Mongols in the Americas

Yup! Mongols in America.

I had already started this TL under "the will of the Tngri" but decided that at the pace I was going it would take forever to get through Tuesday.

This TL picks up where the other left off and is more of an overview than a detailed account.

The implications of a Mongol / Yuan landing in 1293 in Central America have turned out to be massive relative to OTL. I am still exploring the impact, but suffice it to say that the Mayas fall earlier, the Inca empire never develops and the Spanish will have a surprise in the years following 1492.

It all starts in the next post.

1294 AD

As 1293 came to a close, Shi-bi had firmly established himself in the area surrounding Alagh bay. He had established a military camp on Negan Island, the island in the mouth d a presence on of the bay, and an outpost on Arslan Island, about 24 li away at the north end of the bay. There had been some resistance from the Ngöbe, from the several settlements in the area, but one or two instances of what some called “Mongol diplomacy” had brought them under control. Now Shi-bi had a representative in each village who held that villages Spirit Necklace, and was thus inviolable.

A complete roll call of his forces was one of the first undertakings. He had left China with over 28,000 soldiers, 45,000 sailors and crew, 1000 ships and 1500 horses plus an assortment of servants, monks, shamans and other support people. He now had 7,200 troops and 7,100 sailors, 3,500 naval infantry, 205 ships, 600 horses and about 320 assorted support people. In addition he had landed 200 cattle, 500 sheep, 450 pigs, 800 chickens and 600 ducks. For all the livestock they had taken care to insure the survival of members of both sexes. Mongol war horses were largely mares, because the milk was a central food supply; however Shi-bi had made sure that stallions were preserved against the need to breed his herds.

As far as his forces were concerned, Mongols had survived in greater proportion than the other nationalities, partially because they were officers and partially due to favoritism. Of the 1000 Mongols who sailed from China, nearly 700 were still with Shi-bi. A Mongol warrior needed 3 or so horses to be effective on the field, so Shi-bi could only mount about 200 cavalry at any one time. Most of these were the light cavalry archers, one of his most effective forces. He had nearly 2,500 Uyghurs remaining out of 8,200. Again, there were many officers, but many of these men had started out as heavy cavalry. They would need horses to be most effective, but Ike Manse was training them as heavy infantry in the mean time. Chinese made up most of the balance of the force; primarily sailors, naval infantry, archers and regular infantry as well as engineers, there were about 11,000 in all.

His total force, including all roles, was 18,205. There were 7,100 sailors, 3,550 naval infantry, 7,200 soldiers and 320 in other roles, including various non-combatant clerics and specialists.

Shi-bi had a significant force for the time and place, but he knew too little about both to be confident, so he was cautious. In December he sent scout ships north and south along the coast. In both cases they encountered contrary winds and currents, but made their way, landing reconnaissance parties along the coast.
At the close of the year, Shi-bi’s flocks had grown, his mares, cows, sows and ewes were pregnant, Fish proved to be plentiful and the army was well fed. The local villages supplied additional food as they were able, mostly tubers, vegetables and some grain. Many of these foodstuffs were unfamiliar and the Ngöbe taught the Asians how to prepare them. The earth also provided copper and some gold, although there was no iron to be found. So ships that were irreparably worn or damaged were cannibalized for their fittings and whatever other salvage they could provide.

His domain, the nascent Eastern Khanate, encompassed the entire Bay of Alagh and it’s islands as well as the coastal areas. The great peninsula to the west of the bay was mostly his and he also controlled the large island in the sea to the southwest. Some of his men had taken up with Ngöbe women and there were children on the way, in all likelihood. They would be properly raised as Mongols Shi-bi declared, even if they were Chinese or Uyghur in parentage. The shamans had discovered that the Ngöbe were co-religionists of sorts, but the Buddhists and Muslims were also winning adherents among the Ngöbe. Surprisingly to Shi-bi, the Muslims, so few in number in his fleet (only about 21%), were drawing more attention than Buddhists or Taoists or his Shamans. He was a tolerant man and thought little of this, as long as they would fight when needed.

1294:

The beginning of 1294 looked auspicious. Pigs and sheep were getting close to bearing their young. The cows and mares were well along as well. The animals had taken very well to the climate and the available feed. The forests were full of game, some familiar, such as deer, and some unusual, large plant eaters which were very fond of water. Birds were plentiful, but unfamiliar and many of them had extremely colorful plumage which the Ngöbe used as decoration and signs of rank. The most spectacular birds were held in high regard and hunting them was taboo.

