A long update, dedicated to MNP who bravely corrected it.
711 - 714
The conquest of Hispania
After the landing at Tarifa, on 28 April 711, Tariq ibn Ziyad takes Gades and all the south-west extremity of Baetica.
The majority of the provincial nobles put up only symbolic resistance since they weren't particularly hostile to Hroderic or Agila. They were waiting to see the situation evolve to join the winner's side and save their local power (maybe even to grow it). A part of this nobility, however, was loyal to the Vitizeans and kept their forces for a decisive engagement against Visigothic kings, never doing concrete action in favor of Arabo-Berber army.
Santxo, a relative of Hroderic, who was still in campaign in Vasconia, managed to organize an army and attacked Tariq, near one of his landing bases, which were vital for the future of the expedition. The battle of Algerisas on June 711 could be considered a skirmish in the Islamic conquest, but after Tariq's victory it will convince Musa-ibn-Nosseryr, to reinforce his forces including adding more cavalry. The expedition's strength is now 15,000 men.
Hroderic was forced, by the Islamic expedition's growth, to abandon his campaign and to move his army towards Baetica. Agila, respecting his oath, and, more prosaically, aiming to gain more power in the south against semi-independent lords of Carthaginiensis and Baetica, joined a part of his forces to Hroderic's, but stayed north himself.
The Visigoth army, enlarged by some of the southern lords' men, like Theudimir or Oppa, became a host of 33,000 men by it's arrival at Cordova.
The two armies met near Asido on 19 July. The battle lasted 2 days.
Despite Visigothic numerical superiority, the Islamic army was close to victory. First, the Vitizean forces, who were in the flanks, disbanded and led by Oppa, quit the battle and seized Toletum. Tariq, informed by the traitors before the battle, attacked the middle of Hroderic’s army, threatening the king. The other flank, commanded by Theudimir and Pelaio, a liegeman of Hroderic, charged Tariq's center forces, allowing the Visigothic army to avoid being surrounded by making his forces retreat and occupying Tariq's cavalry.
Unfortunately for the Visigoths, the king was mortally wounded in battle and the lords, unable to decide which strategy use the following day, were going to leave the battlefield. But Tariq struck faster, attacking them. They were able to keep their positions and Tariq was killed during this second part of the battle, by Ardo's forces, king Agila's relative and vassal.
Tarif-ibn-Malluk, Tariq's lieutenant, became leader of the army and decided to retreat in order to keep his forces. Using the resources of his allies in Baetica, he quickly managed to reach Cordova. From this position, a part of his army moved towards Illiberis.
How he did this is still unclear. Did he take the city against the city garrison, did the city surrender or was it always an ally under Tarif’s control?
Despite the efficient decisions of Tarif and the loss of Central Baetica, he was in a perilous situation, and it is not doubtful that a quick and decided Visigothic attack could had led to a bitter defeat of the Islamic forces and an end to the invasion.
But, once again, Visigothic lords were unable to decide on a common course of action. With the death of Hroderic, the Hispanic nobles were divided. Most of independent lords were willing to return to their lands. Furthermore the other lords, nominally commanded by Pelaio (who had once been exiled and had a weaker legitimacy than his former suzerain), wanted to go back to the north, not at all worried about Tarif's control of the major part of Baetica, believing it to be just bigger raid than the one in 710. Even if Tarif managed to keep Baetica, this province was still under the theoretical suzerainty of Agila.
The news of Hroderic's death made Oppa's ambition grow, and in late July he was elected in Toletum by a limited number of nobles, supporters of Oppa from the beginning or vitizeans hostiles to Agila.
Agila no longer bound by his oath, and Ardo leaving Pelaio forces, tried to take control of Carthaginiensis. He obviously didn't recognize Oppa or any lord as his equal, but didn't attempt to make his right to the throne respected by the sword. He hoped that, victorious at Asido, all the pretenders, (those already active or those who might appear) would neutralize one another and he could crush those remaining, already weakened by the fighting.
Pelaio managed, barely, to command remnants of Hroderic's forces, in order to take Toletum and fight Oppa.
The battle of Asido, even if it was a small victory for the Visigoths, wasn't followed up (because of internal conflicts) by a strategy that could have led to the end of the Muslim expedition. Tarif used this to secure his position in south Baetica, which would serve as an outpost for the conquest of Hispania.
