Europa-Imperial Ambition, Ancient Blood

[Miker]

Another great update. The Rikijan is growing bigger and bigger, but they're doing it so quickly; too quickly. And with Fahramund at the helm, though he's becoming aware of the situation, who knows how it will turn out?

[frozenpredator]

I think Fahramund will try to steer Alammania to a more consolidation policy, but wether he is successfull or nto remaisn to be seen. He has opened Pandora's box, and now can't close it anymore

[Berserker]

Very awsome update. I will look forward to the first meeting with enemies in the east not of germanic blood.

...what iff they will face Dacia

[Bavarian Raven]

nice update, keep 'em coming

[Vinland]

Originally Posted by Miker

Another great update. The Rikijan is growing bigger and bigger, but they're doing it so quickly; too quickly. And with Fahramund at the helm, though he's becoming aware of the situation, who knows how it will turn out?

Originally Posted by frozenpredator

I think Fahramund will try to steer Alammania to a more consolidation policy, but wether he is successfull or nto remaisn to be seen. He has opened Pandora's box, and now can't close it anymore

You've both pretty much hit the nail on the head. It's really too late for Fahramund to stop his supporters (you should see them take a proper name soon) from going forward with expansionism, for better or worse (probably worse. much worse). You can look forward to some very interesting and chaotic politics in Alamannia's future.

Originally Posted by Berserker

Very awsome update. I will look forward to the first meeting with enemies in the east not of germanic blood.

...what iff they will face Dacia

I've considered having them go after Dacia eventually. Question is whether or not they'll make it that far east before the fecal matter hits the oscillator.

[TaylorS]

How is Allemannia doing in terms of material culture? What do their cities look like? Given the local environment I suspect that architecture makes use of wood much more than cultures farther south. How is Nordic religion evolving to fit into a civilized state?

Originally Posted by Vinland

They still worship the Nordic pantheon. I would imagine the deity with the greatest impact on gender roles would be Freyja/Frawjon. Given her role in the myths, I infer her impact to be positive.

I've made a bit of a mistake in neglecting religion in general thus far. The next chapter (which is a ways off) will focus on Christianity, Mithraism, and other religions. You might see some references to concurrent events in this chapter though.

I believe that at this time in the OTL Tiwaz (Tyr), whose name is cognate with Zeus and Jupiter, was still the high god. The cult of Woden (Odin) came just before the Migration Period in our timeline.

[Vinland]

Originally Posted by TaylorS

How is Allemannia doing in terms of material culture? What do their cities look like? Given the local environment I suspect that architecture makes use of wood much more than cultures farther south. How is Nordic religion evolving to fit into a civilized state?

Their cities are indeed mostly wooden. Hwitburgz, the center of the Alamannian culture and economy, actually takes its name (meaning "white city") from the fact that it has an unusually large number of stone structures compared to almost every other Alamannian city. Shows how rare such structures are that an entire city gets named for having a lot of them.

I'll be building on the religions of Europa next chapter (admittedly because I forgot to cover them with everything else), which is only two parts away. For now I'll say that the Alamannian religion has only just started getting away from its "barbarian" roots, and isn't yet afforded great importance in the state. There are temples and monuments that have become greater with technological advancement, but nothing yet exists with the opulence of Greco-Roman temples and statues.

Originally Posted by TaylorS

I believe that at this time in the OTL Tiwaz (Tyr), whose name is cognate with Zeus and Jupiter, was still the high god. The cult of Woden (Odin) came just before the Migration Period in our timeline.

Thanks for pointing this out!I hadn't found this in my research, so I might've made a horrible mistake next chapter if you hadn't.

[Vinland]

Sudden Vengeance: 924-925 AUC

Chapter VI, Part VIII

By 924 AUC, Shahrud I Vanitar had built up his forces to the point where his fledging empire was ready to retake their former lands from the Romans. Even if that wasn’t the case, Shahrud had little choice; his subjects were growing restless and displeased with his patience and preparations. If he did not act now, he might very well join the Arsacids and Barmanids before him. Thus, in early November of 924 AUC, the Vanitarid armies under Shahrud’s leadership marched into Roman Mesopotamia.

Shahrud immediately made for Ctesiphon and Seleukia, the former capital of the Parthian Empire. Shahrud approached and laid siege to the city with only a small army, intending for the Romans to underestimate his fighting strength, and then bring in reinforcements quickly to overrun the city before the city’s garrison could report of their true military strength, ensuring that insufficient aid would arrive from Rome and that the rest of Mesopotamia would be ill-prepared to deal with the Vanitarid threat.

