The Protestant Duke Goes East 2.0

[Antipater]

Hello all. Below is a rehashing of my first TL. It will center around James Scott, Duke of Monmouth, and the effect of a few different decisions on his part.

I will rely upon Macualay's History of England, and another 19th century work called The Life of the Duke of Monmouth by George Roberts. I also have drawn inspiration from Neal Stephenson's Baroque Cycle, which may be apparent in some of my characterizations.

Eventually I would like to move in the direction of mixing live action (Third person omniscient) narration with a few ATL 19th century sources, like some of the best TLs on the site I have read.

I welcome all comments, corrections, and criticism.

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February 21, 1685. The Hague, Republic of the United Netherlands


James Scott, Duke of Monmouth, natural son of Charles II of England, Scotland and Ireland, had recovered quickly from the news of his father’s death. He had learnt of the event the night before from his cousin William III, Prince of Orange, and had been overwhelmed by grief. In an instant James had lost not only his father, but also all prospects of returning home to his property and titles. He had wept bitterly that night, lamenting fate and his unfortunate position. By the next morning however, when the Prince of Orange invited him to the Binnenhof, he was composed and ready to discuss business.

The Prince and the Duke exchanged pleasantries. The Prince was his usual stern self, and spoke without much change in his demeanor; indeed he scarcely showed any emotion at all during the best of times. Now, he was, if possible even more grave than usual when he spoke to James. With the death of Charles II and the ascension of James II, Monmouth could no longer stay in The Hague.

“Our Uncle [James II],” said the Prince of Orange, “regards you as a fugitive. He views your refusal to offer testimony against those who plotted to overthrow the lawful government of England to be evidence of your complicity in their scheme. Now I agree with you that you uncle has taken things out of proportion. After all, it is not conceivable that you would have been party to a plot to assassinate your own dear father? Nevertheless, as our uncle is now King of England, his opinion carries with it great weight. I cannot be seen as harboring a fugitive from his justice. That means that you are going to have to leave The Hague very soon. For though I would never protect a fugitive from my father-in-law’s justice, I cannot very well turn over a person I cannot locate, can I?”

James took this announcement passively. In so many words the Prince was banishing him from his sight, while only hinting at his true feelings on the matter. James had a disquieting feeling while watching the Prince that he could maintain the same even tone of voice and dispassionate gaze ordering him to the scaffold, or bestowing a kingdom on him for that matter. The man was a cold fish!

“Now that we have that out of the way,” continued the Prince, “We must consider your next course of action. Of course you would never even consider launching a rebellion against our uncle from my territory. Because you are going to leave the Netherlands forthwith, and not sully yourself with those odious exiles and plotters who have taken refuge in my lands. Now, what options are you now left with? You can no longer skate in the canals and dance at balls waiting for a pardon to come any day from your generous father. Instead you should consider the best application of your, shall we say, professional talents.”

What talents James possessed outside of the bedroom and the ballroom were almost exclusively to be found on the field of battle. Though he had proven to be a second-rate conspirator, he had left England with a reputation as one of that nation’s finest soldiers. Since the age of fourteen he had held the some of the highest commands in the kingdom. He had been in command of the English deployment at the Siege of Maastricht. He had fought the great Duc de Luxembourg to a draw at St. Denis. In every battle he had fought he had been noted for his courage under fire and fierce resolution.

“Now James, think, where in Christendom are you most needed outside of England? I believe the answer is Austria, which even now is fighting to drive the infidel Turks from their lands. Think of it. Even after his defeat at Vienna the Grand Turk can still field hundreds of thousands of Mohammedans and slave soldiers. He poses a threat to all of Europe. All the nations of Europe are united in opposing him save the allegedly Christian King of France, who arms the Turks and their Hungarian confederates. Bavarians, Bohemians, Poles, Prussians and Saxons, they all fight under the banner of the Cross against the Turk.

The Archduke of Austria and Holy Roman Emperor Leopold seeks the services of all Christians in his fight. He would welcome a renowned warrior such as yourself in his ranks, and you would join thousands of English and Scottish soldiers who have already enlisted in his service. James Scott, I believe you should take up the cross and join the fight against the infidel in the east.”

Monmouth listened to this advice attentively, though without any obvious enthusiasm. “Thank you for your advice, my Lord cousin. I will take all that you have said into consideration as I prepare to depart your fair lands. In the meantime I promise to take no action against my dear uncle. I would never dream of endangering the foreign relations of the Republic, my home away from home, by preparing a rebellion against my uncle in this country,” said Monmouth. Neither man took his words very seriously, though William would be sure to convey them to James II in London in order to maintain appearances, and to insulate himself in the event that James was lying.


The Prince of Orange responded by wishing him well, and promising to earnestly recommend him to the Emperor. He also promised the Duke a gift to defray his expenses when he departed The Hague.

After the Duke left William’s presence he soon returned to his quarters to contemplate his future. On the one hand he had to consider the daily entries of the English exiles, led by the conspiring Scot Robert Ferguson, to join their cause and raise a rebellion against his uncle. They had been pressing him to join them for months, but he had rebuffed them, confident that his father would eventually grant him a full pardon. Now that Charles II was dead, their counsel seemed more appealing. His other options were to go east to Vienna and enlist in the Emperor’s forces against the Turks. Alternatively, he could abandon his pursuit of fortune and glory and resign himself to a life of leisure. He could tour Europe with his beloved mistress Lady Wentworth, starting with a voyage to Stockholm.

As he weighed his options, the Lady Wentworth returned to their quarters. Henrietta Wentworth was his current mistress, the love of his life, and, in his eyes his lawful wife in the sight of God. The Lady had sacrificed a good marriage to abscond with the married Duke, and James had rewarded her with his complete affection, going so far as to almost completely disregard his own wife and their five children. Lady Wentworth had his entire heart, and as a result was a great influence on the mercurial Duke.

When the conversation turned to the Duke’s next course of action, Henrietta at first demurred. But a chance run-in with the Austrian Legate to Holland earlier that day had planted an image in her mind of the sophistication and the wealth of the Austrian Hapsburgs.* The Freiherr, with his twirling mustachios and jeweled small sword had cut a very fine figure. He had regaled the ladies of the court in perfect French with tales of the opulent castles and the fine operas that could be enjoyed in and around Vienna. And wealth! Apparently the Turkish armies traveled around with camels loaded with gold and spices, which they abandoned whenever they lost a battle, which they had done very often of late.

The urbane, witty Austrian stood in sharp contrast to the nearby group of English exiles, poorly dressed, conversing furtively of lost homes and estates. And that just described the exiled men of quality. More disturbing were the republicans in their midst, a collection of Protestant fanatics and former Cromwellian soldiers like the one eyed Richard "Hannibal" Rumbold who prowled around with the restless energy of a caged beast.

If Vienna was well represented by the Freiherr, then perhaps Austria was not the war-torn backwater she had always imagined it to be. After all, the Archduke of Austria was Holy Roman Emperor, a king of kings like the great Caesar. And like the Roman Emperor, the Holy Roman Emperor’s domains were vast. She remembered from her tutor that his domains stretched from the border of France to Poland. Surely the capital of such a vast empire was a prosperous place. Who knew how long she would have to scurry about the Netherlands with the exiles before returning to England? The late King had spent almost ten years in exile before the opportunity to return home presented himself. Austria sounded like a fantastic place where dreams and fortunes might be realized.

Therefore, when the Duke continued to question her about her advice for him, she answered, “My love, I suppose that your cousin, Prince William is correct. Austria is surely the best destination for us at this time. Who know what you would have to do to return to England, and what kind of a reception would await us there? We would have a fine time in Austria. And if you must fight, you may as well do so in the name of our Savior against the Mohammedans.”

At this reply James was speechless. He had always believed that nothing would please his love more than seeing the crown of England on his head. He had been incorrect. Did his lady really want to see Austria, and be the mistress of a great crusader? Or did even his mistress perceive that his plan to take the throne of England was rash?

The Lady’s doubt about the wisdom of returning to England caused the Duke to go over in his mind the advice of his fellow exiles in the Netherlands. The lofty rhetoric of that fiery Scot Ferguson, the optimistic predictions of Lord Grey and the stern confidence of Hannibal Rumbold all counseled him land in England as soon as possible, and to march on London to depose the new Popish King. Both the Lords of the Land and the common man were opposed to the new Catholic monarch; surely they would flock to the banner of the late King’s most prominent son.

There was of course the issue of his birth, but the Duke had always believed that his mother, Lucy Walter had entered into a lawful marriage with the King by the time of his birth. She had told him so from the earliest days of his childhood, and sworn it on her deathbed. His confederates were not too disposed to doubt him. Base rumors about his legitimacy would of course end the moment he set foot in St. Paul’s Cathedral to be crowned the rightful King. William I had been William le Bâtard before he had vindicated his right to the throne on the field of battle!

But between the Duke and the crown were formidable political and military obstacles that were quite apparent to James. Monmouth had personally commanded professional English soldiers against foes foreign and domestic He had a keen understanding of how battles were fought and wars were won on the Continent. But it was his most recent command that was the most pertinent in his mind at this critical juncture: the Battle of Bothswell Bridge in Scotland. Heavily outnumbered, and facing an enthusiastic foe of Scottish Covenanters revolting against the Episcopal policies of his father, Monmouth had been able to easily put the rebels to flight and crush their nascent rebellion. James had no wish to be on the wrong side in a contest between the rabble and the professional line infantry fielded by the crown.

The project suggested to him by his fellow English and Scottish exiles left him in great danger of doing just that. Letters were all they could show him as proof of his popular support in England, and how the people despised James II. Gold, arms and men were sorely lacking. The only men whose support he could rely upon were a few dozen English and Scottish malcontents armed with nothing more formidable than a few thousand pounds sterling and their quill pens. It was true that among these few dozen men were some renowned Cromwellian soldiers, successful generals and Lords temporal from both England and Scotland.

But James II, sitting at the Court of St. James could call on regiments of trained infantry and cavalrymen. His kingdoms were protected by formidable fleet of frigates and ships-of-the-line. He could likely rely upon the aid of the King of France as well. Against these forces James Scott would have to rely upon his ability to inspire a popular revolt against his uncle. To land in England would be to stake his life on the fickle English masses.