The expeditions sent to reconnoiter the coasts had not returned yet so knowledge of the area was limited to what they had seen and what the Ngöbe could tell them. Several of Shi-bi’s men were adept at learning new languages and the Ngöbe proved to be surprising in their ability to understand and communicate with his polyglot troops. There were, the Ngöbe said, people to the west and north with huge villages in the dense forests. These villages were made of stone and the people there worshiped gods who drank blood and ate men. To the east were more people like the Ngöbe, but these had contact with other tribes that lived in stone villages along the coast and in the hills to their south. There was another sea to the north as well, and the people from the forests used huge canoes to move along the coast trading and sometimes looking for men to feed their gods. And so, Shi-bi knew he was not alone. The “stone villages” were obviously cities, and that indicated developed nations that he would need to deal with at some point. The bloodthirsty gods of the men to the north and west sounded more like demons, so he tasked the Buddhist monks and his shamans to learn what they could about these people and their gods.

The Pox:

In late January, the Ngöbe began to fall ill with the pox. The Asians thought little of it since it was a fact of life in their world. The extent of the illness soon surprised and alarmed them when the realized that the Ngöbe were dying from it in astounding numbers. As many as 80 in 100 fell ill and of those 80, 60 would die. Many of the women who had joined Shi-bi’s men fell ill and died before being able to give birth. It was as if the Gods were again cleansing the world for his great mission.
The plague spread rapidly among the villages and beyond to the neighboring peoples with devastating effect. It also spread from the villages that the coastal expeditions encountered, and soon it was raging throughout the entire region. It quickly spread along the trade routes that linked the tribes and then to the peoples on the coast of the northern sea. There, it traveled by land and water to spread in the cities of the Maya, and from them to their farms and villages.

In the other direction, the pox made its way from coastal village to coastal village in the wake of Shi-bi’s ships. From the coast it traveled inland and eventually reached the foothills of the Andes. In all these places the death toll matched or exceeded the toll among the Ngöbe.

The Chinese had long been using a method which was rather successful in controlling this disease. It involved grinding the scabs from the sores of infected individuals and blowing them in the nose of a person who was not infected. The goal was to induce a mild case of the illness which would result in stronger resistance or immunity, much like modern inoculation. There were a significant number of deaths which would result, but considerably fewer than if the disease was left unchecked. Shi-bi, knowing that he needed the local people to help support his efforts, had those with knowledge of medicine treat Ngöbe and other villagers in this manner in the hope that they would be able to survive the Pox. This effort was successful to the extent that when new cases arose among the remaining people far fewer ended in death. Of course, many of the survivors were physically scarred for life as a result and those who did not fall ill, or who survived without the marks, began to treat them as outcasts.

Shi-bi could not tolerate further weakening of the community his men relied on and promulgated the story that these marks were a sign of favor from the Spirits. They were proof that the Gods so valued these individuals that they had made them live on when they were supposed to die. The surviving Ngöbe Shamans were convinced by the Mongol Shamans that this was the case and the belief that these survivors were blessed began to take root among the people.

As the epidemic ran its course there were fewer and fewer Ngöbe to work the fields, hunt, fish, or otherwise provide for their needs, despite the best efforts and effects of Chinese medicine. Caring for the ill, dealing with the dead and finding enough to feed the remaining population became the focus of life. This resulted in increased involvement of mostly Chinese in farming and food production, initially to supply the Asian forces. Those Ngöbe who survived the illness shared their agricultural practices with the Chinese. The blending of the two farming traditions would result in a significant increase in food production over time, even as the growing Asian livestock herds and flocks increased the dietary variety available to the Ngöbe and other natives.

As summer arrived in the Bay, the epidemic had largely run its course and there were fewer new cases of pox to deal with, although it would never be completely gone, and would occasionally return to ravage the Ngöbe and their neighbors. They had lost half their number in the epidemic and their culture had suffered badly.

Cross-cultural ties:

The Asians, with their huge ships, strange animals, powerful weapons and tools, as well as their seeming immunity to the pox were seen as something approaching semi divine. To be favored by them was to gain status in the villages, to be around them conferred protection. One of the results of this was the willingness and eagerness of Ngöbe women to catch the eye of even the lowliest of their number. One of the changes that arose from this fraternization was the revision of Ngöbe social structure. Traditionally, family ties were followed through the woman’s line. Her family owned the land (or rights to it) and often helped support the in-laws. A man could have more than one wife, but only if he could support them, so as a man grew in stature and wealth he might take additional wives, and as he aged and his power waned might lose them back to their families.