The 23th of September of 711, Pelaio troops were facing Oppa’s troops who were inside Toletum.
The stake was the control of the kingdom's capital, but also the royal title, even if Pelaio was just then the leader of the Hrodericean forces. Officially the siege and the fights against usurper and the Vitizeans who were not yet part of Tarif's army are made for "the king", whether it concerned Agila or a possible successor to Hroderic.
While the city was besieged, Pelaio strengthened his authority in Lusitania, Asturias and Galicias but the majority of Cantabria remained out of his control; and Betica was controlled by the Vitizeans and the Arabo-Berbers. Meanwhile, Agila's army advanced on Cartaginesa, and a noble named Ardo took Valentia and secured the south part of Agila's domain.
Understanding that a failure at Toletum would weaken his position as pretender to the royal title, Pelaio used most of his forces, letting some nobles occupy the farthest positions, with the consequent issue to see them change their allegiance or rebel.
In the same time, Agila led another part of his army against the Vascones, who took advantage of Hroderic's death to continue their raids.
In some months Agila, who ruled only in the north-east of the kingdom, saw his authority respected in central Carthaginiensis and Cantabria. A fragile authority at best, and subjected to a status-quo between his opponents. In order to reinforce it, he continues the religiously intransigent politics of his predecessors, and expels the Jews from Narbona, hoping to gain to his cause the higher clergy.
Besieged in Toletum, Oppa was in a perilous situation. Not only was he surrounded and out numbered by Hrodericeans, but he couldn't hope for reinforcements as the majority of the Vitizeans were joined to Tarif‘s Visigothic army and weren't willing to support the Hispalis' bishop coup-de-force, and Tarif, was prudently opposed to any hazardous action without the governor of Ifryqia's advice.
Musa-ibn-Nosseyr, after Tariq's death, let Tarif's Arabo-Berber army remain and did not recall his reinforcements. He waited to see the situation evolve in Hispania before organizing a new expedition which he could lead himself. Tarif, then, had to give more importance to his Vitizean allies, with the risk of provoking friction in a quite disparate army. He managed notwithstanding to take Malaca and to control all Baetica, the healthiest part of Hispania.
He planned an audacious move, and decided to attack Hispalis. That would allow him to conquer a strategic place on the road of Toletum. But the city was well protected, and when Tarif attacked in November of 711, his armies couldn't cross the river without important losses. Once again, Tarif decided to withdraw before suffering a critical defeat but also because he had received the news of the fall of Toletum and defeat of the Oppaist forces, technically still his allies.
Christian chronicles later described the downfall of the bishop of Hispalis : "the duke Oppa being then isolated because his impiety; he was even rejected by his allies, and because he owed his crown to treachery, it was the cause of his fall". Oppa was spared, unlike his followers who were executed, but enucleated as many of usurpers (or unfortunate legitimate king).
Pelaio then became master of most of Hroderic's former territories, including Toletum, even if the agreement between him and Agila was informally respected.
Tarif’s capture of Baetica along with the strengthing of Agila in Cantabria and Carthaginiesis dissuaded him from claiming a right to any royal title. The Visigoth noble understood the eastern king’s strategy and he wanted to avoid a fight on two fronts. He recognized the Agilean possessions and recognized him as king, as some documents having "Achila Regnante" seem to prove.
Nobles and clergymen who have supported Pelaio, elected him Dux et Dominus of the western part of kingdom, making Agila understand that the winner and owner of Toletum was Hroderic's successor and that negotiations, after formal protocol, must be equal to that decided in 710.
After his moves in Betica, Tarif informed Musa that the conquest of Hispania, or at least, a part of it, was possible, and even easy where it would concern territories avoiding strong authority, but he critically needed reinforcements for an eventual conquest.
Tarif’s popularity did not upset Musa, and he prepared a new expedition during the winter of 711-712 to support Tarif. The Christian lords remained indifferent unless they schemed to use this new force to improve their personal power.
712 began with the arrival of Musa-ibn-Nosseyr at Gades in March, with 22 000 men, whereas Tarif, who occupied Cordova for winter, managed to form a host of 9 000 men, not including Visigothic allies.
