The Geum Dynasty

Early 17th century Korea was a shell-shocked land, having barely recovered from a seven year struggle with the Japanese. The Imjin Waeran (임진왜란 | 壬辰倭亂) had seen all of Korea’s eight provinces suffer the rape and pillage of the armies of Hideyoshi. The population was reduced and disease stalked the land. Countless cultural treasures had been destroyed or stolen by the Japanese, and the loss of land and census records rendered the government unable to efficiently collect taxes or enforce corvee levies. The countryside was restive with rebellion and discontent. The royal court, too, was rife with division. The rule of the Gwanghaegun (광해군 | 光海君) had been opposed by conservative factions, and he was deposed by the Westerner faction in 1623 in favour of the pliable Neungyanggun (능양군 | 綾陽君) [1].

Unlike the Gwanghaegun who had practiced a balanced foreign policy in regards to the Ming and the rising Manchu, the Neungyanggun adopted a blatantly pro-Ming, anti-Manchu foreign policy. The royal position remained weak, however, compared to that of the aristocrats. One of those who had conspired to bring down the Gwanghaegun, the military genius Yi Gwal (이괄 |
李适), found himself neglected by the new king. Disgruntled, he launched a rebellion from the north where he had been stationed to hold off Manchu attacks in 1624. Despite capturing the capital Hanseong and installing a puppet ruler as king, Yi Gwal was forced to abandon the capital by government forces and was murdered by his own men.

The remnants of Yi Gwal’s rebellion fled north to the territory of the Manchu, they recommended to the Manchu leader, Hong Taegeuk (황태극 | 皇太極) [2], to launch an invasion of Korea with the pretext of restoring the Gwanghaegun, who remained exiled on Ganghwa island. Guided by the Korean general Gang Hongrip, an army of 30,000 descended on Korea in 1627. The ill-prepared Korean army was quickly pushed back, and Manchu forces advanced south of Pyongyang. The Neungyanggun fled Hanseong for Ganghwa island, along with members of the Western faction. During this time, records exist of Manchu overtures for peace. It is likely that Hong Taegeuk would have preferred to pull his troops out of Manchuria following a satisfactory peace.

However, rhetoric on the part of the Koreans fighting alongside the Manchus regarding the executions of members of the Westerner faction reached the island, and spooked members of the conservative faction. The conservatives instead argued that the Ming governer of Liaodong province, Yuan Chonghuan (袁崇焕), would intervene in defence of Korea if the war continued. Rather than debase themselves before the barbarians, they argued to continue the war until Ming help arrived. When Gang Hongrip arrived on Ganghwa island with an offer of peace from the Manchu, he was arrested and executed by means of the forced ingestion of sayak, a deadly poison designed to bring about the failure of the nervous system [3]. In addition, the Manchu accompanying Gang Hongrip were attacked by Korean soldiers and barely fled with their lives.

This act vindicated the position of the uncompromising Jurchen general Amin over that of Jirgalang and Yoto, who had advocated peace. Indeed, this act would be the beginning of the end of the Joseon dynasty.


[1] In our timeline, he is better known by his temple name of King Injo (인조 | 仁祖). Not here, though.

[2] In our timeline we call him Hong Taiji, but here the Korean pronunciation of his name is more well-known.

[3] And here we have the PoD. In OTL, the Koreans made peace with the Manchus in exchange for promising not to violate their territory, giving up some titles given by the Ming, handing over hostages and agreeing to look up to the Manchu nation as a younger brother would to an elder. Here, the hawk faction is able to outmaneuver those advocating peace, and a policy of resistance to the Manchu is adopted.

 
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Wow, this looks really interesting. I can't see how this goes well at all for Korea. In fact, I'm not sure how we get anything but Manchu Korea (and judging from the title, you don't see how we get anywhere but there either). Of course, there are a lot of places to go after that: are the Manchus spent enough after conquering Korea that China is a bridge too far? Do you get some sort of stable Korea-centered (with chunks of China, undoubtedly) northeast Asian state? You might actually be able to get to a place where there's a balance of power in the region, instead of monolith China and the tributaries. Of course, I'm just thinking out loud. Look forward to seeing where you go with this one.
 

maverick

Banned
Could you please change the font? It's kinda hard for me to read. :eek:

The start looks promising.