Now, many of the Ngöbe women were leaving their husbands to pair with a Mongol or an Uyghur. This brought additional status to her family. Girls were encouraged to find a mate among the newcomers as well. The new norm that was developing among the Ngöbe was one wife, one husband. The plague had severely depleted their numbers and there were a limited number of women to go around, resulting in strife within Shi-bi’s men and resentment among the Ngöbe men. Eventually, the women would find that they preferred life in the villages to life in the camp and they began to drift back. Many of them were pregnant and there were many cases where the women brought their Asian husband into the family and the village’s life.
It has already been mentioned that the Asian and Ngöbe agricultural practices were being combined to produce higher yields. At the same time, many of the Ngöbe were also learning the intricacies of animal husbandry. The Mongols were very protective of the horses and initially kept the villagers from working with them, however working with the sheep, cattle and pigs was another matter. The Ngöbe proved to be very adaptable and quick learners. They provided tremendous amusement to the Asians as they tried to herd and catch the livestock and particularly when they began trying to ride the cattle as they saw Mongols riding their horses. This was an extreme learning experience for the village men as they fell off, slid off, and were occasionally thrown off when they attempted to mount a bull. During the course of 1294, much of the herds were moved to the mainland, to the area known as the grass fields which were above the head of the bay. Only the horses were all kept on the island where they could be watched over and protected as the herd grew.

The clothing of the Ngöbe was normally made of plant fibers, which were processed and converted into passable cloth. They were amazed at the silk worn by so many of the Asians and could not understand where the vibrant colors came from. Many thought that silk was made from the feathers of colorful birds, such as those they were familiar with from the forests. As well equipped as the fleet had been, there was no need for silkworms on an invasion, so silk production was not a skill they would learn. They would, however, learn to shear sheep and weave wool. At this the Ngöbe were also surprisingly good. The women quickly began to rival the skills of the Chinese weavers in the fleet.

Shi-bi was eager to provide as many of the skills necessary to sustain the army, short of horsemanship and military skills. As time progressed, the local population not only learned enhanced agriculture, husbandry and cloth production, but also tanning, carpentry and aquaculture. The smiths in the army were amazed at the skill with which the Ngöbe worked gold and copper, the only metals they seemed to have. As a result, iron working was added to the list of knowledge that was not shared. The only iron the Asians had was that which they could salvage from scrapped ships. As talented as the Ngöbe were at metalwork, iron working was, along with horsemanship, bow making and sailing, one of the things which gave the army an advantage.

The Asians, for their part, learned from the Ngöbe as well. There were new hunting techniques, including the blow gun, that were particularly useful in the dense forests. The shamans shared their knowledge of local medicinal plants and animals with the Chinese physicians. Specific techniques to enrich and maintain the soil for farming as well as new food crops were added to the Asian agricultural repertoire.
A culture of interdependence began to develop as the Asians recognized that they needed the Ngöbe to fill many of their needs and the Ngöbe recognized that, having survived the plague, they were learning new skills and production methods which were beneficial. They had never really experienced want before the coming of Shi-bi, but they had never experienced consistent plenty either.

The Northern Expedition:

The ships that had sailed west and then north returned in midsummer. They brought with them news that confirmed the Ngöbe tales of a great civilization to the north. The ships returned with wonderful examples of textiles, gold work and samples of writing. Shi bi and his scholars were unable to make anything of the documents since they were written with symbols that were unintelligible to them. But they were in awe of the intricacy of the script. The cloth was as good as what the Chinese could weave with the same material and the gold work was even more exquisite than what they had seen from the Ngöbe. The captains spoke of great cities, seemingly in decline. They told tales which supported the Ngöbe stories of people being fed to the gods. In all, it seemed that there was a rich nation on its last legs to the north, and this interested Shi-bi greatly.

The captains also told him that compatriots of the people they met lived to the east, in the great forests and retained the full vigor of the civilization.
As the expedition returned to the bay, they noted that the towns and cities they had encountered on the outward journey were consumed with the pox, and so they hastened back to the safety of the fleet. What they could not know was that the pox had spread into the heartland of the Maya, the people they had encountered, and was at that moment ravaging the populations of the great cities of the hinterland.