The initial plan of Musa was to join this forces at Cordova, but according to ibn-Abd-el-Hakem:
seeing that goths have amassed many men beyond the river, at Ishybia (Hispalis – Sevilla), Musa decided to take the city, in name of the Giver of Honor, in order to prevent a treacherous attack of the infidels when he'll go to Kurtuba.
Musa probably wanted to avenge the defeat before Hispalis, and knew a battle was inevitable because it was a critical place on the route to Toletum.
Musa besieged Hispalis, and the city surrendered quickly. The Visigoth nobles made a treaty with him, still keeping theirs powers. The leader of the Islamic expedition decided not to join Tarif. He raided Lusitania to prevent any clever commander from attacking his back when he joined the Arabo-Berber forces. Meanwhile the governor of Ifryqia continued his expedition and sacked Emerita after a siege of two months.
A Pelaist army attacked Musa --and Count Julianus, who landed on the south-west coast in April--but it was heavily defeated at the Battle of the Guadiana (25 April 712) and forced to flee to Salmantica with only half its original complement.
Musa encountered virtually no resistance in Lusitania and it was easily plundered until he reached the city of Conimbriga. Remnants of the Visigothic forces and local nobles managed to keep control of the city and Musa was unable to successfully besiege it.
Since March, Pelaio hadn't helped the Lusitanian nobles and his support decreased among them as the Gothian Chronicles remembered:
Pelaio avoided fighting the saracens, whereas theirs armies ravaged the western part of the kingdom, which is his charge, and he amassed his lieges only to defend Toleta and not the kingdom.
In fact, this document gave only the Kingdom of Gothia point-of-view, 80 years after the events. It seems that Pelaio was more or less passive, wanting to attack Musa and Tarif in Betica (probably most in coastal harbors of Cadiz and Málaga) to cut the Islamic armies off from their homelands. Agila doesn't seem to have sent any man on his side, but later chroniclers didn't mentioned that, probably to maintain legitimacy of the actual king.
Musa and Tarif (who began to enter in Carthaginiensis, leaving Cordova) didn't attack Agila's forces, possibly because of the strong ties between the king and the eastern Gothic nobility and the better organization and wealth of his troops. At this time Agila may have abandoned his ambition to become sovereign of all Hispania and sought only to protect the heart of his kingdom, Tarraconensis, from pillaging. If he still claimed suzerainty over Pelaio and the other Visigothic territories, it was to receive tribute and prevent the appearance of rivals rather than to maintain a real presence here.
Where his lieutenants plundered Scabilis, Musa's failure was due to the preparations of Pelaio and an uprising in Hispalis, which made necessary the reinforcement of Tarif's forces. Musa decided to leave Conimbriga, dividing his army and sending Hasan Ibn Nasi to Hispalis to crush the rebels while he himself followed the Tajo to meet Tarif near Toletum. The pillaged Lusitania was left without a garrison--being unnecessary for a further advance in Hispania. The Visigoths took back the province for their own benefit, with the few Lusitianian nobles supporting Pelaio having joined him personally.
Pelaio moved South where Tarif advanced quickly after making some raids in Carthaginiensis. The challenge was to win against this first army before Musa arrived before Toletum. Musa, intending to strike for the Visigothic capital, commanded Tarif by messengers to slow his advance and not engage in battle before they could join their armies.
With 18000 men,nearly all his army, Pelaio retreats from the south to protect the city. Because of his move, many soldiers abandon him then. His authority at stake, he recklessly attacks Musa's forces with roughly comparable force, 16 000 men. Aistulf is given command of half the army and told to flank Musa. Because Pelaio was under pressure and had his authority weakened, his orders are confused and Aistulf made a poorly coordinated attack, making his army crushed, with heavy losses for Musa nevertheless. Pelaio, now badly outnumbered, with Aistulf dead, retreats.
It was the most important and critical battle of the campaign, not by the numbers of opponents, not by its direct benefits for Musa and Tarif, but by its mid-term implications, and the Visigoths lost it. Pelaio decided to leave the capital, taking all royal treasure and including the riches of the Jews of Toletum. Most of the inhabitants who owned something valuable followed the duke in chaotic flight.
Pelaio will be bitterly reproached for this retreat for centuries, with accusations of cowardice and treachery.
