Raptor of Spain 3.0 (The First 100 Years)

Prologue: Arrival


Tarik ibn Zayad was the first governor of Al-Andalus. He was followed by sixteen others who ruled over the land only as Emirs, without transmitting its rule to their heirs. The last Emir of Al-Andalus was Yusuf ibn Abd al-Rahman al-Fihri, who had the lineage of the Quraysh.[1]

From the day when King Roderic was slain until the day Yusuf died there passed a period of fifty years, eight months and four days. Even when the emir was a just and upright man the constant change of leadership—whether on the orders of the Caliph, through revolt or assassination—prevented any consistent policy from being undertaken. Consequently, those days were filled with chaos and strife between the oriental Arabs, who were themselves divided,[2] the Berbers, and the Andalusian Arabs.

It was not until Yusuf the Fihrid that any one man ruled for a length of time.

The Fihrids of the west descended from Uqba, a mighty warrior for Jihad in Africa whose descendants were part of the invasion of Visigothic Hispania. It was Uqba's zeal and military prowess that would create the foundation of Fihrid power in the west. In Europe and Africa spoils and land accrued to the Fihrids. They also gained the allegiance of many mawali (non-Arab Muslims) in their armies.

From the earliest days, the Fihrids were well known among all the Arab families and involved themselves in the turbulent politics of the age. Several served as governors of Al-Andalus. Their fame and power were such that they often represented the early settlers of Al-Andalus against both non-Arabs and later Arab arrivals in diplomacy and war.

The Fihrids could be as ruthless and self-serving as any other family of the age. Uqba's grandson, Habib, was even suspected of leading the assassination of Abd al-Aziz when that emir began to act as a king after marrying Roderic's widow. After killing the governor, Habib returned to North Africa where he conquered the land of Sus and attacked Sicily with his son, known as Ibn Habib, during the time of the Great Berber Revolt and there met his end by the sword.

After the Berbers were defeated, Ibn Habib went to Al-Andalus where he involved himself in its factional struggles. When a relative was killed by the easterners, Ibn Habib took on a leadership role among the Andalusians and helped win the day against the eastern Arabs. In the aftermath of the battle he placed himself forward to lead Al-Andalus due to his prowess and his lineage but was rejected and returned to North Africa. There he seized the governorship of Ifriqiya in 745 and spent his life warring against the feudal Arab aristocracy, the Berbers, and the Kharijites who had seized Tripolitania and were led by his own brother. These last were only defeated in 752.


In the meantime, Al-Andalus had again descended into civil war, this time due to the machinations of the military strongman, Al-Sumayl ibn Hatim.

The governor of Ifriqiya had appointed Al-Khattar to govern Al-Andalus in 743. However, Al-Khattar could not successfully balance the competing factions. The records are not intact or thorough, but it appears that in the course of time it became clear he favored certain factions among the Yemeni Arabs or members of his own family. When Al-Sumayl learned of his actions he had a falling out with Al-Khattar. It was reported that Al-Khattar even caused his men to lay hands on Al-Sumayl to detain him.

Abandoning the governor, Al-Sumayl swore to his allies that he would not stop until he had deposed Al-Khattar. He even went to his great rival, Abu Atta, and they united against the governor. They went to meet one of the great lords of the Yemeni Arabs, Thuwaba ibn Salamah, and convinced him to aid their cause. Al-Sumayl was able to amass a following due to his leadership of the Qays clans[3] and with friends and enemies alike joined against the governor to depose him.

In 745 near Sidonia the alliance led by Al-Sumayl met Al-Khattar's forces in battle. After a great slaughter Al-Khattar was captured. Instead of killing him Al-Sumayal and Thuwaba imprisoned him in Córdoba. Thuwaba was raised to the title of governor of Al-Andalus with Al-Sumayl as his great commander. The two men wrote to the governor of Ifriqiya, by then Ibn Habib, who confirmed Thuwaba's ascension[4] speedily, perhaps to legitimize his own rule since he was an usurper. Shortly thereafter, Al-Khattar escaped the city. Despite the setback Al-Sumayl was able to maintain control of the land until the death of Thuwaba in 747.

With Thuwaba dead the Yemeni Arabs once again rose in rebellion and flocked to the banner of Al-Khattar to place him in power. It was in this situation that Al-Sumayl searched for a governor of Al-Andalus who could rally the populace while keeping him in power as military commander, and so his eye fell upon the potential of Yusuf al-Fihri as his candidate.


Yusuf ibn Abd al-Rahman al-Fihri was born in Kairouan around the year 690. While he was a cousin or nephew of Ibn Habib, it was said they were more like father and son in relation and temperament. When Ibn Habib returned to Ifriqiya after being rejected for the governorship Yusuf remained behind due to a rupture in their relations. He had some private lands near the city of Elvira[5] where many Damascene Arabs were settled and he became their commander. He also held onto the loyalty of the Berber warriors gained by the Fihrids during their conquests in North Africa.