When Shahrud was certain that the Romans had issued their misinformed alerts, he brought in his reinforcements. His army of around 10,000 more than quadrupled over the course of a week, and by the time the overconfident Roman garrison fully understood the capabilities of the Vanitarids, Shahrud’s armies had surrounded Ctesiphon-Seleukia, and the siege was fully underway.

Shahrud expected the siege to last for months, and was relying on surrounding the city to keep news of the siege from escaping the area. However, to his surprise, the siege lasted only a few weeks. On the 22nd day of the siege, the cities’ Parthian inhabitants rebelled against the Romans and opened the cities’ gates to allow Shahrud’s forces in. Within a single day, the Vanitarids and Parthian rebels completely controlled the city, and had utterly destroyed the Roman garrison. The Parthians of Ctesiphon and Seleukia rejoiced at the victory of Shahrud, and swore allegiance to the Vanitarid Empire, with some taking up arms and joining the ranks of Shahrud’s army. Though the fighting had only just begun, Shahrud may very well have secured ultimate victory in the war at Ctesiphon.

After recapturing Ctesiphon-Seleukia, taking control of southern Mesopotamia was a simple task that could be left to smaller detachments under Shahrud’s lieutenants. Shahrud, in the meantime, marched north along the Tigris, capturing cities as he went. Fighting was scarce along his warpath; the people of Mesopotamia were almost entirely Parthian and begrudging of Roman rule. More often than not, the Parthian population defected to Shahrud and strengthened his armies as he went, aiding in the dismantling of Roman control from within. By the time Shahrud’s armies reached Osroene, news of his approach had already turned many of the Parthians against the Romans.

Roman reinforcements led by Legatus Publius Calpurnius Bibulus finally landed in Antiochia in January of 925. Vaguely aware that Roman reinforcements could not be far away by this point, Shahrud hurried to Edessa, the most important city in northern Mesopotamia, ignoring all other settlements. By the time he reached the city, the Romans had nearly been expelled by Parthian rebels. The Vanitarid armies cleaned out the remaining garrison within hours, taking control of Edessa and with it the remainder of Mesopotamia. Shahrud’s army, now numbering more than 60,000, headed east to meet the approaching Roman army.

Shahrud intercepted Calpurnius’ armies a few kilometers east of the banks of the Euphrates. Calpurnius’ armies were outnumbered by more than two to one, as Emperor Flavius had believed the threat to be nothing more than a weak upstart king in Parthia, and had only provided sufficient forces to deal with a minor conflict. Not only this, but Calpurnius had not expected to run into the enemy so soon, and he and his forces were caught off guard. Calpurnius rallied his shaken troops successfully, but was all the same outmaneuvered by the Parthian cavalry and outmatched by Shahrud’s leadership. Knowing that victory here was impossible, Calpurnius retreated across the Euphrates before sustaining heavy casualties.

It was not enough for Shahrud to have prevailed in Mesopotamia, so he pursued Calpurnius across the Euphrates all the way to Antiochia. While Shahrud personally laid siege to the city, where Calpurnius had dug in, his lieutenants came up behind him, cementing control over Osroene. Mesopotamia by this point was a lost cause for Rome, even if Calpurnius won at Antiochia.

For months Antiochia was a stalemate. The Romans could not leave the city to break the siege, and the Vanitarids lacked the equipment to win by any means other than starving the Romans out. A few weeks into the siege, however, 40,000 men arrived from Palaestina to relieve Calpurnius. They flanked the Vanitarids, causing Shahrud to lose control of the siege and allowing Calpurnius to leave the city and enter the battle. Soon enough, the Romans found their forces to be evenly matched with Shahrud’s, and called for a ceasefire, which Shahrud agreed to, having won the war long ago.

Calpurnius was able to negotiate successfully with the Vanitarid king, and persuaded him to withdraw his forces behind the Euphrates and cease all attacks until Emperor Flavius arrived to negotiate a peace. Flavius was supposedly furious upon hearing that Calpurnius had given up the fight, but nevertheless agreed to sign a peace at the urging of his advisors. Flavius met with Shahrud in the Vanitarids’ camp near the Euphrates, where he reluctantly agreed to return Mesopotamia to the Vanitarids.

Shahrud, following the war’s end, moved his capital to Ctesiphon as a symbolic gesture, and was extolled as a hero by his people. The old glory of the Parthians was well on its way to being restored, and Shahrud I Vanitar would be its herald, so the people were convinced. Meanwhile, Flavius’ reputation suffered, having failed to defeat and given in to the Parthians that Rome had thought crushed. It seemed that the prosperity brought by the era of the Two Emperors was not to last under Flavius.