The Southern Expedition:

The ships that had gone west and south returned with stories of great cities along the coast, some weeks away. One city had a population that they estimated at over 30,000 individuals. There were great palaces, huge fortresses, immense temples that rose to the sky. The kings of this land wore garments of feathers and the finest wool the captains had ever seen. Their weaving, gold work, pottery and all the skills they had seen were as good as or better than those exhibited in China. But they had no horses, no cattle and no iron.

The ships had initially encountered people who were related to the Ngöbe, but as they went south the people became more and more different. One of the things that Shi-bi and his councilors noted was that these people in the south did not feed their gods people. Their gods were more familiar in their needs and demands, particularly to the Buddhists and the Tngriists.

The land Expedition:

Shi-bi had also dispatched an expedition to the north and west by land. They had maintained constant contact with the general by sending riders back to the camp on a regular basis. From this expedition, Shi-bi learned that the horses were seen as magical by the population, who had never seen them before. He also learned that there was a trade network which used large canoes along the coast of the other sea. Again, the scouts returned with samples of wonderful cloth, gold work and feathers. Their payment for these things, beads, some few knives, wool cloth and scraps of silk also carried the pox to the cities they could not reach. And so the plague continued to spread through the Yucatan.

Summary:

1294 was a year that was not good for the people who lived in the isthmus or the adjacent areas. The Asians had unwittingly spread smallpox through the local population and along the trade routes to the other cultures in the area. They had also spread it to the Yucatan, southern Mexico and the coastal plains of Peru and the foothills of the Andes. That first year, it spread as far as the kingdom of Cuzco. After the months of disease in the environs of the bay, the only people left alive were those who survived, developed immunity or had avoided infection. The Ngöbe had taken the opportunity to learn from the new comers and had actually grown in strength and resilience as their numbers declined. The Asians, for their part had discovered a virgin land in which they could prosper, with willing women, tolerant men and plentiful resources, except iron.

All parties did well that first year, after the plague had run its course among the Ngöbe.

I know someone is going to want to discuss the numbers of men.

In the Japanese invasion, only about 1% of the troops were Mongols.

The ships carried up to 100 crew in most cases.

I have taken the liberty of making the Mongol participation stronger in this invasion. I have also estimated the minimum number of crew required to operate the ships.
Many of the 1,000 ships sent by Kublai would have been supply ships, otherwise there would have been only 25 or so troops per ship. There would also have been non-combatants, and there would have been naval infantry. I do not know if these light troops were included in the estimated of the army so I hav opted to consider them almost as crew.

Hope this helps

And we continue...1295

1295:

One of the reasons the Ngöbe and the Asians were relatively successful in 1294, despite small pox, was that the newcomers were actually a stabilizing force for the natives. They were alarmed by the intensity of the epidemic, but they were not distraught. As a result, the Ngobe were able to keep their wits about them as the rest of their world became increasingly desperate.

Through the use of the scab powder, immunity to the disease developed more rapidly than elsewhere so the depredations caused in the cities of the Maya and the streets of Chan Chan were far less sever in the bay and its environs.

Shi-bi continued to use the time to explore and familiarize himself with his surroundings. His ships had found islands rich with pearls some days sail to the East. The people who lived there were initially hostile, but a few well thrown bombs and the onset of the plague robbed them of their will to defend themselves. These islanders had a ready market for their pearls in the cities of the south and there was regular trade along the coast. During the previous year, the southern expedition had seen the trading canoes along the coast and eventually found the ports of the kingdoms of Peru.

New expeditions were sent to these great cities, this time with trade goods, including pearls. These cities, so different from those in China, amazed the travelers. The people used irrigation to water their fields and built great terraces on the valley sides that reminded the Asians of rice paddies, but were used to grow many different types of produce. But they had also been ravaged by the illness and the markets no longer bustled with the activities of commerce. Where there had been peoples of many lands trading their goods there were now none. There were not even enough to work the terraced fields or maintain the canals. Some of the great temples seen the previous year showed signs of vandalism and desecration. The officials who met them came with heavily armed escorts and were exceedingly wary. They were not made to feel welcome and were unable to find much worth trading their pearls for.

Similar reports came to Shi-bi regarding the peoples of the west and north. There were no great trading canoes to be seen on the other sea and many of the thriving villages were now severely reduced or even abandoned. The people of the stone villages no longer traded and the few who had been to their land brought back tales of empty market and untilled fields. All the peoples of the stone villages were fighting each other to capture men to feed their gods, but while the gods ate, they did not act to protect the people.