His life would necessarily depend on the masses because there was simply no possibility that a sufficient force could be raised in the Netherlands to wage war in England. They lacked men, the muskets to arm them with, the ships to transport them in and the money to pay for them. James Scott and the exiles would land with no more than a few cannons and horses, along with whatever supply of muskets and gunpowder they could scrape together. They would depend upon a strong turnout of volunteers, and liberal donations of gold and arms.

Even if their hope for a popular rising materialized, it still might not be enough to ensure their success. Without a defection of at least some of the king’s regiments, Monmouth doubted they had a snowball’s chance in hell. The King could muster six trained regiments of foot and six regiments of horse. Each trained soldier was worth ten, if not twenty militia or volunteers in Monmouth’s eyes. Monmouth had little faith that any number of English peasants could stand against a disciplined line of infantry trained to fire two to three volleys of lead a minute on a field of battle.

The aid of the Scottish exiles did not much improve the plan in Monmouth’s eyes. Archibald Campbell, Earl of Argyle had a plan for bringing down James II. That plan involved a landing in Scotland on his own. Where he was to land, and what he was to do once he landed were details he was unwilling to divulge to James Scott, or anyone else it seemed. Any attempt to discuss strategy with him was either met by stony silence, or flashes of anger. James could not decide whether or not the Earl even had a plan, or if he just did not trust him. Neither possibility boded well for the success of an enterprise that would depend on their mutual cooperation.

The more James thought of the exiles’ plans, the less he thought of them. He was willing to risk his life in battle, but that did not mean that he was interested in throwing it away. If he failed he would gain nothing more than a reputation just another would-be bastard usurper. If he was going to fall in battle it should be for a cause that would ensure his eternal glory, not brand him with ignominy.

“Henrietta, my darling,” said Monmouth as he came to a decision, “I believe you are absolutely correct. The time is not yet right for us to return to England. I will win further victories in your name my lady, but in the east…for now.”



February 22, 1685. The Hague, Republic of the United Netherlands


The next morning the Duke met with Prince William III for last time before leaving The Hague. He earnestly informed his cousin that he accepted his advice, and that he wished to make for Vienna with all possible haste. Prince William III had expected such a response from the Duke, even if the Duke did not mean a word of it. He was surprised, however by the Duke’s seeming enthusiasm for the enterprise, and wished him well. When the Duke left his presence he was handed a fat purse of a thousand guilders to speed him on his way. He met briefly with his cousin Mary on the way out, she seemed rather upset by his decision, and tears sprinkled down her cheeks as he exited the palace. William did not take note of this; he was already preoccupied with his own thoughts.

___

The Prince of Orange smiled as the Duke exited his chambers. It was rare for William to smile, but this had been a successful morning. If Monmouth was true to his word, then the Prince had disposed of a potential irritant quite cheaply. William had little interest in Monmouth rebelling against his uncle. Certainly the prospect of a Protestant-ruled England allied with the Netherlands would be quite welcome, but the risk of backing Monmouth was simply too great. Anything less than a complete Monmouth victory would incur the enmity of James II towards the Netherlands, and push him away from the grand alliance William was organizing against France. William was not willing to gamble on Monmouth when a loss would endanger his ambition of stopping French hegemony over Europe.

If he could not aid Monmouth’s enterprise, he preferred not risk thwarting it either. William planned on becoming King of England one day, and it would be a severe blot on his reputation if he were to arrest the “Protestant Duke” and turn him over to his uncle, and possible execution. Rounding up and arresting the other exiles would have a similar effect. That left William in a very frustrating position: he could only attempt to influence Monmouth, and would be forced to react to his decision. Fortunately William had been able to maneuver Monmouth into taking the course of action least troublesome to him, as he had intended all along. If his ally Emperor Leopold benefitted from that course of action, so much the better!

With luck, William thought, he could pry James out of Louis XIV’s orbit and into the emerging alliance against French expansionism. After all, the Pope and the Holy Roman Emperor were opposed to the Sun King and allies of William. The new King’s Catholicism did preclude an alliance with the Protestant Netherlands. Besides, in addition to good foreign policy, an alliance against France would be popular with the English people, and if the new King had an ounce of sense he would go to great lengths to dispel his subject’s belief that he was an agent of France and Popery.

And if James II did not do exactly that, William would take his throne. He was third in line of succession in his own right, but would de facto inherit it when the King died, as his wife Mary was the next in line to the throne. His wife believed it was her Christian duty to obey her husband, she would scarcely attempt to rule independently of him!

In addition to the prerequisite legitimate blood, he also had at his disposal a well trained army and probably the most powerful navy on earth to support his claim to the English Throne. He had cultivated relationships with some of the most prominent personages in England, and was known throughout the land as a champion of Protestantism. If James II stood in the way of his destiny of defeating Louis XIV, he would take his kingdom, and if necessary his life.

With that thought, William called for his trusty page Arnold van Keppel.

“Arnold dear boy, inform my royal father-in-law of Monmouth’s departure from The Hague. Assure him that his nephew will depart my country to the court of Emperor Leopold. Remind him that his English and Scottish regiments will always be at his service in the event of any problems, foreign or domestic. And do not forget to congratulate him on his upcoming coronation.”

As he watched his handsome page take down notes to compose a letter from his Prince, William smiled. Not at the sight of his servant’s natural beauty, but rather at how utterly predictable were the members of the House of Stuart, and how easily he would get them to dance to his tune, or knock them off the stage. The choice was theirs, but the outcome would be exactly as he wanted.

______

James Scott smiled as he departed the Binnenhof. The purse he indiscreetly carried with him would ensure a comfortable journey east for him and his entourage. He would fight Turks in the east and earn himself a reputation of a crusader. But the war would not last forever, and he fully intended his journey east to only defer his eventual return home. In the meantime James II was welcome to contend with the exiles and unrest in the three kingdoms. The last English Catholic monarch had been Mary I over a century ago, and everyone remembered how successful that had been! Eventually he would alienate the wrong men, and face a full blown rebellion like his father before him. The Prince of Orange doubtless believed that the Kingdom would then just fall to him like an overripe fruit.

“William, dear cousin, you are deceived if you think you have rid yourself of me for all times with this purse,” thought Monmouth to himself. “I may fall in battle against the infidel, but as long as I survive I will never forget my birthright. And you will not take it from me.”



March 3, 1685. Amsterdam, Republic of the United Netherlands

None of the exiles had taken James announcement very well. They attempted to dissuade him from his new course with protestations of their loyalty to him, optimistic predictions about victory being easily within his grasp, and hints that his unwillingness to join them was due to some deficiency in his character. None dared to speak the word “coward,” not even Ferguson, who was always quite bold with his words. But they had implied it as much as they dared without coming out and saying it. Apparently none of them wished to risk having to defend themselves with their foppish small swords.

Archibald Campbell, Earl of Argyle had no such reservation. The man had a basket-hilted claymore at his side when he was about. No gentlemen would leave his home unarmed, but for many their sword was as much a fashion accessory as a deadly weapon. Wearing a less stylish weapon was as statement that the carrier was more concerned with his sword as the later. And claymores were not much in style outside of the Scottish Highlands. A man confident of his swordsmanship could be more free with his words in the presence of other armed men.

“So you have revealed yourself as a coward at last,” said Argyle when James had finished his announcement. “Just like your fop of a father. All brave talk until it comes to actually risking the shedding of your own blood. The Earl of Montrose was as loyal to your father as a dog; he suffered him to lose his head when he proved unsuccessful in order to ally with my father! I fought for Charles at Worcester against the Parliamentarians, and when the battle went south your father ran like a woman. I see the apple has not fallen far from the tree. I will not shed my blood and the blood of my kinsmen for a bastard who is unwilling to willing to…”

Argyle would have continued, but Monmouth interrupted him by starting to draw his rapier. As the blade was over three feet long this motion took a few seconds to complete, which was enough time for Argyle to notice, and flip over the nearest table in his direction. This distracted James long enough for Argyle to draw his claymore by the time James had his rapier in hand. As the two men glared at each other and threateningly, one of the Scots, Andrew Fletcher, stepped between them.

“Enough! The Duke has made it clear that he does not wish to participate in our enterprise. The Earl has assented to his decision. This meeting can adjourn; let us depart to our own quarters. I need not remind anyone that dueling is punishable by death within the city limits.” Fletcher spoke with enough resolution to give both men pause. They lowered, but did not sheath their swords as they walked towards exits at the opposite ends of the room. The atmosphere lightened as they were crowded around by their respective entourages.

James fumed as he walked out of the alehouse and stepped out onto the streets of Amsterdam. He had no doubt in his ability to gut that arrogant Scot. He had been trained by the French King’s own fencing instructor, and it would give him great pleasure to spill Argyle’s guts. The only reason he did not demand satisfaction from that accursed Scot and do just that was that slaying the chief of Clan Campbell, and a peer of Scotland would cause him too many problems down the road. Argyle could wait.

“To Hell with Argyle,” said James as he walked back to the apartments he was living in during his stay in Amsterdam. “I’ll be in Austria soon enough. When I am crowned King of England I’ll have him beheaded on the Scottish Maiden, just like his father before him!”


April 2, 1685. Amsterdam, Republic of the United Netherlands.


James Scott gazed at the busy harbor of Amsterdam from the quarterdeck of the brig he had embarked upon. Dozens of square rigged Fluyts and East Indiamen crossed the harbor, waiting to sail for the east, or to returning home laden with spices. By his side was his lady Henrietta, who looked back at the city distractedly, doubtless wondering when she might return.

James and about a dozen of his followers were sailing for Cuxhaven. They would disembark at that city briefly before boarding another ship that would taken them down the Elbe to Dresden. From Dresden they would ride to Pressburg where they would join the Imperial Army under the Duke of Lorraine. Henrietta would remain at Court, while James would take a command befitting his station. If all went according to plan he would be in the Duke of Lorraine’s camp by May to join the spring campaign.

