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#801
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Just caught up - so many lovely things. Can only echo what others have said really, love the Prophet artwork. Angelic facemasks have always creeped me out so I must admit I find the second one more distrubing (though I certainly wouldn't like to bump into the first one on a dark night!) - I can just imagine him watching over the purging of an isolated hamlet, calmly overseeing the fire and murder.
Lovely map and the potato article is great, always nice to see sub-ATLs as it were, gives a TL added depth - you also managed to make counterfactual horticulture without sending the board into a coma so thats something on its own. Despite the inherent comedy of potatoes as a political symbol, the potato flower is quite an attractive thing IMO so its seems a plausible symbol. Add in the more radical elements of the Agitator cause with the urban farms, spuds three times a day - maybe combine it with dour 'Puritan' dress across the board and you've 17th century Ingsoc. Now theres a thing! Looking forward to more - Virginia's pink suggests England but I imagine London will dominate the majority of colonies and Jamestown suggests a Royalist bent (Its James I but I doubt he'll get a great reputation in a post-Revolution *Commonwealth)- so maybe Virginia is a Royalist exclave from an Agitator Britain? |
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#802
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Actually, Cromwell emigrated in 1633, and New Sweden was founded in '38 - I should imagine that not many butterflies have flapped their wings outside New England, considering that this was four years before the First Civil War started.
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#803
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Nice map.
Actually, in the case of those colours, I've seen similar maps with coloured outlines on them. They're just used to help the reader tell the colonies apart, so the "yellow vs. dark pink" thing may only be that... ![]()
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Vive la Francewank - 17/04/12 To Boldly Go - 23/11/12 Star Trek (2009) reimagined - completed |
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#804
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'…if you were in the same condition as the Blacks are…now I say, if this should be the condition of you and yours, you would think it hard measure, yea, and very great Bondage and Cruelty. And therefore consider seriously of this, and do you for and to them, as you would willingly have them or any other to do unto you…were you in the like slavish condition.' Quote:
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As for the Terrorist immigrants, I imagine that the Cape Fear Indians will be welcoming them, for one. It’s probably less good news for the natives up in *Pennsylvania though… Quote:
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#805
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It will be interesting if larger immigration a now larger Virginia might cause an even larger land crisis with more settlers and less land that is not occupied by Virginia. You might see a larger but different version of Bacon's Rebellion or at the very least a major conflict the the Natives west of the Fall Line.
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#806
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Good map, Ed!
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#807
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It's been a while I know, but I'm getting back into the whole writing thing. So here's an update- and hopefully there will be another reaosnably soon...
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#808
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Chapter 22
And King Solomon made a navy of ships in Eziongeber, which [is] beside Eloth, on the shore of the Red sea, in the land of Edom. And Hiram sent in the navy his servants, shipmen that had knowledge of the sea, with the servants of Solomon. And they came to Ophir. 1 Kings 9: 26-28. _____________________________________________ (Taken from “The Wars of the Five Kingdoms” by James Price, Miskatonic University Press 1947) “While large parts of the South of England quickly slipped from Engager control in the chaotic spring of 1647, the same could not be said in the North. This had little to do with popular sentiment- northern cities such as Leeds, Bolton and Manchester were just as implacably opposed to the Engagement as southern counterparts such as Plymouth or Leicester- and everything to do with military reality. While the New Model Army was the most prominent military assemblage in England during early 1647, it was not the only force established by Parliament. A second, much smaller army, comprised mostly of former regiments of the defunct Northern Association and maintained largely to deter Scottish aggression, was stationed at Preston under the command of Sydenham Poyntz[1], a former mercenary who had fought for the Parliamentary cause in the First Civil War. Poyntz was a comparative rarity, a seasoned battlefield commander and professional soldier whose Presbyterian views and moderate outlook made him a strong supporter of the Engagement and a staunch adherent to the principle of Parliamentary rule. As news of the New Model Army’s mutiny spread, Poyntz acted quickly to prevent any similar unrest in his own force; prominent Independents and Agitators under his command were arrested, and a column of cavalry under Poyntz’s