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#161
May 20th, 2012, 04:19 PM
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There's nothing about the city that makes it magically capable of supplying itself with food, and supplying it by sea takes a friendly fleet capable of doing so without being ripped apart by either the navy of the besiegers or http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rumelihisar%C4%B1 & http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anadoluhisar%C4%B1 or similar. 
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#162
May 20th, 2012, 04:23 PM
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#163
May 20th, 2012, 04:28 PM
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From Venice's or Genoa's POV, who rules Constantinople is less important to their interests than whether or not their privileges are continued.
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#164
May 23rd, 2012, 02:30 AM
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Elfwine, nitpick noted, although I'm fairly sure that the first wave and possibly the second actually were routed during the fall of Constantinople, since they were undiciplined fodder mostly, The Janissarys would be hard to rout, but there were not nearly so many of them, and for all the talk of their elite status they were still usually outclassed by western professionals.
As for navies, Venice and Genoa do have other concerns, and that actually works in Constantinople's favor right now, since that means that their navies would likely not be inclined to blocade the city. Genoa is fairly close with Constantinople at the moment, so they would need to be promised something pretty sweet by someone certain to succeed to want to risk their deal. Venice is more concerned with reasserting itself in the Aegean after the Battle of Lemnos trashed their navy a couple years ago, so Constantinople is a secondary issue for them compared to Genoa. Tongera, it's a little more difficult than your average town to starve, but far from impossible if you have a fleet. Better late than never it's an update  1460 "Chaos is the soil from which great men grow, and blood is the water that sustains them"-Nicollo Sforza, Italian Author and Political Theorist The 1460s begin with the Balkan nations are growing increasingly worried about the situation in Serbia. Lazar Brankovic continues to sit upon the throne, but sitting there is virtually all he is permitted to do. Mihailo Andelovic has essentially taken control of the royalist forces, and has forced Lazar to empower him as regent, despite the fact that Lazar is an adult able-bodied king. It was suspected by many that Mihailo was having an affair with Lazar’s wife Helena Palaiologina, but regardless of whether this was true his real power came from the inheritance of his brother Mahmud’s Ottoman forces. During Mahmud’s time as the unofficial Ottoman governor of Serbia the two Andelovic brothers had had something of a reconciliation, despite their difference of religions (Mahmud was taken as a child to become a Janissary and was thus a follower of Islam). In the aftermath of Mahmud’s death at the hands of a rebel ambush, Mihailo was able to use the lack of a strong Ottoman presence and his blood ties to Mahmud to take command of the Ottoman forces. Although they formally renounced their ties to the Ottoman Empire, and indeed, many were Christian or recently converted Balkan natives anyways, they retained Ottoman equipment, discipline, and cohesiveness, making them effectively the strongest force in Serbia. With this force Mihailo was able to impose his will upon the weak Lazar, although he kept the Despot around for the sake of legitimacy for the time being. In Byzantium, amidst the already intense life at the imperial court, another piece was being added to the imperial chessboard. It had by the early months of 1460 become apparent that the new empress, nearly 13 year old Anna Komnena, was pregnant. Although quite young, she was fertile by the time of her wedding to Constantine XI the previous summer, and with Constantine being childless and in his mid-50s they had wasted no time in consummating their union. That said, nobody had thought that a royal child would be born quite so soon. Matters were further complicated when, on May 4th, a son was born, and despite a difficult birth, both mother and child survived. The Birth of a son to the aging Constantine XI was a political worst nightmare for many, especially Thomas Palaiologos, who had hoped to place his own line, under himself and his son Andreas, upon the throne. Thomas’ loyalty after this point becomes somewhat conflicted. Although he and Constantine had been friends as well as brothers, one will rarely find the man who would choose his brother over his son. What is more, Thomas was only a few years younger than Constantine, and might well die before him. In this case, there was no guaranteeing that his son, as a potential challenger to the throne, would be allowed to live, much less become powerful. For the moment these problems were set aside, as there was no guaranteeing that Constantine’s son would even survive infancy, and if Thomas had any chance of avoiding making such a difficult decision as betraying his favorite brother, he would attempt to do so. After a month, Constantine and Anna’s son was baptized, under the name Ioannes (after the boy's eldest uncle Ioannes VIII, to whom Constantine owed his position as emperor), in a fairly lavish ceremony at the Hagia Sophia. The ceremony was performed, as one might expect, by Patriarch Basileus Bessarion, and attended by virtually the entire Constantinopolitan aristocracy and many of the commoners as well. Although the birth of Ioannes was a political nightmare for many of the city’s nobility, to the naïve common people it was an event that could only possibly mean good things, as their heroic emperor secured his dynasty upon the throne for another generation. Amidst the political ramifications that the birth of the young prince held, one more came with the emperor’s selection of a godfather for his son. Giovanni Giustiniani was selected to be the prince’s godfather. This obviously had massive political importance. For starters, Giustiniani’s position was entirely contingent on currying favor with the current emperor, unlike the aristocrats who could possibly gain the peoples support for a bid for the throne. Besides this, Giustiniani had a reputation for incredible loyalty to the person of Constantine XI, and Constantine hoped that, in the event of his death during his son’s minority, Giustiniani would ensure that his son was not killed by a usurper. Lastly, on the most superficial level, Giustiniani was a Latin Italian, a man of strong character and morality, and a hero to the people, who was once again being brought into the spotlight to stress the friendship between the Byzantines and Latins to the people in terms that they could appreciate. Another effect of the birth of Prince Ioannes was renewed diplomacy with Wallachia-Bulgaria. Vlad III had had his first child, a daughter named Maria, the previous year. Although for the moment she was his heir apparent, he had every reason to believe that he would have sons in the near future (him being only 29), and he had soon agreed to marry her to Prince Ioannes once they were both 14 years