As he looked out over the harbor, James considered his actions over the past few weeks. He had met with a few of the English exiles in an attempt to smooth things over with them before his departure. He could have need of their services in the future. Aside from some die-hards, it seemed that most of them were resigned to remaining in exile in the Netherlands since they lacked a credible figurehead to lead their efforts. But those who had not given up appeared to have thrown in their lot with Argyle.

He had not run into Argyle again since their last meeting, but he had heard about what he was up to. The Earl had already purchased a frigate, and James had heard rumors that he was buying up muskets and gunpowder from anyone who would sell to him. True to his word, the Earl appeared set on landing in Scotland with his followers, and opposing his enemy James II. The Earl was a fool. The power of the clans was in the past, in the modern world power lay in holding cities and trade routes, in regiments of foot, not septs! Good riddance to him and all the fools who chose to follow him!

The three kingdoms would be his. They would not long remain under the rule of his Papist uncle. Neither his two daughters, nor their Dutch and Danish husbands would have them either. If he returned to his homeland, it would be at the head of a devoted band of followers, well armed and well supplied, not a quarrelsome band of conspirators!

“To Hell with them all,” said James to no one in particular. “After I have sent enough Turks to hell they will come crawling back to me. The three kingdoms will welcome me with open arms when they have had enough of my uncle’s misrule. And none of his foreign son in laws will stop me.”

To be continued.


__________________________________________________ _____
*This is the POD. Macaulay records that the Duke was very uncertain about joining the exiles, but it was the desire of his mistress to see him wearing the crown of England that proved decisive. ITTL, a chance run-in has caused her to offer different advice.

[Shawn Endresen]

Good to see this taken up again.

[Chris S]

Minor point, but wasn't James II the uncle of William III of Orange as well? So wouldn't he have said "Our uncle" instead of "your uncle"?

[Antipater]

Originally Posted by Chris S

Minor point, but wasn't James II the uncle of William III of Orange as well? So wouldn't he have said "Our uncle" instead of "your uncle"?

You are completely correct: William II of Orange married Mary, daughter of Charles I of England, and sister of James II, in 1641. William III was their posthumous son. William III in turn married James II's daughter Mary in 1677.

I will go back and change a few references from "your uncle" to "our uncle." Thanks!

Below is a full Family Tree of the House of Stuart IOTL. It excludes all royal bastards such as Monmouth, however. He was born in 1649 to Lucy Walter, an exiled Welsh noblewoman. Other illegitimate children will come up, when they do I will try to incorporate their year of birth, and parentage.

Relevant ITTL up to 1685:



Reference: http://www.britroyals.com/stuart.htm

[Antipater]

April 9, 1685. London, Kingdom of England


James, lately Duke of York, sat in his chambers in the Palace of Whitehall reviewing the latest intelligence from his agents in Holland while awaiting an ambassador. Though not yet formally crowned, James had begun to exercise his authority as king from the moment that his brother had passed on February 6th. The first order of business after arranging his departed brother’s funeral had been in securing his new throne against all opponents of his reign. Being a Catholic in an overwhelmingly Protestant kingdom meant that his opponents were numerous. Conveniently for James they were a rather diverse crowd, and could be divided into several groups.

The first group of opponents to be dealt with was those closest in geographical proximity. Those would be the men of the “Country Party” (sometimes referred to as Whigs) who had opposed his succession to the English Throne. Those arrogant successors of the Round-heads believed that the Parliament, a mere earthly assembly of men could deny his divine right of succession! His brother had thwarted their legal efforts to exclude him from the throne, which had led to a division in the ranks of the Whigs between those who resigned themselves to James’ succession as king, and those who decided to take more radical action.

Those Whigs who remained in London posed no real threat to James. A few might continue to print libelous pamphlets denouncing their new King, but most were pragmatic, some would say unprincipled men who would try to make the best out of the new situation. One such former Whig was Robert Spence, Earl of Sunderland who currently served the realm as Secretary of State for the Southern Department.*

More worrying were those Whigs exiled in the Netherlands, James’ second group of opponents. Deprived of any legal solution to what they viewed as a grave threat to their liberty and religion, some Whigs had conspired to assassinate James and his brother, the King. Their conspiracy had been detected, and the chief plotters had gone to the scaffold, or went into exile in the Netherlands. One of those who had gone into exile had been his brother’s bastard son James Scott, the Duke of Monmouth. Though he had initially cooperated in the investigation into the conspiracy, he had later decided to flee rather than obey a subpoena to testify against the other conspirators.

The third group of opponents were the English radicals. These were Puritans, Presbyterians and other Nonconformists who opposed the established religion, and by default the monarchy that supported it. There were also the die-hard republicans who opposed the monarchy, and wished to establish some kind of republic or neo-Cromwellian state in its stead.

Finally there were his family’s Scottish opponents. They were a mix of radical Presbyterians called the Covenanters, and overambitious lords who had run afoul of James personally. The Covenanters lacked even a nominal leader, while the later group coalesced around the exiled Earl of Argyle.

James believed that he could safely ignore the first group of his opponents for the time being. They may harbor traitorous designs, but they were too timid to act on them for the time being. The third group of his opponents did not greatly worry him either. They may be his implacable enemies, but they had opposed his brother before him and never posed much of a threat. The Puritans were too busy finding secret meeting places and living godly lives to be good conspirators. Many of the most ardent had immigrated to the colonies. The Republicans were simply too few attempt anything more than the occasional conspiracy. Their leaders were old, or dying, and the next generation was living in exile, or earnestly attempting to forget any link to the traitorous actions of their ancestors.

It was the second group of his opponents that had worried him the most until recently. They appeared to be organized and determined, and to possess a natural leader in the exiled Duke of Monmouth. Fortunately they seemed to have lost their leader recently, as James had it from reliable sources that his nephew planned to travel east and fight the Turk. His son-in-law and nephew William III had been assuring him of Monmouth's surprising, but he had not believed it until he had received confirmation from trusty sources in Amsterdam that the Duke had indeed sailed for the Empire. Leaderless, James doubted the exiles had the audacity to challenge him.

That left his Scottish opponents. The Covenanters, the most martial of all the Monarchy’s religious opponents had been quite for the last seven years since their last revolt had been crushed. The Earl of Argyle, on the other hand was most definitely planning something in the Netherlands. This did not worry James greatly. His ancestors may have feared the Chiefs of Clan Campbell, but now that the House of Stuart was based securely in England they did not pose so great a threat. But James was not taking any chances; complacency had cost his father his crown and his head. James did not intend to repeat his mistakes.

Unlike his father, who could only count on the fidelity of his Beefeaters** and a few poorly paid companies of Pike, James could proudly command six regiments of foot, and six regiments of cavalry now that the Tangier Regiments*** had returned to England. Unlike his father’s troops these men were well trained and regularly paid, and thus could probably be relied upon to enforce his rule. James intended to reform and to enlarge the army as soon as he had the means to do so, but for now he believed his forces to be adequate.

The reason James did not have the means to expand his forces was his lack of finances. Unlike most crowned heads, the English Monarch could not levy taxes on his own; he required the permission of the Parliament to do so. And getting money from Parliament was often more difficult that squeezing money from a stone, since they always insisted on imposing conditions to their revenues, which often included intolerable restrictions on the royal prerogative. And unlike his brother, who had haggled with Parliament over exchanging revenues for royal prerogative like a common merchant, James did not intend to surrender his divinely granted power to the Parliament.

The only way to avoid Parliament’s odious dictates was to raise funds without going through Parliament. Other than the revenues from the Crown estates, which only amounted to a few hundred thousand pounds a year, the only way to raise money was to receive “subsidies” from foreign courts. Which was why, at this moment, James was meeting with the ambassador of King Louis XIV of France.

“Please convey to your royal master,” said James, “my gratitude and attachment. I know that without his protection I can do nothing. I know what troubles my brother brought on himself by not adhering steadily to France. Rest assured that I will not make such a mistake in my reign. For I fully understand that the interests of your master and my own are the same. Assure my royal cousin that his most generous gift could not have been better disposed of. Let him know also that We no longer consider our obligations to Spain to defend the Spanish Netherlands to be binding.”

Whatever Lord Danby and his brother had believed ten years ago, James had no plans to go to war on behalf of Spain’s idiot King. If Spain was not strong enough to hold what it owned, they why should England fight to preserve it? The treaty had been bad policy when it was signed, and James felt no obligation to uphold it now that he was King.

“I will convey that message to my King, your grace,” answered Paul Barillon d’Amoncourt graciously. “My King greatly sympathizes with your political situation, and will always stand ready to assist his friend, especially against your traitorous subjects in the Seven Provinces, and at home. My colleague in the Seven Provinces reports that, though they attempt to conceal it, they are purchasing ships and arms and in anticipation of some mischief.”

“We await the traitors’ next move with keen anticipation,” replied James. “We have taken adequate measures against any possible rebellion. We have dispatched the Marquess of Athol [Chief of Clan Murray] and his men to chastise Argyle and the whole lot of his Campbells. Closer to home we have the Earl of Feversham, cousin of the great Turenne marshaling my regiments of Dragoons and Foot. Kindly inform my royal cousin that We are quite secure against all domestic opposition.

Thank you for your time Ambassador. This audience has concluded.”

____

As the Ambassador departed, James privately seethed. He felt like a whore, abasing himself before the French, but he needed the million livres [about £75,000] that the ambassador had brought as a “gift” from his master. Without French subsidies he would be entirely at the mercy of Parliament to pay his troops, and more importantly his fleet. But, though he would accept Louis’ gold, he would never suffer foreign troops in his country. James was confident that his lieutenants could deal with any unrest in England or Scotland.

In Scotland he was confident that the Marquess of Athol and his highlanders of Clan Murray would harry the Campbell septs enough to ensure that the men would not dare take up arms should their chief return. If the Marquess and Clan Murray did not prove up to task of keeping down Clan Campbell, they had plenty of other Highland rivals he could rely upon. Clans McDonald, MacGregor and MacDougall would leap at the opportunity to spill the blood of their longtime rivals. Unlike his brother, who had taken minimal interest in Scottish politics, James was very well acquainted with the political situation in Scotland and the Highlands in particular. He would not allow things to get out of hand there; disorder in Scotland had set off the chain of events that led to the English Civil War and the Interregnum.