subordinate George Monck[2] was sent to Manchester to secure the city for Parliament. Poyntz and Monck’s swift action denied Lancashire to the rebels, and while over the following months several thousand radicals and Independents drifted southwards to join the army Michael Jones[3] was organising in Coventry, no significant military opposition to King and Parliament remained west of the Pennines. Something similar was happening in Yorkshire, where the dramatic arrival of the King had caused men to flock to the Royal banner and forced many Independents to flee for fear of reprisal. The wool towns of the West Riding resisted for a while, but after a confused battle at Rothwell in early May, Leeds opened its gates to a Royalist force led by Lord Capell[4]. The town of Halifax, hoping for the same magnanimity that the Earl of Newcastle had shown in 1643, surrendered soon afterwards, but this proved to be a mistake; the Royalists burnt large parts of the town and strung up many of the defenders, Cappell arguing that “Putting them to the sword is the best way to proceed with such people, for mercy to them is cruelty”. By the dawn of summer 1647, all of the North of England was in Engager hands save for one city- the ever-stubborn, ironically-named port of Kingston upon Hull…” (Taken from “The British Revolution” by Richard Moore, Miskatonic University Press 1937) “Hull and the King had a long history of mutual antagonism. It was before its walls, on a rainy spring day in April 1642 when Sir John Hotham had refused to allow him to enter the city, that Charles had been defied openly for the first time. Throughout the following years, as the one remaining outpost of Parliamentary strength in Yorkshire, Hull had been a thorn in the King’s side; during the ‘Royalist Spring’ of 1643, its continued resistance was arguably the one thing standing between the King and victory, and as the Royalists were pushed back in 1644 and 1645, it provided a base for the Parliamentary reconquest of the north. Now, history was repeating itself. In the spring and summer of 1647, Hull was just as much of a strategic target as in 1642 and 1643; home to a large arsenal and grain stockpile, a refuge for Independents and radicals fleeing the King’s men in the rest of Yorkshire, and most importantly of all, a huge threat to Royalist lines of supply were any invasion of the south of England to be attempted. On May 5th the King finally elected to take to the field and marched eastwards to Hull, hoping to take the city quickly before linking up with his expected continental reinforcements and moving southwards to London. Sir Peregrine Pelham[5], the town’s Governor and a fervent Independent, had spies in York, and so was able to prepare himself for a lengthy siege. When the Royalists approached Hull two weeks later they found the dykes holding back the River Humber had been cut, flooding the countryside around the city to the extent where in some places, the besiegers could hardly get within two miles of the defences. So far, everything was proceeding as per the last siege of Hull; but there were two major differences. The first was that Pelham had a much smaller garrison than Sir Thomas Fairfax had possessed four years previously, and despite having enough food to last several years had barely enough men to man the walls; the second was that, from mid-June, when Prince Rupert’s mercenary reinforcements arrived to augment the King’s army, the besiegers were able to call upon a number highly-skilled Dutch engineers with extensive experience of continental siege warfare[6]. The arrival of Prince Rupert marked a turning point in the siege of Hull, and reinvigorated the Royalist force; the Prince was determined to take the city as quickly as possible in order to march southwards and defeat the New Model Army, as much for financial reasons as military. Complex siege works quickly began to proliferate outside Hull; ditches were dug to drain the flooded hinterland and artillery brought up to breach the walls. The mood on both sides was uncompromising. Sometime soon after the Prince’s arrival, a note was sent over the wall on a cannonball stuffed with Royalist propaganda, reading; “These are to let you understand that your god Lilburne hath forsaken you, and hath been confined to the Tower of London. Lambert meanwhile is beaten like a dog; yield to the King’s mercy in time, otherwise, if we enter perforce, no quarter for such traiterly rogues. From a well-wisher.” The response of the defenders was as surreal as it was defiant; a salvo of cabbages, presumably to demonstrate how well supplied the garrison remained, and a scornful rejoinder written in verse; “Lilburne’s no god of ours, base rogues, you lie! Our God survives from all eternity; Nor Lambert beaten be, as you do say, Rome’s yoke we are resolved n’er to obey; But for our cabbages, which ye hath eaten, Be sure ere long ye shall be soundly beaten; Quarter we ask you none; if we fall down, King Charles will lose many subjects with the town.” [7] Yet despite high morale amongst the defenders, their numbers were too small to undertake indefinite resistance. On July 7th, an attempted assault was barely beaten back after fascines were used to fill the city moat, and it soon became obvious to all that Hull would fall unless reinforcements were bought in quickly…” (Taken from “The Wars of the Five Kingdoms” by James Price, Miskatonic University Press 1947) The leadership of the New Model Army were not blind to the strategic and moral importance of Hull, and they were also uncomfortably aware of the dire straits in which the defenders were likely