old. This, Constantine hoped, would further secure his son as a potential emperor, as it would give him the support of the King of Wallachia-Bulgaria in his bid for the imperial throne, something not to be underestimated. In August, troubled Serbia received an unexpected shift in politics, with the sudden death of Lazar Brankovic. His death, although unproven, was believed to be the result of plotting between Mihailo Andelovic and his wife Helena, although whether both or either of the two were actually responsible is debatable, as it may well have been one or the other acting alone, or even someone else entirely (as Lazar had accumulated quite a host of enemies in his short reign). What is clear is that in the aftermath of Lazar’s death, Mihailo and Helena were married. The nobles refused to accept Mihailo as Despot however, so he invited Lazar’s blind oldest brother, Grgur Brankovic, who had been living in Venice during Lazar’s reign, to be named as the new Despot. While Grgur was the rightful heir to the throne, technically even before Lazar’s death, he was an ideal choice for the ambitious Mihailo because of his blindness, which considerably mitigated the level of direct control he could have over his realm. In September, after a long standoff between the Hunyadi and Celje factions, civil war officially broke out. Popular support almost immediately gave a great advantage to Hunyadi, and he marched against Celje itself, hoping to break Ulrich’s power quickly. Ulrich, realizing that his only chance at gaining popular support was to outlive Hunyadi, engaged his rival’s forces not far from his home, in what is now called The Battle of Celje. Although the forces were similar in number (roughly 10,000 men each), they were commanded by two very different men. Hunyadi had risen to his rank through military prominence and battlefield genius, while Ulrich had made all of his life’s gains through nonviolent political maneuvering. Suffice it to say that the difference in commanders conveyed a massive advantage to the Hunyadi faction, and Count Celje and his men were routed from the field with heavy casualties, barely managing to escape to the safety of Celje Castle itself. With the entirety of his enemy’s forces trapped, Hunyadi dug in and prepared for siege. From this point on the civil war only existed in the form off Ulrich sending letters petitioning the Holy Roman Emperor Fredrick III to intervene. Fredrick III, long noted as a slow acting ruler, was unsure of whether he supported Celje or Hunyadi, since he had taken greater political losses from Celje, and so the help never came. The civil war ended in early November, when the soldiers inside Celje Castle surrendered, turning Count Celje over in the process. Ulrich of Celje was taken prisoner, and although his ultimate fate is unknown, it is generally believed that he was executed within three years following his defeat. With him died the political ascendancy of Celje, and the civil war, called The Autumn War in Hungary. With the people’s support, and with Emperor Fredrick III unwilling to intervene against him as long as he isn’t directly opposing the interests of the Reich, John Hunyadi was crowned as King John I of Hungary. Being 53 by this time, he is mainly concerned with making certain that one of his sons, Laszlo and Matthias, are in a position to succeed him upon his death, and thus does not immediately enact any notable changes in Hungary. Towards the end of the year, tension began to grow between the Venetians and Genoese over control of the Aegean. Despite Genoa’s gains and Venice’s losses during the Balkan Crusade, Venice still retained a large Aegean empire, and although this could not compare to Genoa in terms of land mass after the acquisition of the Duchy of Thessalonica, outside of the coastline the duchy actually had a net loss of profit for the Genoese, and was thus left in the command of local Greeks who were nominally loyal to Genoa, meaning that the duchy conveyed little real advantage in a potential conflict with Venice. Venice also had a new weapon. The Battle of Lemnos had opened their eyes to the possibilities of cannons in naval warfare, and they had been experimenting with the idea, with a good deal of success, ever since. In light of Venice’s resurgent strength, and fearing political domination by the Milanese or the French, the Genoese began preparing their own ships to wage war with the Venetians. In this effort their most important ally was the third naval power in the Aegean, the Knights of Rhodes, who supported Genoa on account of their participation in the Balkan Crusade. Byzantium could not be counted on to provide any naval aid, so calling to them to help was entirely ruled out as a possibility. Pope Pius II, while not going so far as to endorse Genoa, did quietly support their effort, as he felt that Venice had an awful record of fighting for Christendom before profit, and Pius still had hopes of furthering the gains made in Anatolia, and even perhaps the Holy Land. Although war would not yet break out, it was obvious to all in the two great maritime republics that it was no longer a matter of if war would begin, as when war would begin. In Western Europe, two major events take place in the royal courts, in England and France respectively. In England, Edward Plantagenet, the new young leader of the Yorkist faction in the Wars of the Roses, despite losing his father and brother to the Lancastrians the previous year, had managed to win a series of victories over the Lancastrians, and by the end of the year stood poised to take the throne for the House of York once and for all (since he had the ineffective King Henry VI in his captivity by this point). Despite his youth, he is a strong leader, and determined to end the infighting and make England the preeminent power in Western Europe again, something that would be much easier if not for the events in France during the same year. In France, Charles VII, now a frail man in his late 50s, dies of a bad fever (which may have been the result of a long term illness). He has been a man always in the background of his own reign, overshadowed first by the Maid of Orleans (Joan of Arc), and later by his rebellious eldest son Louis. He leaves behind a mixed legacy, as one of a relatively small group of monarchs who achieved great success through little action of their own, but his son and heir is determined that he will not be remembered in the same way. France may be free of English domination, but Louis is acutely aware of the country’s backwardness and crippling decentralization. He is determined to not only fix this, but to expand French influence to become the most prestigious nation in Europe. While he has every intention of doing great things, he has no concern as to whether he is the hero of his own tale. He is ruthless, driven, and capable, and a ruler stronger than France has known for many years. With hindsight, 1460 is a year of many civil wars throughout Christendom, as Serbia, Hungary, and England all suffer at the hands of their own people. It is a classic example of how states, in order to become strong, must consume persons of ambition and worth. There will be much more bloodletting in the 1460s, but it is important to note that for the most part, the nations of Western civilization have become that much stronger for their tribulations in the 1450s.