Needing a diversion from this business of state James decided to pay a visit to his mistress, Catherine Sedley. Catherine had never been considered beautiful, but James had always valued her for her wit and candor, her Protestantism notwithstanding. She was getting on in years, and James had begun eying other woman of the Court, but she had recently born him a son. James had christened the boy James Darnely. Even though he was not legitimate James planned on taking an active interest in the boy as he had in his other natural children.

James FitzJames, his son by Arabella Churchill, there was a lad! Only fifteen years old, and holding a command under the Duke of Lorraine. When had read his son’s last letter, in which he had described a successful skirmish against some Sipahis near some castle in Hungary his heart had warmed with pride. If only there was some way that boy could inherit, instead of his heretic daughter and son-in-law.

“If only Mary could give me a son that would survive for more than a few year,” James said to himself quietly as he walked down the halls, attended only by his footmen. “God knows that I am capable of fathering healthy sons. But not one of the six sons my two wives have given me has survived childhood. Is He punishing me for my sins?”

So wondered James, soon to crowned King of England, Ireland and Scotland as he prepared to commit another act of adultery.

______________________________


*At this time the position of Secretary of State was divided between North and South. North dealt with the mostly Protestant nations of Northern Europe as well as Northern England and Scotland. South dealt with Southern England Wales, Ireland, the Colonies, and relations with the Roman Catholic and Muslim states of Europe. Needless to say, South was the more senior position.
**The Yeomen of the Guard. Even in the 17th century their role was largely ceremonial, but they were still expected to accompany the monarch into battle.
***England gained Tangier when Charles II married Catherine of Braganza. The Port was meant to secure England’s control of the Mediterranean, but the Moroccan Sultan Moulay Ishmael besieged it until England was forced to withdraw in 1684, mostly due to the high cost of defending the Port. However the regiments raised for its defense were not disbanded, and returned to England to serve the King closer to home.

To be continued.

All comments are welcome.

[Antipater]

April 23, 1685. Rotterdam, Republic of the United Netherlands


Archibald Campbell, ninth Earl of Argyle and chief of Clan Campbell stood at the head of a table in a private room rented out in alehouse. Seated around him were the English and Scottish exiles that retained their nerve after the flight of the coward James Scott. Campbell had nothing but contempt for the cowardly Duke of Monmouth. He should never have expected anything better from a Stuart. The whole family was nothing but a bunch of jumped-up, frenchified lowlanders, the lot of them. Good riddance to Monmouth!

Though Argyle damned Monmouth in public, he was beginning to understand why he had been unwilling to throw in his lot with the English exiles. They were a pretentious bunch of conniving conspirators, with hardly any military experience between them. Pamphleteers and soft, foppish gentlemen who probably couldn’t even lift a proper claymore made up the majority. The only real men amongst them that Argyle felt comfortable relying upon were the former Cromwellian soldiers, which was quite ironic since he had fought against a good number of them during the civil war. They at least had the sense to not attempt to dictate military strategy to their general!

But the character of the English exiles did not worry him the most. Their irresolution did. There had always been some among them that counseled deliberation, and had resisted the urges of the more eager members to take immediate action. They said that time would only improve their position and erode James II’s, and that given a few more months they could gain the firm allegiance of Dukes, Earls and Viscounts to ensure the success of their enterprise.

These cautious men were violently opposed by those who believed that it was imperative to strike immediately. They held up letters by John Wilders and Henry Danvers which urged them to immediately land in London or the Western counties and lead the popular uprising that would immediately ensue. No sooner would they have to land and declare their opposition to James II than would the people rise up, organize themselves into militias and overwhelm the few thousand soldiers that James could count on.

The Scots exiles were almost as bad. Patrick Hume and John Cochrane were the worst sort of gentlemen philosophers. They believed that because they had studied natural philosophy and the law they were suited to make political decisions. They could make fine speeches full of classical references and rhetorical flourishes, but were short on specifics. Along with the rest of the Scottish exiles not attached to the Earl’s household they believed that they should focus on rallying the lowlands to their cause. They would countenance a short foray into the Highlands, but no more. As much as the Earl admired their resolution, he was unsure of their judgment. The lowlands were full of men who opposed the King and his Episcopal policies, but would they flock to the banner of Argyle and the exiles? The others thought so, but Argyle was not sure.

Argyle was beginning to feel that the lofty title of “Captain-General” was an empty one. They wanted him for a lackey, not a leader. An impressive figure, with a name and reputation to inspire men, but one who would ultimately fall in line, that was what they wanted. Argyle might have consented to play that role, if he believed that if he was going to be part of a successful enterprise. But lately he had begun to experience grave doubts about the feasibility of the exiles’ plans. If their plan was a surefire success, how could they so violently disagree with each other.
The meeting opened with a speech by his obnoxious countryman Ferguson. For an allegedly Scottish clergyman, he spent far too much time in alehouses plotting with unscrupulous Englishmen to claim any sort of priestly character. Yet he was quick to call down the might of the Almighty, freely Old Testament references with blasphemy in his speech.

“James at this moment sits on his throne in London. O’er Scotland rules an acolyte of the Whore of Babylon. Do not suppose for a moment that the prelacy that he imposes over the god-fearing is anything less than Popery in sheep’s clothes. We must hasten to pull him down from his throne like we did his ungodly father. May the dogs lap up his blood like they did the unrighteous Ahab!” Ferguson paused to take a breathe. “And every moment we spend in the Netherlands is a moment wasted. The people groan under tyranny of popery, prelacy and tyranny. They will flock to the banner of the righteous when we land. Like the walls of Jericho the entire edifice of royal misgovernment will come tumbling down when we sound the righteous trumpet of rebellion!”

“My countryman speaks optimistically,” said replied Argyle, already a bit heated. “Though I have no doubt that the government of James II is rotten, I believe it will take more than trumpets to bring it down. It will take fighting men. Clan Campbell can provide those fighting me, but only after their lands and cattle have been freed from the Marquess of Athol, who cruelly oppresses them. It is my desire to free my own lands before marching south to the lowlands. It would be unwise to leave the highlands unsecured and march south. We would be abandoning the most reliable adherents to our cause to death and oppression.

It would not only be dishonorable to ignore the Highlands, I believe it would be poor strategy. Ye’re mistaken if you think that the Papist and Episcopalian clans will sit idly by. They may very well support the government, and descend from the Highlands to threaten our rear. Towns will think twice about throwing in their lot with us if they risk being burnt to the ground by the King’s men as soon as we depart.

For the reasons I have outlined above, I say that it is imperative that we secure the Highlands before we undertake any other significant action. Once secure in the Highlands we will have a secure base of operations to gather forces, and a bastion to fall back on should we require it.”

“My Lord Argyle speaks cautiously,” responded Patrick Hume. “He is correct that the King has supporters in the Highlands who will oppose our enterprise. But he underestimates the difficulty of waging a campaign in that part of our country. There are not roads, but instead cowpaths. Villages, not towns. Cattle herds, not farms. It will be impossible to provision an army and sustain it in the Highlands. It will be difficult to raise an army fit for campaigning, as the men are not the stock for it. They make excellent reivers and irregulars, but they cannot be formed into line infantry.

Moreover, it is remote from the public’s mind. Men in London, York, even Edinburgh scoff at fighting in the Highlands, they believe it to be the national pastime of the highlanders when they are not tossing stones or logs. They will not think twice about it. We need to inspire the people of Scotland and England to take up arms about the government by bold strokes. We could grow old in the Grampians having never lost a battle, but we would never remove James II from his throne that way.”

“This is a campaign we are talking about here,” bellowed Hannibal Rumbold, his one eye seeming to bulge out of its socket. “The God-fearing men of Scotland and England will know we are doing His work against tyranny and popery. Those who oppose us and favor the King must be brought to battle and killed, until they are no longer willing to contest the field. When our enemy can no longer field an army, then, then they can no longer govern.

Cromwell mastered Three Kingdoms using that strategy, and we would do well to imitate him. We need stouthearted men, arms, but most of all discipline! As long as we have those three things we can create soldiers, and the King has few enough of those. The Cavaliers showed up to battle showing great poise and style, but they never had the stomach to face shopkeepers and farmers fighting in good order. With Godly men fighting for a Godly cause we can form an army. With an army we can march from Inverness to London and back. Without an army we are nothing.”

“But you miss the point Richard,” answered John Ayeloffe, a lawyer by trade. “Our enterprise is a political, not just a military movement. We seek to establish a civilian and constitutional government over the Three Kingdoms. There are several hundred thousand militia in England alone. These men have arms and are trained in their use. For our success we depend upon the support of that militia. We cannot call forth another New Model Army. Nor do we seek to create another one. We have to keep idea at the forefront in our minds. Otherwise we are just setting the stage for another type of despotism like the Protectorate.”

“On the topic of government, do we even have a clear idea of what type of government we are trying to establish here?” Asked Andrew Fletcher, bring up the elephant in the room. “Without Monmouth, our rebellion no longer has a nominal leader. We hold that the rule of King James II and VI is illegitimate. We intend to depose him through an armed uprising. After we do so, what then? Only the King can summon Parliament, though we do have the precedent of the Long Parliament ruling the country on its own accord. Is that what we seek to re-establish in England? Do we seek to establish the rule of the Scots Parliament over Scotland? And what about the Kingdom of Ireland?

Let me be clear, though I support the overthrow of King James, I have no desire to abolish the Kingdom of Scotland. Corrupted as it may be, it is the legitimate government of the people of Scotland. I accept the need for continued ties with England, but I will not fight for a union that would naturally result in the perpetual subordination of my country”

At that a loud “Aye” arose from most of the Scotsmen present.

“Gentlemen! Gentlemen!” yelled Ayeloffe futiley for several minutes before he succeeded in gaining the attention of the majority of the room. “I have no aversion to the establishment of a Commmonwealth, or Republic in principle. But recent history suggests that such a form of government is not suited to our countries at this time. More importantly, most men of quality are of the near unanimous opinion that “Commonwealth” is just despotism by another name. For that reason I think it is vital that we preserve the institution of monarchy, at least notionally. And that brings me to the subject of Monmouth’s departure.