It has already been said the Fihrids often represented the interests of the Andalusian Arabs against the eastern new-comers. One example preserved is their role in the defeat and execution of emir Balj in 742. Balj was the commander of the ten thousand Syrian warriors that suppressed the Great Berber revolt in Al-Andalus. In this war, Yusuf had played a brave and prominent part and it was his actions in battle that recalled to him the attention of Al-Sumayl. It was also during this war that Yusuf had first fallen out with Ibn Habib and this played a role in his remaining in Al-Andalus while Ibn Habib went to Africa.

Yusuf was put forth as a candidate to bring the Arab factions together due to his ancestry and the respect he was held in by the Andalusian Arabs. However, Yusuf was heavily dependent on Al-Sumayl and numerous claimants rose to challenge him.

The first was Al-Khattar who began to gather men as soon as Thuwaba died. Al-Khattar met Al-Sumayl and Yusuf al-Fihri in the Battle of Secunda in 747. There he was finally slain as Al-Sumayl rectified his earlier mistake. Then there was an uprising by the governor of Beja, who captured Sevilla before he was killed in 748. Next there followed an uprising led by al-Lakhmi of Narbona, considered at the time to be the greatest Muslim knight of Al-Andalus. Al-Lakhmi's revolt was only ended when he was betrayed and murdered by his own men and his head presented to Yusuf and Al-Sumayl for leniency. It is possible that the increasing activities among both the Franks under Pepin and Aquitaine under Duke Waifer was a catalyst for the betrayal.

But the greatest challenge (save the last) Yusuf faced in his reign came from one of the other powerful lineages of the peninsula in the person of Amir al-Abdari of Algeciras.[6] Amir was descended from the standard bearer of Muhammed, and his brother had led a failed revolt against Ibn Habib in Ifriqiya.

Around 750 rumors had Amir al-Abdari plotting to break Zaragoza away from control of the governor. However, al-Abdari also owned large estates near Córdoba which he had fortified and they presented a formidable challenge to the governor. Yusuf al-Fihri desired to reduce these and by doing so threaten Algeciras itself. Against his better judgment Al-Sumayl agreed this was the more important task and Abdul Rahman ben Uqba one of al-Lakhmi's betrayers, was given charge of Zaragoza.

It was now that news of the Abbasid revolution reached Al-Andalus.


Abd ar-Rahman was the Raptor of Spain. He was born in the year 731 and was a grandson of Caliph Hisham. His mother was a Nefaza Berber and a Christian. He had a curious and inquisitive nature and by a quirk of fate he became interested in the religion of his mother (though he was by no means a Christian himself). He observed she practiced it in secret so as not to draw negative attention to her son, for it was thought he would one day become Caliph. Yet he could not hide his curiosity and there were murmurs over his fitness as he grew older. However, he was still taught the skills of war, government and diplomacy the same as any powerful prince and showed a facility with languages. In addition to Arabic he spoke passable Greek and good Persian.

According to legend, the Abbasid revolt began when an old man begged them to address the injustices of the Umayyads. Whatever the case, As-Saffah rose in rebellion and claimed victory at the Zab in the year 750. The defeat was total. While Marwan II attempted to escape he was captured and brought to Harran where he was executed.

Abd ar-Rahman hoped for success for his family, but feared defeat. After the earlier series of defeats that led up to the Zab he had begun arranging an escape route for himself and those closest to him. News of that battle reached him only a short time before the advance companies of the Abbasids reached Damascus. As-Saffah knew that nothing was so dangerous to him as Umayyad survivors and he used every method possible to lay his hands on them. He offered some amnesty, then seized and slew them, others he put a bounty on, some he simply imprisoned to execute at a later date. The fates of the Umayyad women are not recorded, save one who became a wife of his descendants and had charge of the Umayyad jacket.[7]

Despite his preparations, Abd ar-Rahman was caught by surprise and forced to make haste to flee from Damascus. As he later recounted:


The group that escaped Damascus was small; its composition not perfectly known. In later years the story told by the family and recorded in official chronicles gave the number as six. Besides Abd ar-Rahman, there was his brother, his son Suleiman, his sister Umniya, and two freedmen, Beder, a Greek, and Salim.[8] Whatever the case, the party escaped Damascus on foot and went to a secret meeting place, where a man who knew the area was waiting with horses. This man turned out to be an Abbasid adherent and he alerted the soldiers to Abd ar-Rahman's presence. The party managed to stay a step ahead of them until they came to a stream too deep for the horses to ford quickly. Abd ar-Rahman relates:


Abd ar-Rahman was terrified at this and fled. When other members of the family were seized by the governor of Egypt, the prince ordered Beder and Salim to take his sister and flee to the Maghreb where two of his cousins had found refuge under Ibn Habib. They would prepare the way for him while he remained with his son and bought them time to escape.

Now Abd ar-Rahman did not desire to have his son stay behind, but the boy would not be reconciled to being parted from his father. In his heart the young prince did not want to part from him, either. Together they wandered for a time, giving the rest of Abd ar-Rahman's small band of followers a chance to escape. They became quite close and the boy slowly grew into a likeness of his father at that age. After several adventures they reached Ibn Habib's domains in early 751.