These reports of the de-populating of the land troubled Shi-bi and his advisors, for trade was a powerful weapon, but it required people to trade with. If the cities in the north and south vanished, how could they build an empire?
The Bay of Alagh:
As noted, the impact of the plague on the Ngobe was not as great as elsewhere due to the efforts of the Asian physicians. Therefore they had suffered less loss of population. There was now something of a baby boom in progress and most of the young were of mixed parentage. This was accentuated by a new product introduced to the local women by the Asians; Milk.

The cattle and sheep had prospered and milk was plentiful. The Ngöbe had learned how to milk the animals and they learned to feed their children the milk of the animals. This seemingly small thing was having a revolutionary impact on their child rearing practices. Prior to the introduction of dairy farming they had needed to breast feed their children for several years until they were able to eat the staples of the Ngobe diet. This effectively reduced the ability of women to bear children, since there were only so many breasts to go around. Milk from cows and sheep took this burden off of women while it imposed another. With the reduced demands placed on their bodies to feed their young, they were able to bear more. Thus, the Ngobe popunlation was recovering more rapidly than anywhere else.

Of course, with the increased involvement of the Asians in the daily life of the bay and it’s people the blending of cultures also accelerated. Each adapted clothing from the other, belief systems began to merge as did customs. Religious ideas, particularly the shamanistic beliefs of Mongol Tngriism began to find their way into Ngöbe faith. This was strongly influenced by Buddhist beliefs and practices as well. Islamic beliefs which had initially been well received were sidelined largely due to the Muslims desire to keep their faith unaltered. When an Ngobe woman had children by a Muslim man, the father made certain that they were raised as Muslims.

A single binding moment:

As was traditional in Asian diplomacy and politics, Shi-bi had taken hostages when he exerted his power. Their purpose had been twofold, to guarantee good behavior on the part of the Ngobe and to help bridge the gaps between the two cultures. Many of these had died of smallpox but the surviving hostages were well treated, fed and clothed. A young boy had captured the imagination of Shi-bi because of his insatiable curiosity, courage, daring and inventiveness.

Shi Zhan Shuang reported the story in his “Horse and the Jaguar”, a history of the first decades of Asian presence in the New world;
What bothered Shi-bi was not the boy’s temerity, he rather liked that, or even the boy’s presence with the horses because he understood the curiosity of youth. He was troubled by the boy’s command of the Mongol tongue in so short a time and his invocation of the greatest of the spirits.

Shi Zhan Shuang continues:

The great Shi-bi adopted the boy and gave him the name Nugün Ürije, Meaning Boy Stallion.

Factionalization:

As 1295 wore on there was growing evidence of factionalization within the Asian force which tended to run along ethnic lines, on one side were the Mongols and Uyghurs, on the other the Chinese. There were increasing challenges to the authority of Shi-bi. The General’s faction numbered about 7,000 men and the Chinese faction about 10,000. For the time being he was able to maintain control, but he knew a reckoning of sorts was coming.

Aside from the Koreans, who were in the General’s camp, the Chinese controlled the majority of ships. The General controlled the cattle, sheep and horses as well as most of the armaments. While conflict did not erupt during the year, there was increased jockeying for position, influence and power that was evident.

Much of the agricultural, as well as the craft skills were in the hands of Chinese technicians and engineers. In order to be successful, the two sides needed to work together to sustain a viable presence. Shi-bi’s approach was to make the army even more interdependent. As was Mongol custom, he broke the internal relationships by combining the Chinese, Mongol, Uyghur and Korean elements of his force. The goal was to break the petty loyalties and strengthen the overarching loyalty, to him.

Chun Bo Fen, the captain of the fleet’s largest war junk, held the highest military rank among the Chinese. He was well respected among his countrymen as well as the non-Chinese in the fleet and held third rank behind the General and his second, the Uyghur Ike Mense. He was a practical man who knew how to make the most of circumstances and how not to rock the boat. He fully enacted Shi-bi’s instructions to integrate their force and share skills. He also took the opportunity to strengthen his own ties, particularly with the Korean leaders and Buddhist monks.

A result of this approach was an increased depth of talent and expertise. Men who had only rode horses and used the bow learned something of farming. Those who had only wielded swords learned how to make them, those who had taken care of cattle learned how to shoot a bow. The value of each man therefore increased while, at the same time the ethnic divisions weakened.