Many of us believed that his departure was a blow to our cause. I believe that it is not the case. Just because Monmouth is not here with us does not mean that he cannot aid our cause. I believe that we can make effective use of his name as the nominal king in whose name we will fight. We never intended him to hold more than ceremonial power. What difference does it make if he is sitting in Whitehall or in Vienna?

In fact I will argue that his departure positively aids our cause, since it eliminates the possibility of his seizing power for himself during the critical transition period…”

“So, to be clear, you want us to fight to enthrone a man who is unwilling to join the fight himself?” said Argyle indignantly. “There is no precedent for such an act in the entire history of Christendom. It is true that men have fought to enthrone children and invalids on the throne, but to my knowledge James Scott is neither. He is the bastard son of the late King by the whore Lucy Walter. He has no more right to the throne than one of my drovers does to Inveraray Castle.

Even assuming for one moment that his father did enter into some sort of left-handed marriage with the Lady Walter, why does that make Monmouth worth fighting for to put on the throne? Just what is supposed to stop him from abusing his newfound power once we have enthroned him? We lack any kind of surety to ensure that he does not exceed the powers that we grant him.”

“Monmouth is not another Cromwell, indeed I doubt that he is another James I,” said Hume. “The man is brave enough personally, but he lacks ambition for anything other than pleasure or glory. He would be content wearing a crown, living in royal palace and fornicating with his mistresses. So long as he is allowed to those things, I doubt very much that he would care very much about the exercise of real power.”

“I can accept such an arrangement,” said Fletcher. “A monarchy with a weak monarch is but a Commonwealth by another name. A Commonwealth ruled by men of quality is the government that suits Scotland and England the best. A figurehead monarch will make it easier for the nobles to come to terms with the government. it was the recusal of the gentlemen of the realm that doomed the Protectorate after all. They can have their King if that is what they need to involve themselves in public affairs.”

“The Good Lord himself did give the people a King,” replied Ferguson after an unusually long silence. “Though he clearly did not favor the institution of monarchy, he gave the misguided people a king so that they not question his wisdom in future. The mass of sinners that is humanity is still infected by that same hubris that caused the people of Israel to demand a King. They want a king in order to be like all the nations; and that their king may judge them, and go out before them, and fight their battles.

If the Lord himself condescended to give the people the King that they demanded, who are we to deny them a King? If such a course is necessary to the success of our holy work, then we must embrace it!”

“If you put it that way, I can suffer Monmouth,” said Argyle after a short pause. “But I want sureties if we are going to pursue such a path. My ancestors performed the office of Lord Chancellor of Scotland admirably; I would follow them by taking that office in a new Scottish government. In fact, I would like my son and grandson to have that office as well. Only under the supervision of my family has Scotland’s liberties been assured, I would have it be so secured in future.

More immediately, I want no interference with my command once I land in Scotland. I will sign onto whatever manifesto we agree to, but I want to be the undisputed leader of our cause in Scotland. To be clear, we will remain confederates, but until our new King is crowned in Scone, on the Stone of Destiny,* I answer to no one.”

The discussions continued on and on like this for several hours. Men spoke in favor of the outline of Argyle’s plan, of Ayeloffe’s, of Hume’s and of their own plans. Argyle was opposed to any plan that favored Monmouth, but was mollified by the pledges of the others to respect his demands. Some men would remain behind in the Netherlands to support the Scottish enterprise, while remaining in contact with the King’s opponents in England. It would be difficult to do so from Scotland, and many of those best suited to such underhanded work would be of little use in the Highlands.

By the end of the evening this course of action had the support of a plurality of those present. There was no vote tallying, in the end, the decision was made by acclamation. They would accept Argyle’s “requests.”Argyle would land in the Highlands with as many men and with as much supplies as the exiles could amass. He would be aided in that enterprise by Andrew Fletcher, Ford Grey and Hannibal Rumbold. The rest of the exiles would remain in the Netherlands publicizing their opposition to King James, and would seek to inspire an armed uprising to the south in England. As soon as was practical they would join a rebellion in England against James in order to divert his forces. That was the military aspect of their resolution.

Politically, they agreed that their justification for their rebellion was James’ murder of his brother by poison, his causing the Great Fire of London, and complicity with the Popish Plot to destroy the Protestant religion,** and his plan to impose tyranny in place of limited monarchy. For these crimes they agreed that he had forfeited his right to the crown, for himself and for his heirs. Furthermore, they asserted that James Scott, Duke of Monmouth was the legitimate son of the late King, and the rightful heir to the thrones of England, Ireland and Scotland. They commissioned Ferguson to write a declaration to that effect, to be released upon their landing.

They ended their meeting with a boisterous toast by Ferguson, “By God, let us drink to the death of James, and all opponents of Protestantism! To our holy enterprise, let He lend us his strength so that not one of us will flinch from seeing it through though it cost him his life. For we fight for the Protestant heir to the throne, a friend of liberty and an enemy of Popery and tyranny!”

_________________________

*All Kings of Scotland were crowned in Scone on the Stone of Destiny until 1296, when it was captured by Edward I and transported to Westminster Abby. Argyle is implicitly demanding its return as part of the price for his participation.
**All of these charges were included in Monmouth’s declaration that he read when he landed in Lyme. Most of them were obviously ridiculous to all but the most anti-Catholic and conspiracy-theory minded contemporaries, but they appealed to the masses, and so were included.

[Shawn Endresen]

Hmm. It doesn't SOUND like a bad plan...but I think we can be assured nothing pleasant will come of this, for Campbell or anyone else.

[Antipater]

Originally Posted by Shawn Endresen

Hmm. It doesn't SOUND like a bad plan...but I think we can be assured nothing pleasant will come of this, for Campbell or anyone else.

With greater leverage over the exiles Campbell should be able to avoid the utter fiasco that characterized his expedition IOTL. Reading about his OTL expedition, it sounds like some kind of real life example of Murphy's Law; practically EVERYTHING that could have gone wrong for him went wrong after he landed in Scotland. He quarreled with his fellow commanders, he faced treachery and cowardice among his own men, his supplies were surrendered without a fight, and almost his entire army deserted him without a fight during a night march. Short of his fleet sinking at sea with all hands lost, things could hardly have gone worse.

Of course, more short-term success for Campbell personally is not going improve many people's lives in the British Isles, least of all his clansmen, who will have a chance to test their valor against their fellow Highlanders and the King's regulars.

[Antipater]

May 18, 1685. Vienna, Archduchy of Austria


James Scott, Duke of Monmouth was now a general in the army of the Austrian Hapsburgs. He had arrived in the Archduchy of Austria two weeks earlier with his entourage following a leisurely voyage down the Elbe, and a comfortable journey across Saxony and Bohemia. He had dined at the tables of many noble knights, barons and princes of the Holy Roman Empire during his journey. In towns and cities he had been entertained by the Great Burghers. All had desired the honor of his company, and the Duke had been happy to oblige them. The Duke was never happier than when seated at table bragging about his prowess.

When he had departed the Netherlands he had been nervous that if he tarried too long on his journey he would miss the start of the campaign season. He need not have worried. When he arrived in Vienna during the first week of May to report to the Duke of Lorraine he had been told that the campaign could not commence until July. This was not on account of the weather, but rather the upcoming marriage of Maximilian Emanuel, Elector of Bavaria to the daughter of Emperor Leopold. The Elector would not campaign before he was married, and without the Elector’s army, there could be no campaign.

Charles V, Duke of Lorraine was not entirely idle. Every day he went over the latest intelligence, and gave orders for his scouts to explore the lands that his army would traverse in the summer. He also ensured that his regiments were adequately supplied for the campaign. In these tasks he was aided by his staff, which Monmouth had joined. The Duke believed that his orders were best conveyed by generals, and so Monmouth had been bestowed the title of General in the army of the Emperor by the Duke of Lorraine. The title was impressive, but since he lacked a regiment, or body of troops to call his own, it was largely meaningless.

On the field of battle, Monmouth would be expected to deliver his commander’s orders to the hottest parts of the battlefield. However, until the army began its campaign there would be no battles, and few urgent orders to be delivered. This gave Monmouth plenty of time to spend in Vienna getting acquainted with his fellow officers, which involved drinking, gambling and carousing with them. The lady Wentworth was less interested in revelry of late, she appeared to be with child, and retired early.
Most of the gentlemen whom Monmouth spent his days and nights spoke French, which Monmouth, like every educated English gentleman was fluent in. Many were Imperial subjects, but there were soldiers present from Denmark, England, Ireland the Italian States, the Netherlands, Poland, Scotland and Sweden, along with men from lands even further east who spoke only their own harsh tongues. Monmouth was fortunate that one of the men of his entourage, Anthony Buyse was a German from Brandenburg who could act as his translator.

The stories that he heard from his fellow officers were not all encouraging. After the glorious victory at Vienna, the Holy League had begun to show signs of strain immediately. Though united by their desire to drive the Turks from Christendom, the various princes who made up the alliance were divided on the best course of action. The Italians wanted to focus on the Mediterranean, the Emperor wanted to liberate Hungary and Serbia, while the King of Poland wanted to campaign in the east in Podolia and Moldavia. Differences in strategy were exasperated by the arrogant conduct of the Emperor Leopold. His ingratitude towards John Sorbieski of Poland had caused that mighty King to depart to his own lands with haste.* His lack of appreciation towards the Protestants had caused the Elector of Saxony to withdraw his men from the coalition soon afterwards.

Even after the departure of such formidable allies the Imperial “Army” retained significant strength. The Emperor still had the powerful support of the Elector of Bavaria, the Duke of Lorraine, and various other Imperial and Italian Princes and Dukes. Under the command of the Duke of Lorraine, whom the Emperor had appointed his Generalisimus, the Imperial army campaigned in Hungary the next year. They had defeated every army that the Turks had mustered against them, but they had faced stiff resistance when they attempted to liberate Buda, the chief city of Ottoman Hungary. The garrison of 18,000 withstood a close siege for several months. The Imperials had repulsed all sorties, and even defeated a relief army under the new Vizier when he attempted to raise the siege. However, near the end of the campaign season they had attempted an assault on the city which had failed utterly, costing the lives of over 20,000 men.