Agila sent no reinforcements, either to protect his own lands or weaken a rival. Without them, Pelaio would be unable to fight outside the city and be besieged by the combined armies of Musa and Tarif while rivalry among the Gothic dukes would prevent any help from the north.
These considerations weren't sufficient for the north-western Gothic nobility and the authority of Pelaio was doomed. The Hrodericean nobility, mostly unwilling to join Agila, split from Pelaio and his faction began to decline as a factor. Musa and Tarif entered Toletum by the actions of the Jews. Resistance in the city was led by a Gothic noble named Eraric, who prevented Pelaio's army from being attacked during its retreat.
The ulterior chronicles made Eraric a small pious noble of Carthaginiensis opposed to Pelaio's cowardice and willing to fight the Saracens without any hope of victory. Eraric was used for centuries as a culture hero in chronicles, tales of chivalry, operas and hailed in historical romances as a model of selfless Christian sacrifice.
When Pelaio reached Asturias, he left the royal treasure to Legio's bishop, giving only a few (including votive crown of Vitiza) to Agila.
After the battle of Asino and the battle of Toletan Plains, the Visigothic nobility was decimated or joined the Muslims. Only small groups were willing to fight what appeared to them as a foreign invasion at least. But the exhaustion due to war and the fear that other Gothic nobles would attack them to increase their domination led to defiant but completely ineffective counter-attacks.
Due to his consecutive failures, true or alleged, Pelaio lost his authority upon other western Visigothic lords but managed to retain authority as far south as Salmantica. The nobles and generals he named kept were nominally liegemen of Pelaio, but de facto independent.
Whereas the West crumbled, the kingdom of Agila appeared as a relatively stable and homogenous entity. Due to the passivity of the king and the Islamic armies dedicating their efforts against Pelaio, Agila had the lesser prestige but was undoubtedly who had the most chance to preserve unity among the nobility.
The anonymous chronicler of "Story of Hispanias" (XIII°) affirmed that the Duke Euric received the charge of a "Marca Vasconia" from Agila as a vassal but this is the only mention of it. It is probably a confusion with the king Euric, of Cantabria, who pledged a nominally allegiance to Aistulf in IX°
After they took the Baetica and the west of Carthaginiensis the Islamic forces managed to reinforce their domination. Tarif contended with the Visigothic princes in the south-east without achieving decisive results. Hasan in the west intended to conquer the Lusitanian nobles and take their cities until Conimbriga while Musa reorganized his army and prepared to advance into Carthaginiensis at the end of the summer.
But Hasan was unable to take advantage of the Visigoths. With the remnants of the royal army they battled the Muslims at Ollispo, managing to free the coastal zone of Lusitania between the Tajo and the Douro, except Scabilis, where the Muslims held out.
Munderic, Count of Galicia, amassed his own army in order to support the Lusitanian nobility. He sough to gain sufficient power to negotiate a truce with Musa and reinforce his independence from Pelaio and Agila. Some Galician historians suggest that Munderic managed to rebuild the old kingdom of Braga. It's true that a union between Theudoin and the rebellious Lusitanian lords would form a territorial zone comparable to ancient Suebi kingdom, but this is a geographical coincidence. Meanwhile the Pelaist forces were quiet, protecting Salamantica and preferring not strength rival Visigoths.
Musa was forced to split his army, and an army under Tarif was sent delaying Musa's invasion plans. The rebellion was not very strong, but guerrilla tactics developed during the operations, allowed the Visigoths to tie up a number of Muslim troops, as Munderic advanced in Lusitania. The northern part beyond Tajo was retaken easily by Hasan, while the Visigoths were going north, to join the Galicians. In October, the army of the count, having crossed the Douro, followed the coastline in order to reinforce Conimbriga which was threatened by Tarif.
Hasan decided to let Munderic continue south. North of Aveiro he surrounded and defeated him. The Visigothic nobles fled north without their leader and divided his territories between them, making their own principalities in Galicia.
There is no mention of Munderic after Aveiro so he may have died in battle. If he manage to flee, Pelaio probably captured him to confiscate his lands and would have executed or put him a monastery.
Tarif successfully took Conimbriga in late November, ending and the short Lusitanian independence. The campaign with Hasan reoccupied the Tajo basin and chased the Pelaists from Salmantica without serious battle. Pelaio lost the the little authority he kept since his defeat at Toledo, only saving his power on the Asturias which became another Visigothic principality among many outside Agila's kingdom.