[Miker]

Hmm... Rome, but possibly more importantly Flavius, has suffered a humiliating defeat. This is a mindset that often leads to war. Allemannia is too strong to attack, maybe Gaul is still weak. Failing that, there should be something in eastern Europa, but that might cross Allemannian interests and with the Thingan in its current expansionist mood, Aiwarikijaz might be sent against the ancient enemy.

Can't wait to see more!

[Monty Burns]

I wonder whether the Mesopotamians really were overwhelmingly Parthian? Pro-Parthian I can understand, probably they're heavily taxed by the Romans and had already forgot that the Parthians likely did the same...

[Vinland]

Originally Posted by Monty Burns

I wonder whether the Mesopotamians really were overwhelmingly Parthian? Pro-Parthian I can understand, probably they're heavily taxed by the Romans and had already forgot that the Parthians likely did the same...

Mesopotamia was the core of the Parthian Empire, so natural Pro-Parthian sentiment should be expected. Taxation was one factor that created hatred of the Romans, but probably more importantly, no one likes having hostile foreigners come in with an army and order you around.

[Vinland]

Here's a map with all of the changes to Europa from the last few parts. Only one more part to go in this chapter...

[forget]

Many compliments for the map.

I must say that is a very nice sized Roman Empire you have created there.

[frozenpredator]

map looks really good.

[Jotun]

Originally Posted by forget

Many compliments for the map.

I must say that is a very nice sized Roman Empire you have created there.

Still way too large. Rome must burn, let it be crushed under the hobnailed sandals(?) of the northern "barbarians"

[Natte]

Only thing the maps miss is the Goths/Gutans being pushed east into the Ukraine where they take the bosphourus from the Romans (They don't need it! :P) and create a east Germanic state with mostly horse based armies!

Originally Posted by Jotun

Still way too large. Rome must burn, let it be crushed under the hobnailed sandals(?) of the northern "barbarians"

Rome shall be made an North African state with its capital in Carthage for giggles! Better yet, chase them from the face of the Old World and drive them to South America! Tiwas demands it!

Siliness and crazy fun brainstorming aside, as ofc every AH person loves pretty maps, I must say Rome looks pretty nice with such sleak mostly coastal borders, and less bulky looking due to lacking Gaul.

P.S. And good update, the Vanatarids look promising. Curious what the last part of the chapter is... we need to know!

[FleetMac]

So the Albionese continue to consolidate their political solidarity, and the Alammanians push further east...great stuff! Keep up the good work!

[Vinland]

Originally Posted by forget

Many compliments for the map.

I must say that is a very nice sized Roman Empire you have created there.

Originally Posted by frozenpredator

map looks really good.

Many thanks for the many compliments! I wasn't too fond of these particular borders for Rome, but its good to see that others are.

Originally Posted by Jotun

Still way too large. Rome must burn, let it be crushed under the hobnailed sandals(?) of the northern "barbarians"

Yes, indeed. Rest assured, Rome will shrink to a much more acceptable size in due time. We're not even in the 3rd century CE yet, so there's plenty of time for terrible things to happen.

Originally Posted by Natte

Only thing the maps miss is the Goths/Gutans being pushed east into the Ukraine where they take the bosphourus from the Romans (They don't need it! :P) and create a east Germanic state with mostly horse based armies!

Rome shall be made an North African state with its capital in Carthage for giggles! Better yet, chase them from the face of the Old World and drive them to South America! Tiwas demands it!

Siliness and crazy fun brainstorming aside, as ofc every AH person loves pretty maps, I must say Rome looks pretty nice with such sleak mostly coastal borders, and less bulky looking due to lacking Gaul.

P.S. And good update, the Vanatarids look promising. Curious what the last part of the chapter is... we need to know!

Now you're giving me ideas... (and I'm only half joking)

Were the Goths migrating to the east this early? Hm...well, if they haven't started moving much by this point, the Alamanni will definitely light a fire under their ass, so to speak.

The last update of this chapter is going to concern an event that I haven't been foreshadowing much, but still shouldn't come as a surprise. Fun times are ahead, indeed.

[Natte]

Originally Posted by Vinland

Now you're giving me ideas... (and I'm only half joking)

Were the Goths migrating to the east this early? Hm...well, if they haven't started moving much by this point, the Alamanni will definitely light a fire under their ass, so to speak.