to have found themselves. A letter from Peregrine Pelham had been smuggled out of the city by a sympathetic Hamburg merchantman at the beginning of the siege, and by the end of June the Royalist propaganda broadsides were gleefully speaking of the imminent collapse of resistance. If their revolution was not to be strangled in its cradle, a foothold in the north was essential; yet John Lambert was still occupied in Berkshire and the small army of Independents gathering in Coventry was too weak to hope to challenge the King’s swelling numbers. The only option open to the Agitator leadership was a seaborne relief expedition; and there was only one plausible candidate for such a mission. In the late summer of 1643, Thomas Rainsborough, at that point an obscure captain in the service of Parliament’s navy, had commanded the warship Lion to relieve Sir Thomas Fairfax’s beleaguered garrison at Hull. Rainsborough’s troops had tipped the balance in Parliament’s favour, allowing the defenders to break the siege and harass the Royalist supply lines[8]. Now, four years later, having returned from his successful mission to secure Essex’s grain supplies for the people of London, Rainsborough was ordered to return to the city where he first made his name. In the early hours of July 1st, Rainsborough slipped anchor at Chatham and began his journey to East Yorkshire. He led a ragged expedition of two fourth-rate frigates and three merchantmen. Despite their defection to the Agitator cause in the face of the New Model Army a few months earlier, the Navy remained mutinous and truculent, and the only way that Rainsborough, who had never been liked by the common sailors[9], could guarantee their service was by having the soldiers under his command treat the ship crews as prisoners on their own ships. While the convoy’s journey was only a few hundred miles, it was a highly dangerous one. Rainsborough’s ships were too heavily laden with troops to be effective in a battle, and Royalist and Dutch vessels prowled the sea-lanes. The convoy’s only hope was stealth, and it was successful in evading detection for the following two weeks as it hugged the East Anglian coast on a torturously slow course northwards. The relief expedition almost made it to Hull without detection, but Rainsborough’s luck could not last forever. On the morning of July 13th, his command was approaching Sandhaile flats[10] at the mouth of the Humber, when a squadron of Dutch ships came out of the mist. The English were outnumbered and outgunned, and the direction of the wind made escape extremely difficult. The only option was to press forward and hope to break through the Dutch squadron; Rainsborough had just given the order to do so, and battle seemed inevitable when to everyone’s astonishment, the lead Dutch ship dipped its flag in salute and heeled round to the north, giving the English free passage. Confused but relieved, Rainsborough and his command sailed on up the Humber estuary to relieve their objective of Hull; those aboard the English ships had no idea that they had witnessed an event that would have massive repercussions in both their own nation and in the Netherlands…” (Taken from “Four Kingdoms and a Republic: The Netherlands in the Wars of the Five Kingdoms” by Marcus Joubert in the Journal of European History, January 1948) “It was in the Humber Estuary that William II’s English policy finally collapsed under the weight of its financial and political contradictions. From the moment that William elected to embark on an intervention in the British Isles, the question of naval support arose. While the majority of the troops organised by the Stadtholder were foreign origin, there was no question that the vessels transporting them would have to be Dutch- the question was, under whose auspices would they sail? William’s position was simple; any ship attached to the expedition was under his command in his capacity as Stadtholder. The States of Holland, for their part, demurred. As far as they were concerned, the English expedition was a private venture of the House of Orange, and any vessels accompanying the expedition were not on the official business of the Republic, but rather had been contracted to provide William a specific service. The haste with which the expedition was organised meant that this ambiguity was never properly resolved, and the masters of the vessels that landed Prince Rupert’s forces at Scarborough that June did so stressing their status as private contractors, rather than agents of the Dutch Government; a position was bolstered by the refusal of the States-General to declare war on the English rebels. To ensure the continued loyalty of the Hollanders, William sent Johan Van Banchem[11], an ardent Orangist who had impressed the Stadtholder in court, as his agent amongst the expedition’s fleet. Unfortunately for the Stadtholder, Van Banchem’s abrasive personality soon alienated the ships’ masters, and with their mission of transportation accomplished, few of the Hollanders had any desire to embark upon a blockade of the Thames Estuary, as Prince Rupert hoped[12]. By the end of June, only a handful of ships remained in Scarborough, induced to stay with the promise of rich pickings from merchantmen foolhardy enough to risk slipping up the Humber to offload their goods in besieged Kingston-upon-Hull. The commander of this rump squadron, Gerrit Veen[13], was, like most Hollanders, no supporter of the Stadtholder and considerably more sympathetic to the cause of the English Army than that of their King; while he was perfectly happy to prey on defenseless merchantmen, he also had