This defeat had led to a great deal of bad blood between the commanders of the Imperial Army. The Duke of Lorraine blamed his subordinates for not following his orders, the Elector of Bavaria replied that it was the fault of the Duke for ignoring the advice of Guido Starhemberg, who had warned them against a siege. All agreed that the endeavor had been ill thought out, and under-supplied; in a proper siege it is the besieged, not the besieger who was supposed to be boiling their boots!

Monmouth took this news in stride. He had at first been shocked by the lack of an effective chain of command, it reminded him of the descriptions he had heard of the Thirty Years War. Yet it was not his role to impose order on his polyglot army, he merely had to make sure it received its commander’s orders. And slay Turks. The Duke may have been a Protestant, but he still held the belief that there were certain indulgences to be gained by slaying the enemies of the cross.

The letters that the Duke received from home made him feel in need of indulgence. His wife Anne wrote to him reproachfully about the recent birth of their latest son, Richard, and condemned him for abandoning his family. Ferguson continued to write him, and harangued him to return to the Netherlands for the divinely-inspired uprising that was in the works. He gathered from the exiles’ encrypted letters that they still planned an uprising, nominally in favor, but really the project of the Earl of Argyle.

Monmouth was reflecting on this when he unexpectedly ran into two of his countrymen in the tavern he was drinking at after a dinner at a drafty castle. He had been drinking his lager when he heard voices conversing in English. He immediately approached his countrymen and introduced himself. He was surprised at their response.

“Dudley Bard is what they called me back home,” said the first, a lad in his mid teens. “But around here I’m known as Prince Dudley, on account of my father. Marvelous chap you may have heard of by the name of Rupert. Prince Rupert, Count Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of Cumberland. He never did get around to marrying my mother though, so I’m just a lieutenant in the Emperor’s Cuirassiers.”

“James FitzJames,” replied the next, another mere boy who couldn’t be older than fifteen. “Like Dudley here, I am also a lieutenant the son of a renowned soldier, though he is better known…”

“As James II,” interjected Monmouth. An awkward pause followed. “Well, who says the bastard of my enemy cannot be my friend? Let us all drink to our royal fathers! May we bring glory to their names, even if they could not share theirs with their natural sons!”

“I can drink to that,” answered Dudley. “To Prince Rupert! Soldier, sailor and alchemist!”

“I can also drink to that,” said James FitzJames after a pause. “To my royal and loving father. May his reign be always filled with domestic tranquility!”

“And to Charles II,” concluded Monmouth, emptying his lager. “The merry king! May God be as forgiving to you as you were to me, your prodigal son.”

As the men drank, some of the tension lifted between them. Whatever their politics at home, they served under on banner in Austria. They were joined that evening by some of the more prominent English and Scotsmen serving in the Imperial Army. There was Arthur Forbes, son of the Earl of Granard, George Savile, third son of the Marquess of Halifax, William Stewart, Viscount of Mountjoy, George Hay, Earl of Kinnoull, and James Douglas, brother of the Duke of Queensbury. Though he was thousands of miles from home in a foreign land, Monmouth felt quite at home at that moment.
____________

*John Sorbieski had not planned on staying and campaigning in Austria and Hungary, but his rude reception in Vienna before the soldiers would have influenced their opinion of what “really” happened.
**All these men served the Emperor at the Siege of Buda (1686). Source: Cokayne, George Edward. The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, and Ireland, extant, extinct or dormant. (1887)

[stevep]

Antipater

That's an interesting combination of royal bastards at the end. Given that James FitzJames seems to be very loyal to his father things could get a bit strained if it becomes clear that Monmouth is still thinking of deposing him and starts gaining a lot of fame and prestige.

I'm presuming you have two Protestants and a Catholic in the three going by what we know?

Steve

[Antipater]

Originally Posted by stevep

Antipater

That's an interesting combination of royal bastards at the end. Given that James FitzJames seems to be very loyal to his father things could get a bit strained if it becomes clear that Monmouth is still thinking of deposing him and starts gaining a lot of fame and prestige.

I'm presuming you have two Protestants and a Catholic in the three going by what we know?

Steve

Yes. Monmouth was a Protestant, though his conviction seemed to have been rather weak. I can only assume that Rupert's bastard Dudley was Protestant as well, since his father was a Calvinist and his mother was a member of the Church of England.

James FitzJames is the only Catholic of the group; James II did his best to ensure that his children be raised Catholic. Mary and Ann were only brought up Protestant because Charles II insisted.

IOTL James FitzJames delayed his departure to Austria to serve against Monmouth, and was present at the battle of Sedgemoor. With no immediate prospect of rebellion, I have had him depart England sooner, since it was his wish to fight against the Turks.

[Antipater]

June 12, 1685
Off of Dunstaffnage
Kingdom of Scotland


Archibald Campbell, Earl of Argyle stood on the quarterdeck of the flagship of his small fleet of six ships. Two frigates and four brigs had been hired out or purchased for their use in the Netherlands, some under false pretenses. The captains had not protested too strenuously when they were paid in advance. He was quite pleased with its performance. He had slipped out of the Netherlands undetected as far as he could tell, and the winds had favored them. Just seven days after casting off from the docks of Amsterdam, they had sighted land, which the sailors had confirmed to be the Orkney Isles. He had considered sending men ashore in Kirkwall to raise support,* but Fletcher had dissuaded him from that course, and so they had kept sailing. Two days later they arrived off of the Isle of Mull, near the Earl’s ancestral lands.

The last part of the voyage had been quite difficult, with the captains sounding as often as possible to tell if they were about to run aground. They need not have worried. Argyle knew every inlet in Western Scotland like the back of his hand. He knew how to guide the fleet to safe harbor, and he knew where to avoid sandbars and rocks. Some of the sailors took a darker view of his knowledge: he had heard whispers that he worshipped the devil, who shared dark knowledge with his servant. This only made Argyle laugh.

As they approached Inveraray Argyle had commanded the captains to remain as far off shore as possible, while still being able to see land. He did not want his fleet to be spotted loitering off the coast before he landed. The element of surprise was critical for the first stage of his plan. He waited until just before nightfall to sail through the Sound of Mull. God or the Devil must have favored their cause, because not only did all of his ships manage to avoid running aground by the faint light of the crescent moon above, but the winds remained favorable throughout the night. By midnight they had entered Loch Etive, and within an hour they had arrived at Dunstaffnage, where the ships dropped anchor.

He watched his men loading the longboats with supplies. Mostly swords, ropes and grapples, only a few muskets were to be seen. The few cannon they possessed would remain aboard the ships. Argyle’s plan depended upon shock and surprise. He would fall upon Inveraray Castle at dawn. He did not know how many men were holding it, but he did know that they had hoarded supplies in its storerooms, including barrels of gunpowder, and hundreds of muskets. With those weapons in hand he could arm his clansmen for battle. The claymore and targe were a powerful combination, but one did not win battles with them alone on this side of the 17th century!

But it was not for muskets and powder alone that he planned on making his first move against Inveraray Castle. Inverarary Castle was the seat of the Argyle family. Its loss to the family’s enemies symbolized the occupation of Argyleshire and the inability of its chief rule over what was rightfully his. That was going to change on this day!

The captain signaled Argyle that the men had finished loading supplies. Argyle nodded, and began to climb down the ropes and into the boats. The climb strained his fifty-six year-old body a bit, but his face did not show it. He would be the first man to set foot in Scotland. If he could not board a longboat on his own, he had no business leading men into battle. And a clan chief was a military leader before all else. Argyle was a Campbell, and his family had proudly held the title of Mac Collum More for over three hundred years. He would recover it or die trying with his sword in hand.


It was about twenty-two miles from the beach to Inveraray Castle. The path was a rough one, taking them through moorlands, and requiring them to swim across Loch Awe. He intended to make that journey in five hours, and fall upon the Castle just as the sun was coming over the horizon. He would be attacking from the east so that his opponents, not his men would have the sun in their eyes at the critical moment.** There was an ever-present danger of detection, but Argyle was confident that not one of his clansmen would betray him. Indeed, he hoped to add a few claymores on the way as men recognized their chief.

“John Murray***!” said Argle loudly as his longboat pushed off the frigate. “I hope ye’re enjoying ye’re sleep tonight! Because if you lie in Castle Inveraray, it will be ye’re last! Men, our enemies lie asleep this very moment, in the very heart of Clan Campbell. Do your duty men, and let not one of them sleep again! Let the clans never forget that none trespass on the lands of our Clan and live to tell the tale!”

“Marvelous speech Earl,” said Rumbold as Argyle sat down in his boat. “I almost forgot about that tyrant down in London we aim to do something about.”

“All in good time, my friend,” answered Argle. “The enemies of my clan are the friends of James. The road to London must be watered by the blood of the Murrays and MacDonalds before we take it.”

Hannibal Rumbold, Nathanial Wade and Ford Grey, the only Englishmen of note taking part in Argyle’s expedition looked a bit out of place. Their cravats and petticoat breaches were a sharp contrast to the bonnets and tartans that the rest of the Earl’s men wore. But they would fight. Their presence made the Earl’s expedition more than an outbreak of clan warfare, however much the present enterprise might resemble just that.

Just one hundred and sixty men disembarked from the Earl’s fleet. Their objective was to spark a revolt that would overthrow a government of some eight million. Daybreak would tell whether they could fulfill that ambition.

__________________
*Argyle did this IOTL, it was a grave mistake. The Bishop of Kirkwall had his men seized, and promptly sent word to Edinburgh of Argyle’s arrival. Argyle compounded this mistake by tarrying three days off the coast of Orkney, kidnapping locals in hopes of exchanging them for his men. The Bishop refused to hand them over, and three days, and most of the element of surprise were lost before Argyle even landed in Scotland. Fletcher, who was never short on commonsense, may well have warned the Earl making such a risky move.
**In the age of matchlock muskets, the danger from being silhouetted against the sun counted for a lot less than it would later on.
***Marquess of Atholl, chief of Clan Murray. James II had dispatched him to Argyleshire as soon as he got wind of Argyle’s desire to return to Scotland. Murray did his best to “hold” Argyleshire for the King by taking Campbell nobles hostage, and generally making life miserable the common folk.