The last update of this chapter is going to concern an event that I haven't been foreshadowing much, but still shouldn't come as a surprise. Fun times are ahead, indeed.

Thanks for that. And I am not sure when they started migrating, from what I read they started to migrate, not all of them, they still remained where they came from, just spread and mixed with local cultures such as Dacian, Carpic, Pontic and so on around western Ukraine/eastern Romania at around the 2nd century and continued until the 5th.

And there is seemed to have ended because of the arrival of the Huns who decimated the local hierarchy. Afterwards it seems like the mutual culture kinda splintered due to ethnic differences.

But ofc alot of that would unfold different if the Alamanni sends them running en masse instead. Should be said that Ukraine got very good potential/basis to feed a large population, known as the breadbasket of Europe for a reason. Also on the steppe, so should be no problem raising horses.

The problem is that the whole area is situation on the 4 legged high-way in between Europe and Asia, which means it's very hard to get a state going there initially, in-between Scythians, Huns, mongols and whatever Turkic tribes decides to come and pay a visit.

And yes I just read up about that out of curiosity, one of the best things with reading AH.

[Vinland]

And so begins the shitstorm. I apologize for this one being somewhat of a giant wall of text. Hopefully it'll be worth the length.

A Place in the Sun: 934-941 AUC

Chapter VI, Part IX

In the years that followed the Roman defeat in the Vanitarid Reconquest, matters only worsened for the Lazy Emperor. Though no one could truly be faulted for the defeat, the burden of the humiliation was laid upon Flavius, more or less because he was the most convenient scapegoat. In an effort to save face following the humiliation, Flavius attempted to shift the blame for the defeat to Calpurnius. To this end stripped Legatus Calpurnius of his rank and sent him into exile on Insula Maior [1]. Predictably, this backfired on Flavius. The senate and public alike denounced him, and by 934, he was so distraught and withdrawn that his advisors had practically taken over his affairs. The once esteemed leader who had built his glory on victories over the Parthians had now been all but ruined by them.

In Alamannia, Fahramund was in a strangely similar but very different situation. His government and subjects were wholeheartedly behind him, but at the same time he had entirely lost control of them and their whims. The Alamanni were stirred with the fires of war and a lust for conquest, and Fahramund, in spite of playing a role in the building of these sentiments, now feared that they might go to dangerous lengths with them.

In April of 934, Fahramund’s fears were realized. News of the Roman defeat to an eastern foe yet unknown to the Alamanni and the ensuing weakening of their Emperor gave rise to discussion in the Thingan concerning an invasion of the Roman Empire. It was indeed an ideal opportunity; Rome was weaker now than it had been in years, and another such vulnerability might not present itself again for decades. Even so, such an attack would be no trifling matter, and would likely be the largest military endeavor ever undertaken by Alamannia.

After a month of deliberation, the Thingan made its decision: they would launch an invasion of Rome across the Danube and the Limes Germanicus [2]. For Fahramund to deny this motion now would be political suicide, and he was given no other option but to approve the invasion. On the 3rd of May, 934, Alamannian armies attacked the Limes Germanicus.

The Alamannian army divided into three, with each attacking a different section of the Limes. The largest army, led by Aiwarikijaz, laid siege to Castra Regina [3] along the Danube as diversionary effort for the other two. Another army, led by Harjanaz Gebhard attacked the segment that lay between the Rhine and the Danube. The third, led by a Harjanaz named Arnald, attacked the poorly-guarded eastern Danube. Smaller armies were sent out to harass Roman encampments along the Limes and ensure that these encampments could not reinforce the main battlefield. Sooner or later, the Limes would break.

The news of the invasion sent the senate into a panic. The calm and level-headed Princeps Senatus, Marcus Postumius Albus, was able to get the senate under control quickly. They ordered several legions from Italia and Illyria through the Alps to secure the mountain passes and reinforce the one legion stationed at Castra Regina. In addition, they restored Calpurnius’ rank and ordered him to assume command in the defense of the Agri Decumates [4], a command which he obeyed with enthusiasm.

The first army to break through the Limes was Arnald’s, about five months into the war, when his forces captured the city of Lauriacum. His orders were to move around the Alps and attempt to enter Pannonia to extend the war front. However, Arnald was delayed when he attempted to capture the military camp of Vindobona, allowing Roman reinforcements to block the narrow land corridor into Pannonia. Eventually, reinforcements arrived to relieve Vindobona, and pushed Arnald back across the Danube, following him into Boixaim.