Why Ibn Habib did not immediately turn on Abd ar-Rahman or his family is a matter of conjecture. One explanation is that instead of allowing him to rule in his own right, As-Saffah demanded Ibn Habib acknowledge his authority. Another more legendary story indicates that Ibn Habib had become acquainted with an old Jewish soothsayer and was told that a red-haired Quraysh would found a great kingdom in Al-Andalus. Whatever the case, Ibn Habib banned the Caliph's name at Friday prayers and burned the silk robes of office sent to him by the Abbasids. Then he sought out Abd ar-Rahman to welcome him.

Abd ar-Rahman was wary of Ibn Habib. His life had become a series of betrayals and fear and he instead took up refuge among the Rustamids at Tahert where he became better acquainted with Kharijite Ibadi thought. Later he went to the Zenata Berbers, of whom his mother's people were but a small part. In these places Ibn Habib had no power. But the prince was denied any opportunity to found a kingdom for himself among the African Berbers. They had only recently thrown off Arab rule and were not eager to go under another king—even if he was one of their own. Blocked at every turn, it was now that Abd ar-Rahman began to think seriously about crossing the sea to Al-Andalus. He first sent the trusted Beder to determine his level of support. According to witnesses, Abd ar-Rahman waited with “great agitation” and “growing alarm” for news.

At the same time, Ibn Habib's nephew Yusuf al-Fihri was keeping apprised of events as best he could. Amir al-Abdari was proving extremely stubborn and had enlisted the help of Al-Azrak of Sevilla to resist the Fihrids. At the same time the Franks had invaded Gothic Septimania in the north and most of that country was in revolt, with Narbona standing siege. Rumors of pro-Abbasid movements were also growing. The last thing he wanted was an Umayyad prince and he constantly begged his relative to abandon any schemes favoring Abd ar-Rahman.

At last Ibn Habib heeded the letters of Yusuf and sent orders to one of the few Zenata to ally themselves with him, a man named Abu Korrah Wenasus. Abu Korah had always desired to make himself a ruler in the Muslim style, having great dreams of forging a Berber state against all other peoples. To this end he had joined Ibn Habib, who out of necessity, rewarded those with prowess and who proved loyal. Abu Korrah and his wife Tekfa began to ingratiate themselves with Abd ar-Rahman's party in preparation to seize them alive for greater reward.

The records are not clear how, but Abd ar-Rahman became aware of them and they barely escaped. One story indicates that he was hidden under a woman's skirts to avoid detection from Abu Korrah's men. It is clear that the prince was now primarily concerned with survival. Despite finding a few loyal friends he could trust to hide his family, Abd ar-Rahman himself was unable to fully escape Abu Korrah. Abd ar-Rahman resisted him by force of arms and trickery to buy him time as he hoped against hope that Beder would not fail him.


Meanwhile Beder had successfully reached Al-Andalus. If the Fihrids had often been the vehicle to represent the interests of the conquest-era Muslims, it was only so much as their privileges were respected or their challenges successful. The Muslims of that troubled land were no more disposed to submit to a Fihrid than to any other emir. The peninsula was also in the first year of a drought. Consequently the land was increasingly rocked by division and rebellions as time went on.

Beder found a number of chieftains related to Marwan and the young prince, five hundred men each with their followers. Their leader was Abu Uthman and his son-in-law Ibn Khaled who had been entrusted with the Umayyad banners in Al-Andalus. In his communications to them, Abd ar-Rahman reminded them of their familial obligation and that he was the rightful Umayyad heir. He also promised that when he inevitably succeeded, they would be richly rewarded with honors and land.

At the time, Abu Uthman and Ibn Khaled were preparing to march north to Zaragoza. The rebel lords of the north had been united under Al-Habab Sahari. He bore on his person a letter inscribed by the Abbasid Caliph and raised their black banners in the upper march. Sahari called on all true Muslims to rally behind him and seize Al-Andalus for the divinely sanctioned Commander of the Faithful. With a sword in one hand and ultimate authority in the other, Sahari marched on Zaragoza where Abdul Rahman ben Uqba ruled and laid siege to it, confident of his victory. In fact he had even made some agreements with the Christians in the north for some assistance in exchange for handing over Narbona and the rest of Gothic Septimania so that city would again come under Christian control in the event of his victory.

Ben Uqba sent south for help, but Yusuf was still concerned with Sevilla and Algeciras and did not want Al-Sumayl to go north. He said, “You would leave me with a hasham (bodyguard) of 50 horsemen to face Al-Abdari!”

This had been the reason Abu Uthman received orders to proceed north. However, Al-Sumayl had begun to tire of Yusuf. He had been selected to be someone Al-Sumayl could influence and who could slow the pace of revolts, not someone with ideas of his own and who had enemies on every side. Still, Al-Sumayl was bound to obey him in public.

The troubles in the north grew severely in his absence and Al-Sumayl was obliged to break off his southern campaign and make plans to relieve Zaragoza. When Abu Uthman suggested he remain in the south to face Al-Abdari so Al-Sumayl and the governor could go north, Al-Sumayl readily agreed.

Upon his arrival, Al-Habab Sahari retreated for a time and Al-Sumayl and ben Uqba remained in the region to pacify it. Meanwhile, Abu Uthman communicated with Al-Abdari in the south who was already in opposition to Yusuf al-Fihri and secured his support. Then he turned to reach out even to Al-Sumayl. This last was done against the wishes of Ibn Khaled who described Al-Sumayl as their enemy.