The art of horsemanship expanded as did the art of carpentry, and smithing and archery. It would take time, but his army would be far more effective as Mongols learned to sail and Koreans to ride.

In the midst of all this change was Nugün Ürije, the adopted son of Shi-bi, taking advantage of every opportunity to learn from his many masters. The two things he relished the most were the time he spent on horseback and the time he spent on the ships.

The combining of the elements of Shi-bi’s force was strengthened by the presence of so many Ngöbe women who had joined their husbands in the camps. Their presence was a unifying force since the Ngöbe culture placed such value on maternal lineage. While their husbands might argue and scheme, the women were united in their efforts to keep the peace. Nugün Ürije’s parents had died in the plague and his aunt saw to his maternal needs. She insured that while he was learning the ways of the Asians, he did not forget the ways of the Ngöbe.
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[/FONT] Preparations for the Kurultai of 1296:

As Asian roots grew deeper because of their increasing family ties to the Ngöbe and the bay there was also a growing need to establish legitimacy and identity of their new circumstances. This first became apparent to the Shamans, Monks and other clerics and educated men in the fleet. Many of them had also partnered with Ngöbe women and as was the tradition, became deeply involved with their native in-laws.

The Ngöbe chieftain had been among the casualties of the pox and the man that had been chosen to replace him was terrified of the power of Shi-bi. The Ngöbe also needed leadership and they increasingly looked to the most powerful man in the area…Shi-bi.

The general had assumed many of the responsibilities of running the local economy out of necessity, but he had stayed apart from the Ngöbe and their traditions. He had not taken a wife but would select a young, unmarried woman from the village when he felt the need. They were always well treated and returned to their homes with gifts and signs of the favor of Shi-bi. Their status in the villages grew because they had been chosen by the General and many hoped to bear him a child, but as yet none had become pregnant.

The group of Shamans, monks and clerics who had been discussing the future of the Asians now went to the surviving shamans and holy men of the Ngöbe. These native religious leaders joined the discussions and counseled the Asians in local traditions and customs. The method by which the Ngöbe chose their leaders was not as strange as the Asians had expected it to be, it was in fact very similar to the customs of the Mongols and the Uyghurs.

The various holy men then returned to their own people and an consensus began to develop that a formal ritual should be conducted to select and legitimize an overall leader of the bay and it’s peoples. There was little doubt who that leader would be, but it was becoming increasingly important to make it official.

In the autumn of the year, Megujin arranged a meeting between Shi-bi and the other leaders, religious, military and Ngöbe. He explained to the General the agreement among them all that there needed to be formal leadership of everyone and everything. Megujin told Shi-bi that they had decided that there should be a Kurultai to elect a Khan. Shi-bi objected because there were not enough Mongols of sufficient rank and a Kurultai could not include foreigners, such as the Chinese, Koreans Uyghurs and Ngöbe. Ike Mense was somewhat offended that his Uyghurs, children of the steppes like the Mongols, were being referred to as foreigners. He spoke up and reminded the general that the custom of Kurultai was common among his people as well.

In the end, Shi-bi was convinced that it would be good to elect a Khan, but those who take part in the Kurultai needed to be properly chosen. That meant that there needed to be many minor Kurultai prior to the Great Kurultai to select a Khan.

And so the process began. Shi Zhan Shuang relates the following in “Horse and the Jaguar”;

There was much to prepare. There needed to be a great white felt to carry the new Khan, food and beverages for a feast needed to be ready and at the site. Tents and pavilions needed to be erected, horses prepared, Archery fields created. Most of all, there needed to be a throne.

The Throne:

There was surprising disagreement about the throne. The Mongols wanted it to be like a saddle, the Chinese like a dragon or phoenix, the Uyghurs like a great wagon.

The Ngöbe wanted it to be like a grinding stone. Their great ceremonial seat was a ceramic stool with three legs. It was shaped like the stone that they ground Maize and other grains on, but beautifully incised and painted in reds, blacks and creams.

There were no such high status artifacts on the fleet. While they had ornate chairs, they were just that, chairs. Their saddles were utilitarian, their wagons plain. The throne must be very special, unmistakable and unique.

An Ngöbe craftsman arrived at the solution. They would blend the shape of the grinding stone and the Mongolian saddle. This would be placed on a platform in the shape of a wagon decorated with Chinese dragons and other symbols to represent all the peoples.