[Antipater]

June 22, 1685
Palace of Whitehall
London, Kingdom of England

His Majesty James II of England was in an extremely foul mood on the when he conferred with advisors. News had reached London the night before of the great victory of Argyle in Scotland over the Marquess of Athol’s men. Argyle had slipped out of Amsterdam on the same day that his Ambassador to the Netherlands, Bevil Skelton had prevailed on the States General to order his detention. James had been enraged to hear the news, and complained bitterly to his son-in-law in the Netherlands about Argyle’s escape.

Somehow Argyle had either sailed across the Irish Sea, or around the Orkney Islands undetected by the Royal Navy, which James had ordered to make every effort to stop the Earl. At some point before June 12th he must have landed in Argyleshire, which the Marquess of Athol had allegedly secured. He had marched on Inveraray Castle and taken its garrison completely by surprise. Only a few men had escaped on horseback, the tale they told was not pleasant.

The Earl’s men had attacked just after dawn. The watch had not sounded the alarm until the attackers were already on the walls. Most of the Marquess of Athol’s men had been asleep in the Great Hall of the Castle, and barely had time to grab their swords before they encountered the enemy. Still stiff from sleep and drink, they had made a poor showing for themselves, being cut down by Campbell steel, or shot from the walls. The Earl’s men gained the magazine early in the fight, securing most of the powder and shot. This made the plight of the few dozen men who barricaded themselves in the towers hopeless. After firing the few rounds they had on their persons, they were forced to watch while Earl’s men turned the battlement cannons around and started firing on them. After the first tower started to crumble the remaining men were quick to surrender.

Total casualties amongst the Earl’s men were presumed to be light. The Scottish militia and the Marquess’s own men had suffered heavy casualties. Three hundred and fifty government troops were killed or captured, including forty of the Marquess of Athol’s clansmen. Among them was the Marquess’s eldest son, also named John Murray.

“My Lords Middleton and Moray, how could this have happened,” demanded James as the meeting with his cabinet commenced. Charles Middleton , Earl of Middleton was Secretary of State for the Northern Department, which included Scotland, while Alexander Stuart, Earl of Moray was Secretary of State for Scotland. Neither man had very much to do with the military affairs of that kingdom, but they were formally their responsibility.

“Your Majesty,” answered Middleton first, “Blame for this disaster must first be placed at the feet of our envoy to the Netherlands, Bevil Skelton. He has known of the movements of the English and Scottish exiles for months, yet was unable to convince the correct authorities to take proper action and detain the rebels before they departed.”

“I concur you Majesty,” said Moray. “But I must add that the Marquess of Athol suffered this defeat, and is ultimately responsible for it. He divided his forces on his own initiative, had he kept his entire army together, rather than spread them out over the whole of Argyleshire, no such disaster could have befallen him. We do not know exactly how many men he had, but the Earl’s forces could not have come close to matching the Earl’s 5,000.”

“My Lords, these are pitiful excuses,” replied James, to the shock of his advisors. “Skelton petitioned the city authorities of Amsterdam, the States General of the Netherlands, and even the Dutch Admiralty on our behalf to detain the rebels. Each of these bodies did nothing but offer up excuses for inaction until the Earl’s ships had sailed.
Now, my good son-in-law William, the Stadtholder sent me word that the ships had sailed, as well as his personal assurances that he had nothing to do with the Earl’s expedition. As proof of his good faith he he impudently reminds me that he banished the Duke of Monmouth from his court as soon as he heard of my brother’s death. As if he did me any favor by doing anything less than arresting Monmouth and sending the bastard back to England to stand trial for treason! We cannot rule out the possibility that the rebels are supported by the Dutch!”

“Your majesty, if I might interrupt,” said Middleton. “I have just received word from the Prince of Orange that he wishes to offer the services of those English and Scottish regiments in the Netherlands in putting down this rebellion in Scotland. He also offers to send whatever aid might be necessary, up to and including his own presence at the head of his Blue Guards.”

“How thoughtful, yet belated of my dear son-in-law,” answered James. “Inform the Prince that we welcome the repatriation of the English and Scottish regiments, though we do not require the prince’s presence in our country. Speaking of soldiers, how exactly do we plan on defending the Kingdom of Scotland from this threat?”

“Your Majesty,” answered Robert Spence, Earl of Sunderland. “In light of the current situation, I think it is necessary to send all available forces North. We will consult Parliament immediately to call up new regiments of horse and foot, but in the meantime, I think it is necessary to send all six regiments of foot and horse, in addition to whatever forces are available in Scotland and Ireland.

“I am loathe to dispatch all our forces to such a remote location,” said James, “But I must agree with my Lord Sunderland that haste is imperative in crushing this rebellion. The failure of my father to put down the accursed Covenanters Rebellion in Scotland led directly to the Civil War in England. I will not make the same mistake. Send the four regiments of House Guards, the Oxford Blues, and the Tangier Horse for Cavalry. Accompanying them will be the First and Second Foot Guards, the Royal Scots, the two Tangier Regiments, and the Prince George of Denmark Regiment. Order the regiments to rendezvous at York, and form up under the command of the Earl of Feversham. Tell them to make all possible haste.
At the same time inform Parliament that I request the formation of at least ten regiments of foot and eight regiments of horse. Stress that these regiments are necessary to repel the foreign invasion and domestic insurrection in Scotland, and will be formed for service in that country, not at home.”

“It will be done your Majesty,” said Lord Sunderland. “I dare say that Parliament will offer no problems, John Trevor being most amendable to your Grace’s policies. And what instructions should we convey to representatives in Scotland and Ireland?”

“Order Lord Ormonde to raise regiments in preparation of for a campaign in Scotland,” said James. “I trust the old cavalier has at least one campaign left in him. As for Scotland, inform the Scottish Parliament in the strongest terms that we desire the Earl of Argyle to be attainted for treason. Furthermore, order the Highland chiefs to call up their men for a campaign.”

“If Argyle wants a war, he will have one,” thought James to himself as his ministers assented to his orders. “I should have executed the man in Edinburgh while I had the chance. He has had a chance to make his move, now it is my turn. You will die on the Maiden of Edinburgh, and by God I will be in attendance!”

[Antipater]

June 12, 1685
Inveraray Castle, Argyleshire
Kingdom of Scotland

Archibald Campbell, Earl of Argyle observed a dozen yew crosses being lit on fire in front of his eyes. They would not burn long. Argyle watched as his men slit the throat of a two rams, and proceed to collect the blood that spurted out of the open wounds even as the animals bleated piteously. The animals managed to fill a bowl with their blood before they expired, the bowl was then slowly emptied over the crosses, extinguishing the flames, and releasing an acrid stench into the air. A dozen men came forward to pick up a cross each. This very night they would run through all the territories claimed by Clan Campbell bearing those crosses, screaming as they past every door. They were calling up the men of Clan Campbell for war!

Every man between the ages of sixteen and sixty was expected to heed the call. They would take up their claymores and targes, girding themselves for war, and assemble for combat under the banner of their chief. For their chief had returned from across the sea, and would lead his men into battle against their enemies. He had won a signal victory with just a handful of followers, what more might he accomplish with 10,000 men at his back?

Evidence of the Earl’s great victory surrounded him as he stood in the courtyard of the Castle. Piles of rubble, fallen from the castle walls and towers lay at random. The light of burning torches displayed dark stains of blood on the ground, and on the walls, some of which was being lapped up by lone dog. The gate still stood, but nearly every door was battered down or shot through, every window was broken. Inveraray Castle was ruined, but the boar’s head flew from its towers, and every man on its walls had a bog myrtle tucked in his bonnet.

The Earl’s enemies had fared far worse than the castle. Four fifths of them lay buried in shallow graves outside the walls, while certain parts of them remained on the walls. The heads of the chief men the Marquess had left behind in the castle were mounted on pikes overlooking the gates. Among them was the Marquess’s one-eyed son, John. The remainder of the garrison that had not managed to flee was now bound in the dungeon of the same castle that they had despoiled. Most of those pusillanimous men were frightened lowlanders. The Marquess of Athol’s men at least had the dignity to die with a sword in hand for the most part. The smell of the burning blood caused the Earl to go over the battle in his mind.

__________
The victory the Earl had gained at Inveraray Castle had not been easy, nor had it come without cost. Two of his men had died even before reaching the Castle, drowning in Loch Awe as they attempted to ford it in the dark. Several more had been left behind after they twisted ankles or found themselves unable to keep up the pace. Those fallen men had been replaced by about twenty drovers and shepherds they passed during the night march who abandoned their flocks cattle to join their chief. When a lad of fourteen ran to him with nothing but his crook the Earl felt tears in his eyes. His own son, his namesake, had not even joined him in exile, yet this boy was willing to risk everything for the cause of his chief who he likely had never even laid eyes on. Argyle was confident that it was a sign of God’s favor.

Argyle was further convinced that his undertaking was part of God’s plan when they sighted the walls of the castle. They only observed a few watchmen’s torches on the walls, and only one on the east side that the Earl planned to assault.

Four men approached the east gate, loudly demanding entrance, claiming that they had vital information for his lordship the Marquess. While the watchmen cursed these fellows out while debating whether or not to admit them, eight picked men swung grapples over the walls and began climbing up the walls, armed with nothing but their claymores and dirks. By the time the guardsmen had decided that they might admit the strangers, the walls had been scaled. Before the eastern watchman could raise an alarm a dirk had sliced his throat. A similar fate befell the six gatekeepers who opened the gate for the Earl’s men.