Abu Uthman ignored the warning of his son-in-law and he told Al-Sumayl that Abd ar-Rahman only wished to found for himself a small legacy as a lord in Al-Andalus and the fifth due him as a scion of the conquerors, not rule the peninsula. Together they could join forces to overthrow Yusuf even as Al-Sumayl had done before. Al-Sumayl feigned belief in this manner but did not truly began to spread salacious words against Yusuf al-Fihri. Instead, he informed the governor of this development. Alarmed, Yusuf quickly turned south and took up residence in Toledo where he could consult with his nephew, Hisham ibn Uhdra, the prefect of that old city and of whom more will be said later.

In the south, a plan was finally agreed to and Abu Uthman prepared a small boat, probably a dhow, and sent with it a guard led by one of his best men, Temam ibn Alkmah. Temam, Beder and the others sailed south from the coast to the assigned meeting place with all haste. They arrived just in time.

After ensuring that Umniya and Suleiman were hidden among those few he still trusted, Abd ar-Rahman and Salim continued to flee Abu Korrah. The prince used the last of their coins to pay off a group of local Berbers to leave them alone. However the rumor of coin had drawn the attention of Abu Korrah and his hunters who proceeded to surround Abd ar-Rahman. According to legend, the prince and Salim stood on the shores of the sea with drawn swords prepared to make a last stand. The first attack had already been repulsed and Abd ar-Rahman reportedly had deprived a man of his hand in the exchange. Suddenly, arrows fell among Abu Korrah's men. Abd ar-Rahman saw the boat approaching and he and Salim began to swim to meet it. But Abu Korrah was not so easily deterred and he ordered his own men to fire on Abd ar-Rahman now more concerned with his death than capture.

Salim made it to the boat and was pulled in followed by Abd ar-Rahman. However one of the last arrows struck Salim and he fell into the boat. Abd ar-Rahman did not realized this, so great was his exhalation at escaping Abu Korrah. Only after the shore was left behind did he realize his companion was dead, or he might have gone back and tried to avenge the death of yet another close friend.

After waiting a moment for the prince to recover himself, Temam introduced himself to Abd ar-Rahman and clapped a hand on his shoulder, urging him to think of the future and the actions that would await him on the farther shore. After thanking Temam for his rescue and promising to remember him, the prince shook his head.

“God is great, and let his name be exalted by my actions,” said the prince. “But first we must give this man burial for he was like a brother.”

Because they were on a ship, Abd ar-Rahman was forced to use only a small amount of sea water to symbolically wash the body. Then he and Beder carefully wrapped Salim's body in sailcloth and sat down to await landfall.

When he landed at the place called Almuñécar, Abu Uthman and Ibn Khaled were there to welcome him. They asked him to come up to the town and rest a while from his travels but he asked them to wait.

“A man was killed who was like my family. He strayed true when many did not. I will go with you, but first please help me perform the burial rites.”

They agreed, and Abd ar-Rahman, Temam and Beder carried Salim's body from the boat and onto the shore. They carried it to a place away from the town near a low hill and set him down near the base. Then Abd ar-Rahman stood apart from the others facing eastwards. The rest of them stood assembled in three rows behind him because there was no imam. He raised his hands, then began the Salat al-Janazah, the funeral prayer.

“God is the Greater,” he said, then folded his hands in front of him. “In the name of God the most Beneficent and Merciful. All praise is due to Allah, Lord of the worlds.”

When arrived at his supplication for Salim, the prince stopped for a moment. When he continued his voice was rough.

“Allah forgive our living and dead. Those absent young and old, males and females. Whoever you keep alive, keep them in Islam and those you cause to die, let them die in Islam. Forgive Salim and have mercy on him, safeguard him. Increase his good deeds and forgive his wrongdoing especially when it was done for my sake. Oh Allah, cleanse him and admit him to paradise. Protect him from the torment of the grave and hell. God is the greater.”

He paused a final time and said, “Let peace be upon you, and the Mercy of God.”

Then Temam, Beder and Abd ar-Rahman stepped forward and began to dig a grave while the others watched in silence. It was only when they were done that Abd ar-Rahman turned his face to the future and Al-Andalus, or as the coins minted in that land read, Spain.[9]


Footnotes on the Prologue

[1]Fihr is another name for the Quraysh.
[2]Composed of the Syrian Qaysite and Yemeni Kalb Arabs.
[3]The Qays Arabs were originally a group of clans who became a kind of political party after the coming of Islam. They were hostile to Kalbs, because Muawiyah favored them.
[4]Historically, the governors of Ifriqiya appointed the governors of Al-Andalus.
[5]Granada
[6]A word on Amir. My sources contradict themselves. One indicates Amir attacked Zaragoza. Another says Yusuf held him hostage in Córdoba—the Zaragoza attack was given to another Arab chief. In addition, it's possible both names refer to the same person. I have tried to split the difference.
[7]This was a jacket worn by the leading female of the Umayyads and passed on. The last historical report of its existence I could find, was by an Umayyad woman in the Abbasid harem in the late ninth century.
[8]Some sources name three other servants and at least one more sister.
[9]Actually “SPN.”​

Chapter 1.1: False Dawn

For Abd ar-Rahman, Al-Andalus was a food to a hungry man, sleep to a tired traveler, water to a man in the desert. Shown to a bed, he threw himself down and slept for an entire day. When he awoke he declared it was time to turn aside the wind of misfortune and began his great struggle to regain all he lost.

