baron argued for the recreation of the Russian Empire that existed before the Revolution, with the pre-1914 borders excluding Poland and Finland of course. Japan for the most part agreed to this and only added to this by proposing several trade agreements that would benefit its interests. This arrangement however made the Poles and Finns feel that they did not get their rightful share in the victory spoils. They pushed for their own permanent occupation zones. Poland was ready to give up Western Russia and the Ukraine to the mad Patriarch Svaroslav but not Belarus, Georgia and Armenia where it wanted to expand its influence by establishing friendly puppet governments. Finland on the other hand, just wanted to keep the territory it was already occupying. They were rewarded with this and got to keep their desired occupation zones.
Despite these differences, they agreed on a few things. One, that Russia should retain the same form of government it had had before the Revolution. For this, the OMB kidnapped in Paris and smuggled by ship into Russia, the self-proclaimed “Emperor-in-Exile”, Grand Duke Cyril Vladmirovich, the closest living relative of Nicholas II who was suitable to the throne. Two, that the Tokyo Pact be expanded from being a mere military organization to an economic one. Several articles that were to be added to the original Tokyo Pact which dealt with economic issues and commerce related subjects were signed. The policies that Japan had pushed for were applied to all the powers, allowing for more equality and fairness within the Pact. Three, after significant pressure from all other parties, Japan agreed to help with the expansion of the navies of Russia, Poland and Finland. Japanese naval attachés and technicians would be sent to these countries for this naval assistance. The Conference was concluded on October 20, with everything agreed upon put in firm written statement.
The RLA and the ULA assisted the victors’ armies in occupation duty, stamping out what was left of the Red Army. In the Ukraine, the Patriarch entered the streets of Kiev to the cheers and joyful cries of his new subjects. As soon as the Poles left, the Holy Patriarchate of Ukraine was proclaimed in the Cathedral of St. Sophia in Kiev. In Moscow, the Baron threw a grand parade along Red Square and was greeted by the Russians as a hero and liberator. Behind him were his Cossack armies, the OMB and the RLA whose newly acquired prestige made it become the official army of the new Russia. Soviet flags, banners and books along with images of Lenin and Stalin were thrown into a large bonfire near St. Basil’s. All remaining commissars, Party officials and loyal Communists were executed. But the Baron dealt a final blow to the Soviet memory when on November 7, 1933, the 16th anniversary of the October Revolution, the Baron proclaimed Grand Duke Cyril Vladmirovich, Tsar Cyril I in an elaborate coronation ceremony in the Dormition Cathedral in Moscow. With this came the existence of the new Russian Empire. The Baron’s official title among others was “Lord Protector”, which made him the de facto, political leader. “Our Protector”, the Russian people affectionately called him. In every Russian home, there hung of a portrait of him along with the new Tsar. The Baron’s face replaced Stalin’s as the object of the Russian people’s fear and adoration.
In Belarus, Georgia and Armenia, puppet governments friendly to Poland were established. Aside from these three countries joining the Tokyo Pact, Polish military bases were established. At home, these bases on foreign soil proved to the Poles that they had ascended to the status of a true power. The Finnish occupation of Karelia and Murmansk had a similar effect on the Finnish people. Most everything in the postwar situation went along fairly and smoothly as the remaining Red partisans were driven to extinction by the effective occupation armies. The International reaction to this however, was mixed. The international Russian émigré community was ecstatic as they contacted the new regime hoping to be let in and see their Motherland again. The governments of Western Europe and America sent diplomatic missions in the hopes of establishing friendly relations with the new regime, which they did successfully. The new Russian Empire was recognized unanimously internationally as the legitimate government of Russia. However, the League of Nations started to look at Japan with suspicion for its involvement in what it saw as a potentially antagonistic rival international organization, the Tokyo Pact. In Germany, the Nazi Party, although already on the fast track to power was slightly thrown off by the fall of the Judeo-Bolshevik regime it wished to overthrow and it seemed the Baron beat Hitler to destroying world communism. Nazi propaganda however, had some consolation in the fact that the Baron was a Baltic German but still, it had to reconsider its position on the lebensraum idea in regards to the new regime.
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bard32
Banned
I, too, know nothing of Far Eastern Russia. The Tsar, as we know FOTL, was
killed with his family by Red Army troops in Yekatarinaburg, in Siberia. How do I know this? Back in 1989-90, they found the grave of the Tsar and his family. This was admitted to by Mikhail Gorbachev. How did they know it was
the Tsar and his family? DNA.
"If I'm killed by peasants, then the monarchy survives. But if I'm killed by the
aristocracy, the monarchy falls."
Grigoriy Rasputin
killed with his family by Red Army troops in Yekatarinaburg, in Siberia. How do I know this? Back in 1989-90, they found the grave of the Tsar and his family. This was admitted to by Mikhail Gorbachev. How did they know it was
the Tsar and his family? DNA.
"If I'm killed by peasants, then the monarchy survives. But if I'm killed by the
aristocracy, the monarchy falls."
Grigoriy Rasputin