Cities not yet under Muslim control seem to have surrendered. T he usual terms the Muslims gave to their opponents (subject to changes based on their resistance or importance):
- The payment of the kharadj tribute (between 1/10 and 1/5 of the property and lands income)
- All weapons and horses must be gave to the vanquishers (with the exception of previous neutrals or some important nobles, in which case they must lead part of the Muslim army)
- Precious goods of the churches must be seized and given to the conquerors
- All the property of those who fled the city, or died defending it became the property of Muslim treasury
- Any who wanted to leave must renounce their properties, those who wanted to stay, kept them
- The Christian religion and rites would be allowed within the churches
- No church would be destroyed, but new construction would be by allowance of the local Muslim governor
- The laws of the county would be maintained and enforced by officers chosen among the inhabitants
- No opposition to voluntary Islamic conversion and any converted slaves must be freed
- Hostages, usually from richest and more influential families, would be taken
- An Islamic garrison would be settled in the city
- The protection of the Jews and the eventual restitution of some of their possessions taken during the siege
These conditions of surrendering were, for their era, quite fair, and many cities and lords surrendered, giving up or avoiding an unwinnable war.
Hasan-Ibn-Nasir--according to a late tradition which name him “Asabanes”--seems to have been killed during a skirmish led by some Visigothic nobles. Even if the details are highly dubious, no later mention is made of the Islamic leader.
When the winter came, Musa turned back in Betica, and settled in Hispalis, having conquered Lusitania. Early in 713, he had expanded his domination to a third of the peninsula but desired full control of it and allowed Tarif to campaign in the northern highlands. He planned an advance into Tarraconensis to crush the powerful Agila as he had done Pelaio. Seeking to keep the glory and aclaim for himself, he ordered Tarif to secure his back. Musa's son Abd Al-Aziz arrived at Gades with several thousand men, desiring to gain for themselves the loot of the peninsula. He joined his father at Toletum.
In April, Musa went to the north, towards Caesaraugusta, pillaging cities which didn't surrender. This campaign was more devastating than the previous, it's purpose to make the others lords fear the Muslim army, dissolve the links between them and Agila, and motive his men for the new campaign with immediate gains. Many of the ravaged cities were not rebuilt, such as Recopolis, whose ruins show a brutal destruction and fire.
This allegation was and is often criticized by Arab scholars and historians who put the responsibility to the state of chaos within the peninsula before the Islamic conquest.
Agila led an army to Caesaraugusta to protect it from pillaging, guard a key crossing of the Ebro, and await Musa who reached the city in June.
Abd-Al-Aziz attacked the part of Cartaginesa still controlled by Agila and containing some semi-independent territories (like the one of Theudimir, prince of Auraiola). Among the cities and lands he conquered was Valentia and the east coast of Hispania. He fought Ardo, an important north-western Visigothic noble at Dertusa in May. This battle was bitterly lost for the Visigoths after a charge from Abd Al-Aziz, when many men fled the battlefield. Islamic scholars knew the battle as "Kassara” (the Breaking), to symbolize the weakness and the cowardice of the former masters of the peninsula.
This story gave birth in the later Christian tradition to the legendary "Battle of Casora", where a Saracen helped by a pagan king would flee the Christian army of an unnamed king (or, more precisely, too many names for one king). The reusing of an Arab story with reversed roles, seems to have inspired 12th Century monastical propaganda during the second part of Reconquista.
Abd Al-Aziz divided his army. One part he lead himself to reach Caesaraugusta to help his father besiege the city. The other was led by Ayyub ibn Habib al-Lakhmi, Musa's nephew and cousin to Abd Al-Aziz, to advance further the long of the coast. He besieged Tarraco, without direct result. He split his army and seize Barcino, having now sufficient loot to motive his troops and feed them, and improving his reputations among the muslims.
Ardo fled to Septimania where he was from and organized a new army to reconquer some of the lost lands. The lands beyond Pyrenees were threatened by the Islamic campaigns, and the Visigoths here were less willing to fight an enemy who could be victorious or follow what they considered a foreigner, due to the Septimanian rebellions and possibly a Gallo or Hispano-Roman ascendency.