He was concerned for his family. He dreamed of his son bravely holding back tears while holding tightly to his sister’s hand. It burned him to abandon a woman and child for any reason. The knowledge they still lived because of it did little to make him feel better, but he resolved not to send for them.

“I must show something for their pain,” he said to Beder.

His distant kin, Abu Uthman and Ibn Khaled became his first counselors and worked to secure the support of the Damascene Arabs. Tied to Abd ar-Rahman by lineage and history, he made them the core of his followers. After he rested, he traveled to the nearby towns and villages so all would believe his presence. His bearing did much to convince them. Those who recently came to the peninsula under Emir Balj swore to him, those who settled in Al-Andalus were reticent.

The history of the Andalusi settlers--as he called them--was a fickle one. The settlers formed the backbone of the emir’s support, but their loyalty was lacking. They were happy to use the emir to advance their interests but resisted Fihrid imposition against those interests in turn. For 40 years they strove to avoid central control.

“Short-sighted, greedy and self-serving! They absorbed the Gothic chaos that preceded them,” the prince fumed. “Poor exemplars of Islam at best.”

“But excellent exemplars of men,” Ibn Khaled replied. “We will follow you, but there are not enough of us. You have to conciliate them, achieving victory will do that.’

“Something I cannot do on the necessary scale without them.”

“It has been done that way before. Differences are forgotten in the bright glow of spoils,” Abu Uthman said mildly.

“Or cast into stark contrast,” Abd ar-Rahman snapped. Passing a hand over his eyes he calmed himself. “I see an endless cycle of victory conquest and weakness. No emir lasting very long while the country seethes with upheaval under him. I could almost admire Yusuf if he were not standing in my way.”

“There has been little rain this past year,” Ibn Khaled explained. “There are signs God wills this to continue. It could be used to our advantage.”

“Still transitory. What I need to do is fashion a victory that will let me put away my sword.”

Abu Uthman waved away the prince’s statement as of no consequence.

“A pretty figure, but you do not intend to ever put away your sword. Not until you sheath it in As-Saffah’s guts, anyway. Listen to me young prince, worrying over the future can be a productive enterprise but first you must get there.”

The greatest of the rebel lords then was Amir al-Abdari. He asked to meet with the prince. Abd ar-Rahman went west to Arcos, then known as Turrush[1] but to his dismay the rebel lord sent his second in command, Abu Sabadh, with a party of Yemeni Arabs. Abu Sabadh extended to him the required courtesies but never hid his suspicion and skepticism of the young man. Remembering Abu Uthman’s advice, the prince controlled himself severely. For his trouble, Abu Sabadh extended an invitation to Algeciras on behalf of his master. There, Amir al-Abdari would formally pledge himself to the service of Abd ar-Rahman.

“Only wait for a time so we may prepare. Yusuf al-Fihri is in the north, struggling against the adherents of As-Saffah. He cannot have heard of us yet,” went al-Abdari’s message. “Use the time to gather your support in the southeast. Then together we will depose this odious fellow.”


With little choice, Abd ar-Rahman turned back to Almuñécar. Since then, Almuñécar has held itself out as the first place to be ruled by the Spanish Umayyads and a small monument was erected there. Abd ar-Rahman made his abode in Elvira in an area of dense settlement by the Syrian Arabs. Ironically, al-Fihri had rich lands in the region, lands Abd ar-Rahman immediately despoiled or seized to enrich himself and distribute rewards. In an echo of later practice, Abd ar-Rahman broke up a few of the larger estates to parcel them out to his followers or reward those who exhibited great bravery and talent. He made a point to personally execute those who remained loyal to al-Fihri, as revenge for the letters pleading with Ibn Habib to attack him.

Youth and victory gave Abd ar-Rahman the confidence to voice his dreams. “Al-Andalus is the beginning. Then across the water to raise the Bebers against Ibn Habib. Ifriqiya and Al-Andalus, tamed to my hands. A bow and arrow for the heart of As-Saffah and his wretched family!”

Between raids Abd ar-Rahman explored the land, met with the locals and planned the coming war. He was surprised to find a number of lords were Christians. During the conquest, those Christians who submitted to the Muslims were permitted to keep their territories as long as they rendered a tribute and pledged allegiance.

Abd ar-Rahman was no stranger to a large Christian populations. Even in Syria the population of the countryside was heavily Christian, but in Al-Andalus the Christians heavily outnumbered the Muslims even in the cities. In places like Ossonaba and Conímbra, Muslim governors and Christian prefects ruled together, tending to their own affairs as long as the Christians paid taxes and submitted peacefully to the Muslims in all matters. While the Christians might have tolerated the Muslims, the Jews embraced them. In the last decades of the Visigothic kingdom, edicts against Jews were pressed. While the story of the Jews betraying the Christians of Toledo could never be substantiated, during the conquest garrisons of Jews were sometimes left in the cities to allow the Muslim armies to concentrate their attacks against the Christians.