Craftsmen and artisans from all nationalities came together to work on the throne. As was the Ngöbe custom, it was made of ceramic, heavily incised and decorated. A great wagon was built to carry it and was decorated with gold and copper ornaments. When the holy men saw it, they were very pleased and said it was as grand as that of the Great Khan himself.

That was probably a gross exaggeration, but there can be no doubt that they were pleased.

Here is an interesting thing;

It is obvious that people are reading this TL, And I truly appreciate it.

I am disappointed though that there has not been a single comment.

It is not that I am looking for "nice work" type posts. I would love to know what people are thinking about it.

If you do not wish to comment, fine, I will follow through on this. Shi-bi has truly captured my imagination. Each entry takes me further from the original idea as I consider the cultural, religious and demographic effects of their landing in Panama.

I never considered the impact of cows milk!

I would love to hear any thoughts my readers may have. It will only serve to make me think. And that is why I am here after all.

Actually, I'm surprised nobody has commented. I've thought of this idea for a long, long time, and I had actually been planning on doing something like this, but had been impeded by my Iroquois Jesus TL. The idea of the mongols either fighting with the (by the 1860's just as skilled) sioux or merging to form a conquering khanate that sweeps through the Colonies is intriguing, to say the least. Putting the two greatest Horse Peoples on one continent is definitely something worth watching. Though I was planning on doing something like this eventually on my TL, this one certainly seems better-researched, so I'll just see how this one develops. I'll be looking forward to reading this.

Thanks...there is someone out there!

More to come, if I can avoid getting bogged down in the details.

This is a very interesting idea.

Are the Apaches, Sioux and others like them just as quick to adopt the horse in this TL as the OTL? Some horses are going to run wild sooner or later and a wild population is going to be established.

I have a soft spot for "Mongols in the Americas" TLs, and will be following this one with attention.

BTW one disease that will be brought over along with pox is influenza, which is endemic in China.

Thanks all,

It hasn't been mentioned, but hogs have gotten loose and are looking for their ecological niche. The horses will also get loses at some point. One of the problems with expansion is the need for horses and the amount of time it takes for them to carry their young. Plus I can't have all the mares pregnant at the same time.

You are right about influenza, and there are other diseases as well. I have used smallpox as the primary "plague" to encompass a number of diseases, sort of a catchall. People with smallpox would have had weakened immune systems and been more susceptible to other diseases such as influenza. the reverse is also the true. Since smallpox has such obvious physical signs, it all becomes one in the eye of the afflicted. There will be epidemics that are more discrete.

Nice. I love it.
I will love to see the reaction of columbus when he found the mongolians.

Well I am surprised that they didn't break out in fighting, as the Chinese did have especially large in the way of how theys aw themselves compared to the Barbarians, though this view was more common amongst Southern Chinese during the Yuan.

It would be neat if the Chinese form a free Mongol state on the coast here, and the Mongols/Uyghurs flee toward the Great Plains. At least how I would have done things though still your TL forming here has a interesting mposible motion set to it with the toleration expansiveism of the Mongols for the Americas.

1296:

The preparations were completed for the Kurultai and on the proscribed day, January 10, nearly the entire population of the Bay of Alagh gathered in the Grassy Field. It was the largest gathering the Ngobe had ever seen as most of the Asians and virtually all of the natives had come to wittiness this event. A great pavilion had been raised within which those attending the Kurultai would gather to select their Khan. At the entry of the pavilion stood a large pole that had been carved and painted in the style of the Ngöbe. Near the top of the field stood an enclosure guarded by Mongol heavy cavalry, the walls of which were silk cloth and hangings. They waved gently in the morning breeze, giving an occasional glimpse of the throne within.

At dawn, a Mongol rider appeared at the lower edge of the field. A horn was blown and the rider spurred his horse to a gallop up the slope toward the pavilion. The crowd scrambled to get out of the horseman’s path as he raised his bow and fired three arrows in quick succession from the back of the charging horse. Each arrow whistled as it flew, each with it’s own note. The sound of the three arrows came together for a brief moment, making a single harmonic chord before each one in turn buried it’s head in the pole before the pavilion and was silenced.

The rider wheeled his horse around and came to a stop alongside the post, facing the way he had come. A great din of noise arose from the forest and what seemed like an army marched out from beneath the canopy of trees. Shi-bi and all the elected representatives to the Kurultai strode up the slope to the pavilion accompanied by horns and drums and cymbals.
Mongol cavalry rode alongside them and cleared their path.