Septimania too feared invasion, but was more willing to fight in the south, in order to protect the province. Tarraconesa suffering of eventual raids like a buffer-zone whereas protecting the passes of the Pyrenees to let intact their lands and the septimanians nobles were ready to loose the cities, as Tarraco, not yet taken by the arabo-berbers.
While Musa and his son ravaged the Cartaginesa, Tarif led a campaign in Cantabria, taking Pallantia and the “capital” of the Duchy, Amaia; then, attacking Asturias, he took Legio and Pelaio to the Cantabrian Mountains, more defensibles as he fled Toletum. Then he moves from place to place in order to reinforce his authority, even more diminished. He eventually ended to place his court in Canagas.
After taking the northern highlands in May of 713, instead of advancing to Galicia, he went to the south-west, towards Portus Cale, wanting to take all Lusitania and not risk his army against a land with a strong willed people, as in Septimania, and one with difficult terrain unable conducive to guerrilla tactics his army had not been able to defeat.
Some historians have suggested that the prudent Tarif was reluctant to attack Tarraconesa, fearing the consequences of a victory Musa would be obligated to share, making them as much rivals as Tariq and Musa.
As Abd-Al-Aziz joined his forces to his father's in July, Agila's the situation began to be desperate. The Arabo-Berbers crossed the Ebro, threatening, attacking or controlling the core of his kingdom, and fleeing of Caesaraugusta was inconceivable based on the number of the enemy. Ardo attempt to relieve the city was the only way out.
Cantabria was still in his control. Unattacked and without major threat in the north-west, it was ruled by Visigothic lords, with an important Cantabrian and Vascon ancestry, giving them strong authority over their lands. Loyal to Agila, an army was raised, under the command of a noble named Amalric, totaling 3000 or 4000.
“Highlanders strong at theirs works, in peace as in war, as if they came not from men and women, but from theirs mountains themselves.”
--Iose Sanjo, “
The Medieval Pyrenees, Lords and Peasants at the Middle-Ages.”
When this army came in view of Cartaginesa, the Islamic army attacked the city. Musa and Abd Al-Aziz understood the newcomers would made a surrender of Agila impossible, and by quick action, took and ravaged the city after a hard fight with many losses. Many of the Visigothic lords were killed in the battle, but some were captured--including the king.
Agila agreed on conditions of surrender, giving up a large part of his kingdom--even parts unconquered--to Musa. He was kept upon the governor's hospitality until the Visigoths would make allegiance to the Caliph Walid. The other nobles make a similar agreement and returned to their lands.
As Tarif took Portus Cale and the remains of Lusitania, Ardo advanced south, freed Barcino and went towards Tarraco that Ayyub had besieged with an army of Arabs and Visigoths.
According to Gothic chronicles, Ardo made contact with the defenders, coordinating attacks with the city's forces, attacking while the Muslims crossed the Ebro to fight back and killing Ayyub. However this is a later addition because Ayyub eventually became governor of Al-Andalus and it is more likely that they struck a bargain with each other instead of fighting.
The eastern coast of Tarraconesa until the Ebro was not the only issue for Musa and his son. Agila, managed to flee the “benevolent and generous hospitality of the governor” and like many Visigothic nobles (but not all at Caesaraugusta) managed to reorganize an army from the local population with all the refugees and Visigoths who left the cities occupied by the Islamic armies. At this time the refugees outnumbered the original population a both in Agila's domain and in the north-western principalities. Agila managed to keep control of the land beyond Ebro, except the basin itself.
Despite his conquest of Cartaginesa and southern Tarraconesa, the defeat of Ayyub and the rebellion of northern Visigoths was an issue for Musa strategically and for his chances to get an important reward for his campaign. He could had attacked anew when some southern visigothic nobles, probably to force him as recognized them as local powers, rebel, critically at Salmantica, Dertusa and Pallantia.
Furthermore, the Asturian and Cantabrian lords used this chance to regain some of theirs possessions taken by Tarif. Tarif had to come back to Salmantica which was besieged for 2 months; Abd Al-Aziz to crush the nobles at Pallantia and Ayyub to retake Dertusa. Musa went to Toletum in order to prevent any uprising in the south.