One day a Gothic delegation arrived in Elvira. It was led by Athanagild, the son of Theudemir. Athanagild had recently succeeded his father[2] and occupied a unique position--there were no Muslims governors in the lands Athanagild ruled. At the time of the Conquest, Theudemir resisted fiercely against the Muslims. Even in defeat he was able to wrest a treaty confirming his authority over the “Seven Cities” that made up his kingdom. Sensing a change in the air, Athanagild sought to find whether Abd ar-Rahman intended to alter Muslim policy toward him. Abd ar-Rahman was willing to extend the agreement with Athangild. In a private deal, the prince agreed to send material support to Athanagild to secure his rule in any future disputes if Athanagild rendered him non-military assistance.

During the nights, Abd ar-Rahman attended parties thrown by important men to forge new alliances and strengthen existing ones. Men gave him gifts to show their support and in this way he acquired some wealth. While stories about these nights were afterwards a favorite setting for stories, one contains a seed of truth.

According to the legend, after their business was concluded Abd ar-Rahman invited Athanagild to remain and celebrate their understanding and the growing support for the prince’s rebellion. Abd ar-Rahman dressed in his finery with a sword in a jeweled sheath at his feet. When he drew it, the blade was a work of great craft but little ornamentation and meant for battle. The prince strove to be like the sword, a glittering costume adorning deadly strength.

That night an Arab lord approached the prince to make his formal acquaintance. He brought gold objects set with semi-precious stones and rich textiles. After presenting the gifts to Abd ar-Rahman, he gifted him with a young slave girl of notable beauty. She was described as possessing red hair, pale skin and large eyes. Later poetic traditions ascribe to her the eleven classic traits of beauty, but early accounts only mention those three.

For all her beauty, the girl did not display grace to match. When her master gave her name and she stepped forward to present herself, she stumbled and fell. She was so startled she exclaimed in her own language.[3] Her master moved to punish her but Abd ar-Rahman stayed his hand and laughed.

“Athanagild, I have need of your assistance. I would have her worries calmed by hearing a familiar language since I have not heard its like often.”

While Athanagild spoke somewhat different Latin compared to the girl, he was able to communicate. He reported that the girl declared Abd ar-Rahman her master and begged forgiveness for the fall and a chance to make up for it. The prince shook his head. Then he stepped forward and pulled her up. Then he paused, for he was struck by her beauty.

“It’s a small matter, so ignore it," he said kindly. Looking out over the notables gathered that night he recited an old proverb: “The basic principle is liberty.”

“I will take this slave into my household. I will instruct her and provide her sustenance. This I so swear. But know now that while she is mine, I will not take her to my bed though I see her as beautiful and desirable. The enjoyment of slaves I hold to be a reward available to me only for accomplishing worthy deeds. When I wrest the rule of this land from Yusuf who subverts Justice, it will be a worthy deed. Until that day, I will abstain from these distractions and concentrate my mind on bringing rightful government back to Al-Andalus.”

The girl blushed for she could understand Arabic but not speak it. Impressed by his words, she threw herself into his service and sat at his feet, attentive to his requests. The prince was true to his vow, and rarely called on her to do anything though he made sure she was well cared for. At times he even saw her to bed safely but never took advantage. This was distinctly unusual but all who saw it believed strongly in the prince. The confidence of his allies increased and they said to themselves, “God has delivered us a man who is a master of his own desires and not the other way around as so many in this land are.”

To the girl, he said only: “Stay by my side so that I may fulfill my vow, Lisina.”


Abd ar-Rahman departed Elvira at the head of 700 horsemen. Temam commanded his bodyguards. His army grew as allied tribal leaders joined the march and adventurers from the Maghreb were drawn by promises of glory. By now the prince’s name was a symbol of resistance for the disaffected. Athanagild did not march at his side but contributed supplies, pack animals and money to the army. The Arabs were commanded by Abu Uthman and Ibn Khaled.

Other lords joined Abd ar-Rahamn such as the prefect of Antakaria[4] Isa ibn Musawid. The progress of the army was slow as they marched through the rough country in the southeast, but Abd ar-Rahman gained experience in keeping his disparate coalition together and focused. When they finally emerged into the wide lands of the south, they were met by men sent by Itab of Sidonia. Following them back to the city, Abd ar-Rahman was proclaimed sovereign of Al-Andalus and his army swore to him publicly. Itab urged the prince to go to Sevilla to gather all the disaffected.

“Let us meet there, and together gain the glory.”

Abd ar-Rahman felt himself riding a wave of power, a rising tide of destiny that would see him as ruler of Al-Analus. By his side always were Beder, Temam and Lisina. No matter how difficult the march she fastened herself to his side and helped to tend to his needs in the field. He accepted her without complaint but never took any liberties due to her subordinate position to uphold his vow. She was so often by his side, he found himself taking steps to learn the local Latin.

That entire winter was dry. The weather proved little hindrance to marching armies. Abd ar-Rahman entered Sevilla early in 752. At the time the city was governed by Abu Sabadh. Abu Sabadh was still not perfectly reconciled to Abd ar-Rahman’s revolt, but welcomed him into the city and after the appropriate celebrations, a council of war was held. Most of Abd ar-Rahman’s advisors urged him to wait so that his very presence would cause men to abandon al-Fihri. Abu Sabadh urged him to make speed.