Roman forces were making progress in the western front as well. A small Roman army under the Legatus Gaius Claudius Sabinus had crossed the Danube into Rommark [5], and had created an opening for Roman legions to enter Alamannia. Aiwarikijaz was forced to leave the siege of Castra Regina with most of his forces to drive Claudius back across the Limes. Because of this, Alamannian efforts to break through the Limes were set back by a year or more.

Though Arnald had been sent back over the Danube in the east, Rome was unable to make much progress following him into Boixaim. The region was difficult to penetrate naturally, and had been heavily fortified and garrisoned by the Alamanni. Arnald’s armies were resupplied and strengthened, and managed to reverse the Roman advance all the way back to Vindobona in less than a year’s time.

After three years of irregular reverses and gains on either side, a chance occurrence turned the war in Alamannia’s favor. One Alpine pass was cut off by a sudden rockslide in mid winter of 938, creating a significant delay in supply shipments to Castra Regina. The city began to starve quickly in winter, giving Aiwarikijaz the chance to break into the city and capture it.

With the capture of Castra Regina, Aiwarikijaz had created a permanent opening in the Limes. Additional Alamannian soldiers flowed through the breach and stormed the Roman encampments closest to the Danube, essentially giving control of the northernmost part of the Agri Decumates over to Alamannia. From the Danube, Aiwarikijaz moved south to lay siege to Augusta Vindelicorum [6]. However, Aiwarikijaz found Calpurnius waiting for him, who repelled the Alamanni each time they tried to assault the city, forcing them to retreat to Castra Regina.

The real turning point of the war came in 940, when the Harjanaz Gebhard managed to break through his section of the Limes and move into the Agri Decumates. In response to this, Legatus Claudius led an army to intercept Gebhard’s forces. However, Gebhard anticipated this, and traveled through the Swartzwalt [7] instead of the open plains, keeping Claudius unaware of his movements. Gebhard ambushed and flanked Claudius, easily defeating and nearly destroying his entire army. Claudius was forced to retreat to the Alps with what was left of his forces, while Gebhard moved east to join Aiwarikijaz.

With the aid of Gebhard’s forces, Aiwarikijaz had little trouble pushing Calpurnius away from Augusta Vindelicorum so that he could lay siege to the city. With a steady stream of reinforcements and supplies, Aiwarikijaz was able to capture the city within a few months. Capturing this city gave control over most of the Agri Decumates to Alamannia, which would be enough of a territorial gain to please the Thingan. However, Aiwarikijaz wanted to ensure an absolute victory. For this reason, he and Gebhard headed south to besiege the Roman fortification along the Alps.

By this time, the senate was close to completely losing its composure. While the chances of the Alamanni breaking into Italia were slim, the very fact that the possibility now existed had a disastrous effect on the morale of the senate and the general public. The Princeps Senatus was unable to calm the people, and Emperor Flavius had confined himself to his quarters in despair, completely impotent as a leader. A peace would have to be reached soon, or else the situation would become truly chaotic.

The senate delivered their submissive terms of peace to Alamannia in December of 940. They would cede the entirety of the Agri Decumates and pay a modest indemnity on the condition that Alamannia would allow the Roman citizens in the area a reasonable degree of autonomy and the opportunity to leave if they so chose. Aiwarikijaz, confident that Alamannia’s power had been made clear, was willing to accept the peace, and submitted the terms to the Thingan for approval.

The Thingan, however, was not so agreeable. Many Thingmanniz insisted that absolute authority would be necessary for the governing of the region, or else the Romans would not acknowledge Alamannia’s authority. Fahramund, however, understood that such repression would breed even more resentment, and that it would be better for Alamannia to build a more amicable relationship with its subjects. Fahramund overruled the Thingan’s will and accepted the Roman senate’s terms on February 5th of 941.

This war would mark the end of an age for Europa and a tremendous shift in the fortunes of every power on the continent. Alamannia’s triumphant revelry masked a growing political turmoil and a dangerous, excessive lust for war. Rome stood crippled once again with a husk of an emperor and another humiliating defeat. There was no certainty in the future, save that calamity lay ahead, and none held the power to steer away from it.

[1] Majorca
[2] Series of earthworks and fortifications between the Roman Empire and Germania
[3] Regensburg
[4] The stretch of land that lay between the Alps and the Danube
[5] Meaning “Roman Border,” funnily enough borders Rome. Consult map for Chapter VI, Part II (On page 10) for image
[6] Augsburg
[7] Meaning “Black Forest.” Specifying what region this refers to seems extraordinarily redundant