The rebellions were crushed, in a brutal but efficient way but their eventual results were mixed. At first, the nobles under Islamic control were discouraged from following the path of their unfortunate compatriots in the North and Musa's actions made them conciliatory and less unrealistic in their ambitions. But in the independent territories, the news of the repressions made the Visigoths less inclined to reach agreement from a position of weakness.
After this campaign, Musa and his lieutenants were inclined to let Agila exercise a certain independence in exchange for large tribute and nominal allegiance. Furthermore the invaders were probably unwilling to make a campaign for an uncertain booty in a really hostile region hosting an important part of the hostile nobles who fled the occupied cities. The Ebro region, the healthiest, being constantly raided as it was.
A treaty was agreed by both parties, the Muslims occupying the cities they took. Caesaraugusta and Dertusa were kept, allowing the Muslims and their allies to make raids in the northeast and to preserve a threatening presence in case the independents Visigoths would have ambition to reclaim their old lands or make raids from their new ones.
Islamic defeats in the northwest, didn't minimize the great victory over the Visigothic kingdom and the conquest of one of the healthiest provinces of the Christianity. At the end of 712, Musa left rule of the peninsula to Abd Al-Aziz, summoned by Caliph Walid.
This convocation was as well a reward and and a threat. Indeed, Musa have took a rich land and became a threat to the Caliphal authority. Musa knew to not obey to this order would be viewed as an act of rebellion.
The triumph of Musa in Damascus, despite the council given by Sulayman to his brother to not glorify a man who could turn against him, made his reputation into a legend. The Caliph received well the rich booty of the campaign and the description of his new lands, even if that news wasn't as brilliant as the main campaign itself.
Musa remained in Damascus until the death of Walid while his son govered Al-Andalus. He was one of the richest notables in the Omayyad capital, but the Caliph Sulayman accused him of dissimulating goods to Walid and exiled him during the rebellion of 715 in Hispania.
Tradition mentions a book by Musa, the story of his conquest. If true, it is long lost.
Abd Al-Aziz, in charge of the peninsula, attacked the Visigothic remnant on his side of Ebro, and crushed pockets of resistance in a sping campaign in Cartaginesa. This was a short campaign, the nobles giving and
surrendering to the usual terms.
The treaty between Abd Al-Aziz and Theudimir, lord of Auraiola, is considered the paradigm of the treaties the Visigothic nobles made with their conquerors. Theudimir kept an important part of the power he had before the invasion, protected from an ambitious neighbor or king, as the previous events in visigothic Hispania displayed. Similarily the more powerful nobles of Hispania kept their lands at the price of their independence. Heirs of a lesser lineage from lands captured by Visigothic rivals, usually joined the northern princes and lords, sometimes building domains of their own.
In the North-West, small principalities from Galicia to Cantabria were independent from centralized rule but made no real threat upon newly conquered lands of the caliphate--easy prey for raids.
Pelaio managed to control a small principality in Asturias. It was not valuable enough to interest Abd Al-Aziz and his power was contested by other Visigothic nobles unwilling to support an alleged incompetent and coward. The Vascones still presented a menace to these lords and the population did not enjoy losing autonomous power to the hated Visigoths, considered as foreigner ruling their lands.
Agila conserved most of his forces and if he could not halt the raids in Tarraconensis, he could remain independent after four years of harsh, exhausting battle. As the direct heir of the Visigothic Kingdom, his legitimacy allowed him to build a stable principality between the Ebro and Gaul. The nobility were loyal but unwilling to attempt a reconquest of the peninsula. They feared to be ruled over by any power of a united Hispania as the previous rebellions proved.
The main difference was the legitimate king was not the foe, but the leader of this eastern nobility.
The conquest was quick, thanks to the inability of the Visigothic nobility to unify and to the defections of many of the independent Visigoth princes. These defections made the Visigothic nobles vital in the gestation of the new province of Hispania, and Abd-Al-Aziz used them to better control the
Christian population, in order to prevent new rebellions. Some of the great nobles even saw their powers increase.
Northern Hispania and the way out of the peninsula wasn't occupied, but the heart of Hispania was in Muslim hands, causing certain temptations among the Islamic leaders.
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Map of Tarraconese Campaign
714 - 715 : The Malik al Isbania
I loved it. And consider this followed. 