Did you ever finish "Spanish Intervention in the Imjin War"? I was still on page 9 or 10 when I last read it.
 
Good to see some early interest, I'll be working on it soon. Still somewhat in research stage for the next immediate developments. Expect some Ming movements...
 
The Fleeting Response of the Ming

The Manchus had taken precautions to neutralize the possibility of a Ming intervention in Korea. Hong Taegeuk had earlier faked an attack along the Liao river to distract the attention of regional commander Yuan Chonghuan (袁崇焕), and then opened negotiations with the leader. The Manchus had followed this up by attacking the base of lieutenant-general Mao Wenlong (毛文龙) at Tieshen, driving him to retreat to a rocky and barren island at the mouth of the Yalu river known as Pidao. Some historians suggest that Hong Taegeuk intended further actions against the Ming, but the lack of a resolution to the Korean adventure led to hesitation. To move south to assist the banner armies fighting in Korea, or remain to defend against Ming attack? In the end, this question was answered for him as two Chinese armies, one under the command of Zhao Shuaijiao (赵率教) and the other of Yuan Chonghuan crossed the Liao river and engaged the Manchu forces in eastern Liaodong. Yuan, unimpressed by Manchu demands for gold and silver tribute, had decided to take the initiative. At a numerical and tactical disadvantage, Hong Taegeuk was defeated and retreated in some disorder back to Mukden.

Here came another crucial decision of the war. Yuan Chonghuan, a military genius, was torn between priorities. To pursue Hong Taegeuk and lay siege to Mukden, or to push south to relieve the beleaguered Joseon forces? Taking Mukden and killing or capturing Hong Taegeuk would strike a decapitating blow against the Manchu threat. However, a failed siege would be costly and ruin his reputation as a military commander, while the Joseon may simply capitulate in the interim. To push south, however, might mean the loss of a golden opportunity, while also running the risk of Hong Taegeuk using the Korean distraction to menace or sieze Jinzhou in Ming-controlled western Liaodong. Thus, it was decided to divide the Ming forces, with half marching north under Zhao Shuaijiao to lay siege to Mukden, while the remainder would cross the Yalu to link up with the Joseon “righteous armies”. This would be a decision debated by students of Asian military history for centuries to come, and the conclusion largely arrived at by posterity is “One cannot have fish and bear’s paw at the same time” (鱼和熊掌,不可兼得).[1]

Meanwhile, to the south, the forces of Yuan Chonghuan crossed into Korean territory across the Yuan. At this point, however, news of the execution of Gang Hongrip had spread, and some of the Korean “righteous armies” turned against their countrymen. The Northern Faction, which had been swept out of power in the wake of the ascension of the Neungyanggun, saw the Manchu invasion as a chance to place the Gwanghaegun back on the throne. This saw the development of two factions, the pro-Manchu Chinman (친만 | 親滿) and the anti-Manchu Chinmyeong (친명 | 親明) faction that led to the Korean guerilla and organized resistance to turn against itself. After the rejection of peace overtures, the Manchus had continued to push into Korean territory, taking the cities of Hwangju and Gaesong readily. Nearer the capital, guerrilla action against the Manchu was fiercer, as the province of Gyeonggi-do which surrounded the capital was largely the heartland of the Western faction and seethed with Chinmyeong forces. The Manchus lost some strength, as the Blue-bordered banner army under the command of Manchu general Amin moved north from Pyongyang [2] to confront Yuan Chonghuan. Jirgalang took the capital with Chinman assistance, while Yoto ravaged the countryside and pushed west in an effort to take Ganghwa island.

With his supposed Korean allies fighting amongst themselves, Yuan Chonghuan’s divided Ming army met the Manchu host in northern Pyongan province. Despite an initial advantage in morale, the Ming found themselves outmaneuvered and forced into a tactical retreat (though the Manchu suffered satisfying losses). Yuan sent messages asking for relief from Mao Wenlong at Pidao, but these messages went without reply. Unable to deliver a deciding blow, eventually word was recieved that Zhao’s forces had been destroyed outside Mukden and a Manchu host was preparing to descend upon Jinzhou. With this conflicting information, Yuan and his army crossed back across the Yalu and rode hard back toward Ming territory. His exit from the battlefront freed the bannermen under Amin to joined forces with the Chinman forces and decisively defeat the flabbergasted and outnumbered Chinmyeong before turning south once again.