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Check out my TL, the Turtledove winning The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide : An Eastern Roman TL Last edited by Avitus; May 23rd, 2012 at 07:38 PM..
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#165
May 23rd, 2012, 10:37 AM
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Very good introductory part Avitus;we will be waiting now for...the main course!
Your hint as to what the Pope thinks was very successful;would it be premature to think that the Pope is already planning Anatolia Crusade II?
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#166
May 23rd, 2012, 04:46 PM
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Cimon, to be honest, I would say that Pius was a little dissappointed that his crusade didn't go further, even if it was one of the most successful crusades. I imagine that he would be planning a second crusade from the moment the first one ended, but the question is more who would join it? Once Hungary is settled down they could be a possibility, but the Kings of France, Castille, and the HRE are, for various reasons (realpolitic, incapability, and whatever was going on in Fredrick III's head), unlikely to be of much use in a crusade. Not to say that there will not be more possibility for Crusades, but Pius is relatively old, so within his lifetime another major offensive is unlikely without the support of these guys.
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Check out my TL, the Turtledove winning The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide : An Eastern Roman TL
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#168
May 23rd, 2012, 05:30 PM
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I am beggining to agree with Elfwine. Byzantium is doomed even if it manage to take back most of Greece it would be too weak to prevent someone else to invade it unless it get an alliance with a powerfull country who have interest in it holding.
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#169
May 23rd, 2012, 05:32 PM
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It probably would, if it plays its cards right.
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#170
May 23rd, 2012, 06:01 PM
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Tongera, OTL the Empire of Trebizond managed to last longer than the U.S. has as an independant state, so at the very least Trebizond could be a permenant gain. Other than that, the Crusaders are still hopefull that the Ottomans are a dead tree that they can kick over when they please, so from their perspective it's not a matter of making gains in Anatolia, it is a matter of gaining Anatolia.
Xgentis, at this point they have that level of allaince with Wallachia-Bulgaria and Genoa. That doesn't yet give them the strength to stand alone, but it gives them time, and removes the Ottomans. The story arc that leads to an empire that can stand alone has yet to begin, this is still the post Ottoman Europe arc, although if you look closely the seeds for the next part have been there all along. The new story arc will begin at the end of next update actually, and will mature over the 1460s. Dragos Cel Mare that's the spirit! Horay for optimism 
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Check out my TL, the Turtledove winning The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide : An Eastern Roman TL
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#171
May 23rd, 2012, 07:03 PM
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Okay, I really hate to nitpick here, because John is a cool name.
But just because nitpicking is what I do: John VIII is Constantine's older brother, not his uncle. But that's really on the level of typo correction.
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#172
May 23rd, 2012, 07:31 PM
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Elfwine, I mean't it as Ioannes uncle, though I can see where this might be a bit confusing. I'll touch it up a bit.
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Check out my TL, the Turtledove winning The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide : An Eastern Roman TL
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#173
May 23rd, 2012, 07:34 PM
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Although my mind hurts at the idea of Anna's pregnancy, this is the 15th century. Still, wow.
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#175
May 24th, 2012, 01:24 AM
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Elfwine, indeed, but at least they aren't inbreeding.
rldragon, just as a general note, the next few updates will be more active than the preceeding few.
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Check out my TL, the Turtledove winning The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide : An Eastern Roman TL
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#177
May 24th, 2012, 02:13 PM
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I think the general fear of an Islamic invasion into the Balkans could keep the Pope supporting the Byzantine Empire for a decent amount of time, so I don't really think that the Empire is doomed.
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#178
May 24th, 2012, 05:59 PM
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#179
May 24th, 2012, 06:42 PM
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#180
May 24th, 2012, 06:44 PM
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