“The emir is vulnerable. Strike and you can overcome him then get on with your business of overthrowing As-Saffah. Delay and he may prevail against you. Already his relatives the lords of Mérida and Toledo come to his aid.”

It was now widely believed Abd ar-Rahman intended to take the war all the way to the al-Anbar palace near Kufa. In later years it was thought this helped the prince amass a large following rapidly. Not only was there a prospect of more spoils, but if Abd ar-Rahman did go east he would not pay attention to Al-Andalus leaving their yoke light.

The prince was inclined to patience, but Abu Sabadh commanded many men and his cooperation would be essential. The prince ultimately agree with Abu Sabadh though he was still troubled. It was the first moment of disquiet Abd ar-Rahman had felt in some time but he ignored the doubt in public. What was done, was done. His private conduct was another matter and he opened his mind to Lisina if only to hear his concerns aloud.

“Al-Abdari does not come and Abu Sabadh urges me to speed.”

“My lord, he fears your loss with him more than your victory without,” she said.

“They are trying to preserve freedom of action.” Abd ar-Rahman was pleased at her quick estimation of his situation. “Concerning myself with what follows victory may keep me from attaining it, but I don’t wish to become entangled in this land.”

“Keep them with you, my lord,” she urged. “Keep them under your eye.”

“Any move he makes against me will be seen as betrayal,” he nodded. “His own followers may desert him then.”

Though she told him what he wanted to here, he still appreciated her counsel and did not hold it against her. She did so to improve her own lot, and there was no fault in that.

Abd ar-Rahman’s army crossed the river at Tocina. According to popular legend, while overseeing this crossing Abd ar-Rahman rode a splendid white horse. Abu Sabadh then said to his fellows, “See the young prince, mounted on a swift-footed animal. All the better to flee at the first contact with the enemy. He would leave us the duty of battle, as it has always been.”

When he heard grumbling in the ranks and discovered its cause, Abd ar-Rahman went to him and said, “O Abu Sabadh, I must speak to you. My horse has a habit of rearing up under me. It’s proven difficult for me to keep my saddle being as young and inexperienced as you have said. Instead le me make an exchange. I will take your quiet and steady mule and you can have this horse.”

Abu Sabadh had no choice but to accept the prince’s gift so that Abu Sabadh was mocked by his men in favor of the prince. This may have gained him favor from the soldiers but it only made Abu Sabadh more wary of the prince.


In the north, al-Fihri and Al-Sumayl were successful. Habab Al-Sahari fled before their army and retreated into Septimania with heavy losses. This blow to his prestige led to a falling out between the Christians of Narbona and their Muslim overlords. As Narbona was the only city of any consequence ruled by a Muslim governor, the entire Muslim position in the region was threatened.

After lifting the siege of Zaragoza and scouring the Ebro Valley for rebels, al-Fihri turned back to Córdoba. The emir intended to gather supplies and plan an assault on the southern rebels, crushing them at last. It was only know that he received a panicked message from his son[5], left behind in Córdoba informing him of Abd ar-Rahman’s march. Abandoning his plans, Yusuf al-Fihri rushed to Toledo where his nephew Hisham was prefect. Hisham immediately gathered all the troops of the Central March including a contingent of Christians from Salamanca then set out for the capital with his uncle.

“Half the country has risen up against me,” he despaired when he reached Córdoba.

But Yusuf al-Fihri was far from powerless. Al-Sumayl returned to capital with the bulk of his armies including troops from the Northern March led by Husayn. More men were coming from Mérida led by his other son, Muhammad. After a debate, they decided on a cautious march.

With Al-Andalus now in the third year of a drought, disquiet among the populace was growing but was still manageable. In 752 Abd ar-Rahman and his might have had to tighten their belts, but they did not have to consider eating roadside shrubs. They marched steadily, but without hurry toward Córdoba. They had it in mind to meet the emir on at the Masarah plains west of the city, unfortunately fate had other plans that day. Instead the Fihrid army met them between the Retortillo and Bembezar rivers.[6] The emir offered no propositions for peace, disdaining negotiation and instead committed himself to Abd ar-Rahman’s destruction.


The day of the battle dawned brilliant and clear. A beautiful day in March. Abd ar-Rahman rode along the lines of his men on his mule. It might have seemed ridiculous, but his men remembered the incident with Abu Sabadh and smiled to themselves.

“True men of Al-Andalus, do you know this day?!” he demanded. “On this day, the Arabs of Yemen fought the Fihrid uprising in Arabia! Under my great-grand father yours triumphed on that day. Let us make of this day a brother to that one!” [7]

A great shout went up among his men and Abd ar-Rahman turned swung his sword at the Fihrid army in the distance. “Forward!”

The Battle of the Mesas was fierce and bloody. Hisham of Toledo led the cavalry of emir, sweeping aside the rebel skirmishers and drove hard against the center where Abu Sabadh was placed with most of the southerners. The stories say that a red mist rose around the army, and that the voices of the men held rage in terror in equal measure. Abd ar-Rahman did not stay behind his army. Charging forward on his mule, he led the Umayyad clans against the main Fihrid army led by Al-Sumayl on a mule of his own.