no desire to get into a naval battle. Just such a naval battle, however, seemed to be in prospect on July 13th 1647, when the Dutch squadron encountered Thomas Rainsborough’s relief expedition at the mouth of the Humber. Instead, while the other ships nervously waited for an order to attack, an astonishing confrontation broke out on Veen’s command, the Hollandsche Tuyn. Veen, reluctant to engage, decided to withdraw, but Van Banchem attempted to overrule him, accusing him of being a traitor and a coward. The argument soon escalated; what precisely happened next remains unclear, but some sort of physical struggle evidently broke out on the Hollandsche Tuyn’s deck as Van Banchem tried to assume command and Veen’s men fought off what they saw as a mutiny. The altercation did not end well for Van Banchem. Whether he fell down from the poop-deck, as Veen’s defenders would later claim, or he was shot or stabbed as the Orangists alleged, the Stadtholder’s representative was killed, and the Dutch squadron allowed Thomas Rainsborough’s convoy to pass. Veen did all he could to hush up the incident; Van Banchem’s body was quietly dumped over the side before his squadron returned to Scarborough, and all members of the crew were sworn to secrecy. But secrets have a habit of being revealed, and it was not long before reports of Van Banchem’s death spread, first amongst the Royalists in Yorkshire, than eventually across the sea to the Republic. For the Stadholder, already furious with the truculence of the Hollanders, it provided the perfect cause célèbre…” (Taken from “Bloody Charles” by Michael Fraser, Free Press 1945) “For Charles, Thomas Rainsborough’s daring relief of Hull was more than a military setback; it was a personal humiliation. The King had been coordinating the siege of the city personally, and to see victory snatched away in such a fashion brought back uncomfortable memories of his role in the disastrous Longdon campaign. It also raised a series of more worrying concerns, principally financial; while the mercenary army provided by Stadtholder William augmented the King’s army considerably, the troops needed to be paid and little money seemed forthcoming from his son-in-law, whose money troubles were about to plunge him into open conflict with his creditors amongst the ‘Regents’ of Amsterdam. Charles had been hoping to sell the contents of Hull’s grain stores back to the rebels at an exorbitant rate[14]; without the ability to raise money in this fashion, there was the risk that his army might begin to fray around the edges. The King’s Hollander sea-captains had already proved untrustworthy; might the same be true of his German and Swedish sell-swords? All of this cannot have been helpful to the King’s mood, but the grossly provocative behaviour of the defenders proved the final straw. Under the leadership of the flamboyant Peregrine Pelham, morale in Hull’s garrison had been maintained by a series of acts of defiance; with the arrival of the radical Rainsborough and several hundred soldiers, most of whom were Agitators, the trend escalated. Rude messages and slogans were fired from the walls, and the campaign of provocation eventually came to a climax on July 20th, when a gigantic banner was raised above the city’s Beverly Gate. The ensign, painstakingly hand-stitched by the womenfolk of Hull over the past week, was a massive copy of Thomas Rainsborough’s personal ensign, featuring the slogan “salus populi suprema lex” (“Let the good of the people be the supreme law”) and a lovingly-rendered depiction of the King emerging, crown askew, from the Devil’s anus. Charles was known for his unflappable nature and good manners, but even he found such a gross insult difficult to ignore; William Prynne[15], the Presbyterian faction’s main representative in the King’s camp, later recalled that when the monarch saw the offensive banner aloft over Hull, he “started, then began to talk in a furious manner, speaking with so much passion and discomposure of mind as he had been distracted”. The King walked up and down for a time in a fury, kicking his feet and shouting, until he abruptly regained control of himself and, embarrassed, declared to those present, “Let no passion betray you to any study of revenge on those, whose own sin and folly will sufficiently punish in due time”. He then stalked away…” **** The Fox Inn Corfe, August 1647 Thomas Blood toyed with the empty flagon in his hand until his host sighed, and gestured for more drinks. The barmaid glowered at the pair, but eventually disappeared to the cellar; even here, in Royalist Corfe, the new arrivals were not exactly popular. “Tell me about this job,” Blood finally said, in broken French. The Comte D’Artagnan winced, and wondered why nobody in England could speak the language like a civilised person. “There is a man whose death I would like you to arrange,” he replied, forcing a smile, “and I was told that you were the man to talk to about such things.” Blood looked up at the Frenchman sharply. “If you want a man dead, hire a tough from the docks in Weymouth. I deal in intrigue, not murders.” D’Artagnan’s forced smile became genuine. A murderer with pretensions, how useful. “This, Captain Blood, is no ordinary target. Subtlety must be used. I do not want you to kill him- he must be brought in alive first.” There was a pause, as the barmaid brought a bottle of jenever and Blood poured two cups. “Who?” he asked, eventually. “The mad Prophet,” D’Artagnan began, sipping his drink. “My agents have determined that he is leading his rabble towards our region of operations. I cannot allow these madmen to disrupt