However, when he arrived he found the city completely unmolested, and the bulk of Zhao's forces chastened but alive. The reports of a Manchu threat to Jinzhou had been false, a deliberate ruse to divert Yuan away from the warfront. It was in Jinzhou that Yuan learned of the arrival of the red banner army under Daisan to reinforce Hong Taegeuk and defend Mukden, and the defeat and costly retreat of the Ming forces from Manchu territory. It was here he learned that the powerful eunuch Wei Zhongxian in Beijing was calling him a coward and a fool, and his command was to be stripped from him forthwith. In fury and shame, he retired and prepared to return to his ancestral home in the south.

It is unknown whether he knew of the secret correspondence between the Manchu and Mao Wendong, though he may of heard rumors or had suspicions. Mao proposed to Hong a policy of live and let live: the Ming would not interfere with the Manchu invasion of Joseon Korea as long as the Manchu ceased their raids into Ming territory. This was not, of course, an official arrangement and may have been largely cynical on both parts to begin with. But for the time being, it was convenient. Hong Taegeuk, with a secured western border, could concentrate on putting an end to the Korean mess; while Mao Wenlong was now in a singular position to profit from illegal trade, controlling a crucial entrepot into Manchu territory, and maintain what was essentially a personal fiefdom.

Regardless, as time went on the temporary arrangement would become ever-extended, as the Manchu war against the Joseon dragged on and the Ming became occupied with other concerns. For the Chinmyeong forces, it would seem as if they were abandoned by their supposed patron and ally [3]. Denied help from their friends, the Joseon would have to await assistance from an old enemy...

[1] Roughly analogous to "One cannot have one's cake and eat it too"

[2] In OTL and ITTL, Amin had be convinced to move his army north by Jirgalang and Yoto in order to prevent him from ballsing up the peace negotiations underway on Ganghwa island. OTL, realizing he's been tricked, he let his troops loose for three days of rape and pillage on the defenceless city of Pyongyang. Here, he's simply well-placed to defend against the Ming incursion.

[3] Considering that Chinmyeong means "Pro-Ming", that would surely have cut deep.

 
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maverick

Banned
Thanks for changing the font, that's better.

A pity about Yuan Chonghuan. I hope that's not the last we heard of him, especially as Wei Zhongxian is not likely to hold power for long.

I hope to see how these interesting developments affect Korea as well.
 
So is this 'old enemy' you're refering to be the Japanese? If so, whose in charge of Japan at the time all this was going on? Is it Hideyoshi or is ist an increasingly isolationist Japan under Tokugawa?
 
Thanks for changing the font, that's better.

A pity about Yuan Chonghuan. I hope that's not the last we heard of him, especially as Wei Zhongxian is not likely to hold power for long.

I hope to see how these interesting developments affect Korea as well.

Ah, so far Yuan hasn't suffered anything he didn't suffer from in OTL. I have plans for him...

So is this 'old enemy' you're refering to be the Japanese? If so, whose in charge of Japan at the time all this was going on? Is it Hideyoshi or is ist an increasingly isolationist Japan under Tokugawa?

Tokugawa Iemitsu, who is largely responsible for Japan's isolationist policy, has been nominally in charge of Japan since 1623, but actual power is still being controlled by ex-regent Tokugawa Hidetada. Hidetada is famous for anti-Christian policies, but Japan has not yet retreated into isolationism. In OTL, Hidetada lived until 1633.
 
Did the name originally mean that, or is this just a valid reading of it? For instance, was the original intent 'relative of brightness'?