One of the gatekeepers had managed to utter an audible cry through his smashed jaw before a highlander managed to deliver a coup-de-grace. Everyone froze for a moment as they awaited how the man’s compatriots chose to respond. What followed was more proof that God favored the Earl of Argyle: just two more watchmen came, thinking that the guards must be having trouble with some wayward travelers. It was their last mistake, as both men were seized roughly as they entered the gatehouse, and stabbed through the lungs with dirks so that they could not scream. They had little time to contemplate that fact, since their assailants crushed their windpipes under their boots as they lay on the ground drowning in their own blood.
As the sun rose in the horizon, the Earl’s men sprinted through the eastern gate as silently as they could. They second wave carried muskets in addition to swords, and took up positions on the battlements, and leveled their weapons at the great courtyard below. By the time a drunken Murray clansmen who had walked out of the castle to take a piss managed to raise a cry, two thirds of the Earl’s men were in the castle.

The unlucky Murray who raised the alarm was shot by the Earl of Argyle himself, who uttered a mighty war cry as he charged for the great hall. With forty men at his back he burst into the Great Hall, and then the real bloodshed began. To call what followed in the great hall a massacre would be a slight exaggeration. Many unarmed men were run through, some begging for mercy, it was true, but a good number at least managed to reach their weapons before they were set upon by their screaming attackers. Being woken up from sleep by screaming armed men, who proceed to hack up one’s fellow with broadswords is quite frightening, the fact that only half attempted to flee should not be judged critically. Fleeing did the men little good, since their weapons were lying about the Great Hall, and the Earl’s men were racing to secure the armory at that very moment. Two hundred men were butchered in the Great Hall, ten of them being able to take an attacker with them.

The forty Murray clansmen were another story altogether. They had been sleeping near the kitchen, not the Great Hall, since it was so much closer to the ale. Though they were at least as intoxicated as their fellow soldiers, they had the important advantage of being armed, as not one of them slept with less than a dirk at his side. Consequently when gunshots and screaming began, they did not flee or hesitate. They grabbed their arms and ran for the courtyard where the sounds of battle were heaviest. They charged into the courtyard, and were greeted with a volley of musketfire from the walls. The Earl’s men had not wasted their shot on the unarmed and fleeing militiamen, but saved their shot for more dangerous foes. Three fourths of the Murray men took a bullet before they engaged their enemies, though only ten of them fell. Those thirty remaining men killed fourteen of the Campbells, including the Earl’s young son Charles, and wounded an equal number before they expired from their wounds.

After the slaughter in the great hall, and the valiant death of the highlanders, there was very little fight left in the garrison. Around fifty men barricaded themselves in the four towers, while the remainder begged mercy or attempted to flee. The men in the towers could accomplish little to harm their enemy as few of them even carried their muskets, let alone their satchels. They held out only an hour. It only took two cannon balls from one of the battlement cannons to convince them that their cause was hopeless and that surrender or death were their only options. Those who chose to surrender made up the majority of the prisoners. Many more had attempted to surrender, but in the confusion of battle most were cut down..

The Marquess of Athol’s son was not discovered for some time after the battle. Once the Earl learned of his presence he was eager to capture the young man, he was not among the prisoners. Eventually he was recognized among the dead by his ornate small sword and scabbard. His sword was bloody, but it had not done him much good. A targe must have gotten past his defenses, for there was half a broken spike stuck into his temple. Argyle had been tempted to bury the young man, but then remembered his own slain son, and his heart hardened. He called for a vat of pitch to be brought to a boil, and pikes to be brought up from the armory…
___________
The assault on Inveraray Castle had been a great gamble, but it paid off. Argyle had wagered the fate of his entire expedition on his ability to pull off a coup de main against Athol to take Inveraray Castle. Now that he had secured a base of operations, a supply of gunpowder and cannon, but most importantly he had gained momentum. Argyle could have landed at any spot and called his clansmen, but without a victory in hand, his followers would have had no proof that their chief could lead them to anything than their deaths. Now that he had freed his family sept from his enemies, and slain the son of his chief opponent to boot, Argyle felt confident he would have a good turnout.

The Campbell men would assemble at the castle on this night. The Marquess of Athol would be in no position to interfere, being in the midst of a hostile country, with his forces spread out over hundreds of miles. The Earl would organize his men into bands of fifty, sending them out to ambush the Marquess of Athol men and harry the main force gathered at Campbeltown. At the same time he would gather together his main force around Inverarary, along with as many cannon and as much powder as he could transport. His bands would harry the Marquess’s men, attacking them on the roads, and in their tents, while shielding the Earl’s nucleus of an army at Inveraray.

It would be days at least until news of the Marquess’s defeat reached Edinburgh, and a week before it reached London. It would take the King weeks, if not months to outfit an army and march it North. Argyle would deal with the English army, and whatever Scottish lackeys chose to join them. The blood of Robert the Bruce ran in his veins, and with God’s help he would match his illustrious ancestor’s deeds, and free Scotland from its English tyrant.

But unlike the Bruce, he would not stop at the River Tweed. Argyle would not rest until James fled to the continent, or lost his head in Whitehall like his father.

[Antipater]

550 views and only four comments?

Is 1685 a little too far in the past for most people's interests?

[Julius Vogel]

Originally Posted by Antipater

550 views and only four comments?

Is 1685 a little too far in the past for most people's interests?

Jacobites, every man jack of them?

[Space Oddity]

I'm reading this and enjoying it. It's damn good! Do go on!

[Jammy]

I think it's brilliant, can't wait to read more.

[Antipater]

Thanks all!

I hope to have another update finished by tomorrow focusing on the Highlands. Still need to do some more reading on the Highlander Clans. Fascinating subject, if hard to find sources on.

[Antipater]

June 16, 1685
Edinburgh
Kingdom of Scotland

As the residents of the capital city of Scotland awoke on this morning and started going about their business, many discovered pamphlets posted at street corners in plain view. They bore the name of no author or publishing house. By daybreak the city authorities were attempting to discover the source of what they deemed to be treasonous libels. Through diligent effort and liberal application of torture they were only able to discover that a mysterious figure had hired out several dozen known rogues, as well as a number of innocent messenger boys to deliver the pamphlets all over the city. When put to question these messengers yielded no name, but a description of a tall lean man, dark brown hair, a great Roman nose, thin-jawed, heat in his face, speaking in the Scottish accent, with a sharp piercing eye, stooping a little in the shoulders. The man’s likeness was carefully taken down, and transmitted to the city watch, and the sherrifs of the surrounding counties.

These pamphlets were collected by the city authorities, and by noon it was announced that anyone possessing these documents would be considered guilty of spreading treason. Several hundred were collected and burnt by the hangman over the next week, but it was believed that many more escaped detection. Their contents were soon the whispered talk of every tavern and salon.

The pamphlet had no title, its opening paragraph stated its intent: “The Declaration and Apology of the Protestant people, that is of the noblemen, barons, gentlemen, burgesses and commons of all sort now in arms within the Kingdome of Scotland, with the concurrence of their faithful pastors and severall gentlemen of the English nation joined with them in the same cause, for the defence and relief of their lives, rights and liberties, and recovery and reestablishment of the True Protestant Religion, in behalf of themselves and all that shall joyn and adhere to them.” It asserted that “Government was originally instituted by God, and this or that form of it chosen and submitted to by men, for peace, happiness and security of the governed, and not for the private interest and personal greatness of those that rule.” It accused the government of King James VII of “attempting to turn our limited monarchy into an open tyranny, and undermine our religion by Popish Councils.” It stated that “the whole course and series of the life of the present usurper [James VII] has been but a continued conspiracy against the reformed religion and the rights of the nation.”
It went on the accuse James of having contrived to burn the city of London, of having fomented the Popish Plot with the Jesuits, of having assassinated the Earl of Essex in cold blood, and finally, murdering his late brother, the King by poison. There could be “no possibility of accommodation, our swords cannot be sheathed until the reigning monarch is brought down and has received punishment for his crimes.” Having established that the present government was illegitimate, and the enemy of Scotland’s freedom and religion, it called on all readers to take up arms against that government. It announced that the Earl of Argyle had manfully committed himself to overthrowing the Popish Usurper, and implored all men to aid him in his enterprise however they could.*

At first only a few men were willing to offer the Earl and his manifesto more than guarded sympathy, and then only behind locked doors. Men of property felt that there was too much to be risked in a rebellion, and that the cause must be hopeless. Others whispered that the Earl was not willing to go nearly far enough. Where were his pledges to uphold the Covenant**? They whispered darkly that the Earl was no better than the Popish king, had he not fought against the righteous covenanters just a few short years ago? For every man who lauded the Earl as a hero, two denounced him as a fool or a worse. But his name was on every man’s lips, and was on everyone’s mind when rumors of the government’s great defeats started filtering south

None of this was observed by the caped figure that had delivered the pamphlets. That man had departed the city as soon as the gates had opened in the morning, riding hard for the north. He knew the location of every unlicensed printing press in Scotland, and intended to use them to spread the truth about James VII and the Earl of Argyle. Engaged in a clandestine mission, dealing with underground pamphleteers, many missing ears and noses, all while staying two steps ahead of the authorities, Robert Ferguson was truly in his element. Neither the price on his head, nor outstanding death warrants in four kingdoms*** could deter him. Robert Ferguson was on a mission from God, and no earthly power could stop him so long as he retained His favor.
________________________

*Taken from the Earl of Argyle’s Campbeltown declaration, that was read out in May 1685 IOTL after the Earl had landed, and Monmouth’s declaration that was read upon his landing at Lyme in June of 1685. The Earl probably wrote the Campbeltown declaration himself, while Robert Ferguson (whose visage is described above) wrote Monmouth’s

**The National Covenant, a declaration by Scottish Presbyterians, first written in 1581, and revived in 1638. Those who signed the Covenant were called Covenanters, and vowed to uphold the religion of Scotland as it had existed in 1580, and to reject all subsequent innovation, i.e. uphold a strictly Presbyterian form of Christianity. Even in 1685 somewhere between 1/10 and 1/5 of all Scots subscribed to the Covenant in some form or another, and were the most bitter opponents of the Stuarts.

***England, France, Ireland and Scotland. He was also an officially wanted man in the Netherlands, though they were seeking him less zealously in that country.