our campaign. The townsfolk of the County are already largely opposed to us; the Prophet will stir up the peasantry. We are already having problems with jacquers- this issue must be nipped in the bud.” Blood raised an eyebrow and finished his cup before pouring another. “You say you want him alive.” The other man nodded. “Yes. A knife in the night will not serve our purposes. I want it known that we take seriously the King’s exhortation to restore order in his Kingdom. The arrest and public execution of the Prophet will not only solve a military problem, but will put the landowners of southern England in our debt- they are terrified that the peasants will murder them in the night and overthrow the enclosures.” There was an exhalation of breath. “Taking him alive will be a challenge,” Blood said, carefully. “I would need considerable resources. And appropriate payment.” The Frenchman waved his hand dismissively. “That goes without saying. I shall put a company of my best troops at your disposal. And to underline my hope that this will be a continuing relationship, I have an advance payment for you.” He leant down and pulled a foot-long piece of charcuterie from under the table. Blood looked puzzled. “You Frenchmen and your sausages…” D’Artagnan rolled his eyes. “This sausage has an unusual filling. A token of the Cardinal’s esteem. He knows you appreciate fine art; you are fond of Dutch masters, yes? Well rolled up inside, you will find Van Klomp’s Fallen Madonna, taken from his personal collection.” He grinned. “I pay all my agents with charcuterie, Captain. They are an excellent way of storing and moving valuable objects. And all the while, the English laugh at the eccentric Frenchman with his trunk full of sausages.” He finished his cup of jenever in one gulp and set it down on the table. “I shall expect your proposal for accomplishing this task in two weeks,” he said, making to leave, “and one last thing, Captain Blood. This operation matters to me, but not as much as it will matter to you. Delivering the Prophet merely proves your usefulness to me. If you are as good as I have heard, then afterwards, I shall give you your real mission.” Blood picked up the sausage gingerly. “A bigger target?” he called after the departing Frenchman. D’Artagnan turned as he reached the door. “The biggest.” _____________________________________________ [1] IOTL, Poyntz fought for the Parliamentarians in the first Civil War, and then rapidly found himself alienated from the New Model Army. While he never took up arms against the Army, Cromwell and Fairfax considered him a major threat and eventually intimidated him into fleeing the country in 1647. ITTL, his links with the Presbyterian faction is enough to get him appointed as Parliament’s commander in the North of England. [2] Just as IOTL, Monck has managed to change sides with considerable ease, shifting easily from command in the King’s Irish army to a senior position in Parliament’s northern army. As a moderate, he has no love for the New Model Army and the Agitators, although he will appreciate their military strength. [3] IOTL, Jones was a Welsh Parliamentarian and Independent who served with distinction in Cheshire and Lancashire during the First Civil War, and then, as leader of Parliamentary forces in Ireland between 1647 and 1649, laid most of the foundations for the Cromwellian Conquest. He was a highly talented soldier and personal friend of Cromwell who would have gone on to great things were it not for his premature death during the siege of Waterford in 1649. [4] Arthur Capell was a long-time supporter of the King, and IOTL fought in the First Civil War before being one of the principal organisers of the Second. He took Colchester for the King in 1648 and after surrendering to the New Model Army was executed the following year. [5] Pelham was Governor IOTL too, having signed the death warrant of his predecessor, John Hotham, for trying to surrender Hull to the Royalists. He is perhaps best known for being one of the signatories to King Charles’ death warrant. [6] This is particularly helpful for Hull, as given the surrounding terrain and contemporary prevalence of dikes any siege of the place will be highly similar to Dutch actions such as Venlo, Schenkenschans or Breda. [7] A similar exchange took place IOTL in 1643, between the defenders of Gloucester and their Royalist attackers. [8] This occurred IOTL too, although there Rainsborough was captured and ransomed. [9] IOTL in 1648, Rainsborough was briefly placed in command of the Navy, but proved so staggeringly unpopular that a mutiny ensued, quelled only by his rapid return to the ranks of the Army. [10] Sandhaile flats still exist today, but thanks to changing coastlines in the area it is now connected to the mainland, rather than a partially exposed offshore sandbank. [11] Van Banchem was a strong supporter of the Orangists IOTL, and was eventually the man who placed them back in a paramount position in the Dutch Republic; he was the prime mover in the conspiracy to kill the De Witt brothers. ITTL, as he’s a prominent Hollander supporter of the Stadtholder he’s a natural person to be sent along to keep tabs on Veen’s blockade of the Humber. [12] These captains correctly realise that more money is to be made supplying London with over-priced grain than preventing ships from making the journey. [13] Veen was a veteran seaman who had served at the Battle of the Downs in 1637. Little else is known about him but the views I ascribe to him were widely held amongst Amsterdamers in the period. [14] This might sound implausible, but this sort of thing happened quite a lot in the First Civil War OTL, where the Royalist army was partly bankrolled by food sales to grain merchants in Parliamentary London. [15] William Prynne was a leading Presbyterian and moderate whose pamphlets were a major thorn in Cromwell’s side during the Protectorate, and who eventually played a key role in the Restoration. ITTL he’s firmly on the side of the Engagers. Last edited by EdT; April 29th, 2012 at 01:46 PM.. |