It means "Pro-Ming". I found the reference on Korean Wikipedia, but it is a pretty established expression. During the Japanese occupation period OTL, individuals and institutions in league with the Japanese were referred to as Chinil (친일 | 親日), while today pro-American newspapers are referred to as Chinmi (친미 | 親美). It can be used with people's names too; as supporters of Park Chunghee's politician daughter these days are grouped as Chinpark (친박 | 親? 무슨 한자인지 모르겠네~)
 
The defence of Ganghwa was largely under the command of Im Gyeong Eop (임경업 | 林慶業), who had fought valiantly in the Imjin War and the rebellion of Yi Gwal. Im commandeered every available barge and ship to help transport materials to support a long-term defence of the island. Some foreign support had even arrived, from an unlikely source. When the Shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu learned of the Manchu incursion, he immediately ordered the daimyo of Tsushima to send 300 muskets, 300 long swords, and gunpowder to Korea. This policy largely followed the example of the Sambyeolcho rebellion, which had by fortifying Ganghwa island and other strategies, had successfully resisted the Mongol invasions of Goryeo for decades in the 13th century. When the armies of Yoto began to reach the area, the bridges connecting the island to the mainland across the Yalu and all barges in vicinity were burned to deny the area to the enemy. Unable to secure an access route to the area, Yoto encamped while using Chinese engineers to attempt to build a bridge. As the nearby areas seethed with Chinmyeong guerillas and the Korean navy lurked off-shore, it was a long and difficult process.

A new front opened in the north as Daisan in command of the red banner armies invaded the northern Hamgyeong province to prevent Korean forces from that region to be brought to bear against the Manchu armies operating on the west side of the peninsula. Some have claimed that the entire campaign was orchestrated by Hong Taegeuk as a way to keep the excessively powerful Daisan occupied. Victory in Hamgyeong would be no great boon, defeat no great loss. Hong Taegeuk himself crossed the Yalu and encountered the army of general Amin, fresh from a victory against Yuan Chonghuan and with troop numbers swelled with Chinman Korean auxiliaries. Hong remained wary, however, for word had reached him of Amin’s ambition to become overlord of Korea in his own right.

In Hanseong, Jirgalang was enjoying the fruits of conquest, as a coterie of Joseon officials treated him and his officers to wine, feasts and the affections of the famous kisaeng sing-song girls. Prior to the fall of the city, the garrison commander had burned the royal storehouses and offices of the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of War. To make matters worse, most of the Korean troops stationed in the city had quietly retreated, making first for Ganghwa island, and then pulling back to the fortress of Namhansanseong (남한산성 |
南漢山城) toward the south of the city. As for Jirgalangs bannermen, they were being domiciled in Korean residences, which was proving deeply unpopular with both the local residents and the Manchu themselves. This came to an end when Hong Taegeuk arrived at Hanseong, he ordered Jirgalang south to lay seige to Namhansanseong, and sent Amin’s forces to assist Yoto.

Hong Taegeuk would enforce a strict separation of the Manchus and the Koreans, ordering an enclosed area to be constructed on the ruins of the Ministries of Finance and War, though this nucleus would expand. The pillaging of the countryside and the murder of civilians by some of the Manchu bannermen had led to complaints by the leaders of the Chinman forces. Realizing that to bring this war to a satisfactory conclusion he would need the continued support of local allies, Hong was forced to formulate regulations and rules regarding the conduct of the bannermen. To facilitate this process, Hong began to rely on the assistance of those local literati who had thrown in their lot with the Chinman faction. Most of these worked under the assumption that a Manchu victory would mean the restoration of the Gwanghaegun as Korean king, but some of them began to have other ideas.

Jirgalang moved south and defeated a Chinmyeong army before laying siege to the castle. Unable to take the fortress, the Manchu lay siege. The siege continued in a stalemate as the Koreans possessed ammunition and food supplies to last for months. Meanwhile, the forces of Yoto and Amin were taking a beating from the Korean navy, which possessed Cheonja heavy cannon that out-reached the range of the Manchu longbows. Koreans with knowledge of cannon-casting and gunmaking had largely escaped to Ganghwa island or to the south. Hong Taegeuk ordered Chinese gunsmiths from Liaoyang brought to Hanseong. The Chinese gunsmiths were able to construct cannon known as Hongyi-po (홍이포(紅 夷砲) based on Dutch design. These weapons, outranging Korean artillery, would be extremely important for the continued Manchurian campaign.
 
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maverick

Banned
This is getting interesting. How far is Joseon from imminent collapse?

And if people are not working for the restoration of Gwanghaegun, what would the Manchu do once their conquest of Korea is over? Install themselves as rulers of the peninsula?
 
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