A New Hope? Slovenia under new leadership
View from Celje Castle
In the picturesque landscapes of Slovenia, a country with a tumultuous history, the echoes of the fascist era still resonate. For almost five decades, the specter of authoritarian rule loomed large, overshadowing the dreams of independence and a democratic future. The monarchy, once considered an unwelcome imposition by Italy, became a symbol of struggle against the fascist government, attempting to curb its excesses. King Anton I took the throne in 1946 unwillingly, but slowly warmed up to the country and its people.
Leon “Lev” Rupnik, first dictator of Slovenia
The country finally had its independence, but was quickly shackled to Italy and its Fascist Bloc. Leon Rupnik, general of the Vaške Straže (Village Sentries), became Slovenia’s dictator. Ruling the country with an iron fist, he passed the country to his son, Vuk Rupnik, who in turn passed it to his son Gregorij. Unlike his predecessors, Gregorij was wholly unsympathetic to the monarchy. All concessions which had been given at the behest of the monarchy were rolled back, and the country entered a dark period of strict repression. It was only in 1994, motivated by Montenegro and Italy abandoning fascism, that the liberal wing of the fascist party overthrew Rupnik in the August Coup. Slovenia's transition to a democratic state marked the beginning of a new chapter, characterized by political openness, civil liberties, and a reinvigorated economy.
While Slovenia is considered one of the freest democracies of the former fascist bloc, it still suffers from corruption
However, beneath the successful transition to democracy, Slovenia grappled with the scars of its past. Much like Montenegro and Albania, the country had a quiet trend of deep-rooted corruption that remained from the end of fascism. It was not until 2012, when protests erupted in Celje over the corruption of city mayor Janko Redna. The protests spread to Ljubljana and Maribor, and later to the rest of the country, leading to snap elections that ousted the ruling SDS (Slovene Democratic Party / Slovenska demokratska stranka). The new government, a wide coalition under the name SiLA, promised a thorough breath of fresh air across the country, rooting out corruption everywhere it could find.
Logos of the SDS (left) and SiLA (right)
While the extent of the anti-corruption campaign has been much smaller than many had hoped, the new government under Majda Sepe remains generally popular. In Celje, on the second anniversary of the start of the Celje Protests and the 20th anniversary of the fall of fascism, people on the streets are eager to give their opinions.
For many, the changes are new and welcome, but they are still received with cautious optimism. Anja Kovač, a 32 year-old teacher, says, “It’s good to see the government taking steps against corruption. I don’t know if anything will come of it, but it’s a good start. Let’s hope it continues.”
Others see both sides of the changes. After all, SiLA is a left-wing social democratic alliance. Matej Novak, a 45 year-old phone repair shop owner, says, “I’ve seen change since the protests. Business is smoother, less bureaucracy to worry about, but taxes have gone up.”
Still others see the change as negative; the firmly left-wing stance of the new ruling party, which has taken aim at the monarchy over its anti-democratic nature, has earned it a small amount of backlash. Luka Potočnik, a 38 year-old coffee shop owner, says, “I like SiLA, I like Majda and her new government, but I think they are losing focus. They started talking about the king, and changing wording in the constitution, but why? It’s not important right now.”
The last quote riled up another patron, a younger man by the name of Marko Jovanović. Kavarna Potočnika (Potočnik’s Cafe) is set right off the main square in Celje’s old town, and as such it attracts a wide selection of local conversation. Gone are the old days of more quiet talk avoiding politics, the atmosphere in Slovenia since 2012 is forever changed.
A view from outside Kavarna Potocnika, in Celje's old town
Marko, a 28 year-old IT professional, inserts himself into my conversation with the owner. “I would agree, in general, with Mr. Potočnik’s position. My problem is, especially now when we talk about austerity. The EU is in love with austerity. Here, and there, and everywhere, we need to save our money and be smart about it. So let’s do that,” he says, animated by the chance to talk politics with a foreign journalist.
Luka shakes his head, but Marko continues, “why are we paying 70 million euros for a family that does nothing? It’s not just the king, either, it’s his whole family.” He scoffs and points to himself, “I wish my company paid for my whole family.”
Marko’s position here holds water – the Slovenian monarchy costs the country about 67 million euros per year. As required by law, the royal family of Savoy-Ljubljana is required to announce its official grants and expenditure. The figure is also a generous one, as it does not include what many republicans call the “museum tax” from royally-owned historical sites which the government receives no money from.
Q: Does that mean you are a republican?
M: Well of course, it’s the only sane position here. The real issue is that nobody seems to care. They all just think “that’s how it is” and move on to other things.
Q: Why do you feel more strongly about this, then?
M: For me, it’s about moving into the future. Look at all the successful countries in the EU – France? A republic. Germany? A republic. England is the one exception, and I really don’t think we can compare ourselves to England.
Q: Some people say that the Italian ancestry of the monarchy is another reason to abandon it. Would you agree?
M: Who cares? If I did, I would probably agree with you, but it’s really not the issue here. Honestly, I think a bigger issue is when people bring up the fascist era. Some older folks love to talk about how “the king stopped them from doing this” or “the king said this during the fascist era, how brave” as if he could have actually done something. Please. They could have shot him at any point, so he played along.
Q: What is your impression of the new government, then? Do you think they will bring real change?
M: I think it’s like everything – it will change slowly. There was a big breakthrough with the protests, then they came to power and changed some things, and slowly now they’ll become corrupt themselves. Maybe in 2023 we’ll have another round of protests, and maybe then we’ll have enough decent change.