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#809
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Here are two images to go with the chapter- the first, which you'll have seen before in smaller form, is a reproduction of Thomas Rainsborough's offensive infantry ensign;
![]() ...while the second is Wenceslas Hollar's panorama of Kingston-upon-Hull, c.1640. Note that in the view, "up" is East, not north- the River Hull flows southwards into the Humber and the city was first built on the west bank. Which reminds me, a fun fact about Hull- if you're from west of the river, you're posh and a "Hullensian", while if you're from east of the river, you're a rough "Hullite".... |
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#810
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Glad to see it's back, and I like the 'Allo 'Allo shout-out.
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Otherwise, welcome back! |
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#811
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It's good to be back- nice to finally have the time to write, too! And yes, I couldn't resist the Van Klomp reference. For everyone else, here's the painting Blood was given by D'Artagnan; IOTL, it's had a long and chequered (mostly sausage-based) history, and is currently in the late Marquess of Bath's personal art collection....
![]() How did I miss that? Thanks- have amended. |
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#812
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Good to see this up and running again! D'Artagnan and Colonel Blood plotting to take down the Mad Prophet? Can't wait to see how that turns out. If worst comes to worst, 'being executed by the king's French lackeys' may not be that much of a setback in the career of a British folk-hero...
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Last edited by Kaiphranos; April 29th, 2012 at 02:11 PM.. |
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#813
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Very nice, very nice.
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#814
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Excellent to see this back Ed! On fine form as well, with intrigue and other such fun.
I like Rainsborough's slogan, and his ensign even better. Hehe.
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#815
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Remember, Remember, the Third of October
A Tale of Treachery, War, Plots and Religion Updates every Saturday, Tuesday and Thursday |
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#816
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EdT
Great to see this back. Also, although some nasty developments its going a bit better for the good [or less bad ] guys. I was getting very concerned about Hull but sounds like it might hold now, possibly prompted a very costly and hopefully unsuccessful assault to drain the royalist resources. Also it sounds like the Dutch might be removed from the balance by their own civil war.Going to be interesting to see if Blood succeeds and if so what effect it has. I suspect the musket man may have mis-judged the reaction of the Prophet's followers. ![]() Still a lot of bloodshed ahead but you did hint the worst might be over for England shortly. Steve |
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#817
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Great to see this back and congrats on your continued success in finding hilarious references.
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#818
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Good to see this back and:
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and if a civil war breaks out in the Netherlands, I wonder who will win, Willem II the Stadtholder who seems to have used up a lot of political goodwill and personal cash or the regents of Holland who could propably buy his army out from under him. might not be as close as it was IOTL
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#819
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Glad people are so pleased to see this back- your comments always spur me on to write more…
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Hull is likely to hold for the foreseeable future, which gives the King a strategic headache similar to that faced by the Earl of Newcastle in 1643; does he hang around to finish the siege or does he leave troops there and march southwards with the bulk of his army? The Dutch have their own problems, it’s true, but if the Stadtholder suddenly has problems closer to home, he’s not going to be able to get his army back, given that his enemies were the ones who shipped it over to Britain in the first place. Which means that if Charles can’t afford to pay his mercenaries, there are an awful lot of pissed-off soldiers of fortune hanging around the place… Quote:
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#820
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A good update EdT.
And I now have the phrase "Allo for one..." in my head ![]() |
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