After a sharp exchange, both sides drew back and the arrows fell thick around Abd ar-Rahman. He shouted encouragement to the men, exhilarated and terrified in the battle. As the lines crashed together once more, men screamed and died, lashing out with sword and spear desperate to stay alive. Wherever the front line wavered, Abd ar-Rahman rushed to the spot with his bodyguards, holding it until more men could be brought up. No man questioned his bravery that day and it seemed only a matter of time until his army broke through that of the emir.


Unlike the emir who sat on a hill beyond the field, Al-Sumayl was right behind the center line as he ordered his men. Despite his age he sat the saddle without a hint of weakness, the pennant on his helmet flying elegantly in the breeze. For all his faults, cowardice was a thing unknown to Al-Sumayl.

“You had better spare yourself for another occasion!” his friend and battle comrade Abu Atta shouted to Al-Sumayl. “The day turns ominous and we cannot make headway against this heavy handed prince.”

“Let not your reason be clouded by fear or despondency! Our enemy has fought harder than he should, he is nearly at the end of his strength,” al-Sumayl replied. “Order Husayn to prepare the charge. If they have a fear, then tell them I will ride with them!”

“But on this day the Kays were defeated by the Yemenis! Have a care my friend, if you fall this day may turn out as unlucky for us as that one.”

“Then I must not fall,” Al-Sumayl replied.


Husayn the second of Zaragoza rode fearlessly with his men, in the first rank. He had not needed al-Sumayl’s assurance. It was simple. Men fell to his sword or the hooves of his horse or fled before him. The battle lust coursed through him, but he banked the fury into a cold strength. He stood tall in his saddle and surveyed the field.

“There he stands!” Husayn shouted raising a bloody sword at the prince. “There is the bringer of this madness! The last of a dynasty God has cast down. Slay him his sin.... and reap the rewards on Earth and Heaven!”

Abd ar-Rahman saw the charge coming, and with Temam ibn Alkmah by his side, countered it with one of his own. But Husayn would not be denied. Soon a mass of frightened horses and men fought a desperate battle. For a moment it looked like Abd ar-Rahman would repel the charge, but reinforcements came up from al-Sumayl and in the end it was Abd ar-Rahman who broke away and fell back and Husayn laughed. Between Abd ar-Rahman and his bodyguard, separating them from the rest of Umayyad rebels, was Husayn.

“We have him!”

In a split second, Husayn knew what to do. He charged the Umayyad lines shouting, “The prince has fallen! The Sons of Umayyah are leaderless!”

By chance it happened that Abu Sabadh heard him. Seeing Abd ar-Rahman surrounded followed by shouts of his death, Abu Sabadh believed them. He fled before Husayn’s charge, escaping the battle of the spending white horse given to him by Abd ar-Rahman and took the center of the army with him in his flight.

Not everyone fled. Abu Uthman and Ibn Khaled rallied the remaining soldiers and tried to come to the prince’s aid. They did not believe the rumors of his death, or could not. But they failed to break through to the prince and when Ibn Khaled fell to the sword of Muhammad the Fihrid, Abu Uthman could no longer stem the tied of retreat. The battle was lost.


Surrounded, Abd ar-Rahman turned to Beder and Temam.

“The day has turned on us,” Beder said. “What can we do?”

“Fight on, and trust to God,” the prince said grimly.

They fought on, desperate not to carve their way to safety but to delay their deaths an hour longer. Finally al-Sumayl himself came upon them and slew Temam ibn Alkmah who bared his path. With the death of Temam his bodyguard fell or were taken and even Beder was seized, but the prince did not give up. Seeing the ruin of his duty and his dream, he sought death on the battlefield. He slew men when they tried to lay hands on him until at last, bound and gagged he was dragged before the feet of al-Sumayl.

Al-Sumayl ordered that Abd ar-Rahman be unbound and given food and water so that his men would not grumble at the mistreatment of one of the Quraysh. Exhausted and weary, he was taken from the battlefield. As he turned back and saw the wreck of men, the stench of blood filled his nose but he was unmoved. It was only when he saw among the captives Lisina, who he had sworn to protect that he hung his head in bitterness and acknowledge his failure.

“I curse you Abu Sabadh, for abandoning me,” he said.

But in his heart he knew the curse was empty, because the failure was his.


Al-Sumayl fed the prince and kept him confined in rough conditions in the field. He was not unduly cruel. They made haste to Córdoba where they waited before the city until such time as Yusuf al-Fihri sent for him. There, looking up at the old city with its Roman heritage still prominent, Abd ar-Rahman could not help but feel that the worst was yet to come.


Notes on Chapter 1.1
____________________
[1]Torrox
[2]Theudemir died before 750, but whether Athanagild succeeded him politically is unknown. We do know he remained fairly wealthy and I have assumed that he did succeed his father, at least for a while.
[3]A form of Latin
[4]Antequerra
[5]Named Abd ar-Rahman. Seriously.
[6]The present-day location of Mesas de Guadalora.
[7]Marwan I​