Nearly 300 people entered the pavilion and the cavalry took positions around it and did not let anyone come near. The Kurultai went on for most of the day and food and drink were brought in to the assembly three times.

Late in the afternoon, the members of the Kurultai left the pavilion and gathered at the pole. They looked stern and solemn. Megujin came out of the pavilion and the representatives made way for him as he walked to the pole and pulled the arrows out one by one. As he removed the last arrow and held it over his head, the horns once again sounded and the drums began beating. The highest ranking of the representatives to the Kurultai came out of the pavilion carrying a large white felt, on which sat Shi-bi. (None were surprised by this, it had always been assumed that he would become Khan and he himself had made it clear to his subordinates that he was the only legitimate candidate.)

A general shout went up from the crowd and Shi Bi was carried toward the enclosure at the top of the field. The curtains around the throne were taken away and Shi bi was tossed into the air several times by the men carrying the felt. They place the felt on the wagon like platform in front of the throne and Shi-bi, stood up, turned, and sat on the throne. Megujin then came to him with a new helmet that had been fashioned for him to wear.

Made by the Asian armorers, the helmet was brightly painted with Mongolian motifs and the reinforcing metal straps that rose to the top were covered in gold that was incised with Ngöbe imagery. Tassels of pearls from the islands hung from the rim of the helmet and a plume of white horsehair flowed from the crest.

Megujin intoned a blessing and invoked the spirits of the Tngrii. He offered Shi-bi the helmet and Shi-bi accepted from the shaman and stood, holding it out in front of him. Then he raised the helmet and placed it on his head to the sound of drums, horns, bells and cheers. Megujin then proclaimed him Songghumal Khan and the Silver Horde was born.

The Conquest of Chun Bo Fen:

Early in 1296, several Buddhist monks came to the conclusion that they should travel to the great cities of the south in order to better understand the people and their nations. They persuaded Songghumal Khan that the journey would be not only enlightening but profitable. The Khan, still consumed with developing his forces agreed to the voyage and tasked Chun Bo Fen, the Chinese naval commander with the provision of the vessels for the monks. Chun suggested that they also send a small force to the Pearl Islands to secure that place.

Several ships were detached from the fleet and Chun Bo Fen and his monks sailed south. They landed 250 mostly Chinese troops in the Pearl Islands and established a regular dispatch boat that would go between the islands and the Bay. These men were charged with pacifying the people of the islands and defending the interests of the Khanate. These islands were soon brought under the control of the Khan and a regular intercourse between them and the Bay resumed.

Continuing on their voyage, the squadron of junks reached Chan Chan within a few weeks. The city was even more abandoned than before. Chun gathered the remaining leaders of the city and through an interpreter told them that he was the governor sent by the Khan of the Silver Horde, who was now their overlord. The news was not well received. Chan Chan was the capitol of an empire that stretched down the coast and into the mountains. They had endured the plague and lost many of their people, they had sustained tremendous economic damage, but there had been no conquest. How could this Khan conquer them without a war?

Chun had learned well at the feet of the Mongols. One of the city lords challenged his assertion that the city had a new overlord, and his head rolled across the floor, stopping at the feet of Chun. The other lords, completely horrified at this, for the dead man was among their most highly regarded, looked on in stunned silence. Chun again announced that he was the governor sent by the Khan Songghumal and that the city and it’s empire were now under his protection and that of the Silver Horde.

With the blood still flowing out of the old lords severed neck, the remaining lords bowed to Chun. He thanked them for their gracious welcome and bade them to tend to the old lord’s body with all the ceremony and honor due to him.

Chun Bo Fen then sent a ship back to the Khan to inform him of his new province in the south. His men patrolled the city and prevented anyone from leaving. He sent patrols into the countryside to bring back the former residents who had fled the plague. These he set to repairing the terraces and irrigation, harvesting what could be and planting. He managed the fishing fleets and the city began to regain some of it’s ancient activity.

The Khan sent some livestock and artisans to assist in the rebuilding. These people had never seen cattle or sheep, nor had they seen pigs, but the Khans men soon had the herds and flock grazing on the sparse grass. The artisans joined the craftsmen of Chan Chan to refurbish the temples and markets. Chun did not hamper the rituals at the temple, in fact he encouraged them as a way to bring the city back to life. The monks, whose idea this voyage had been, spent much time with the priests of the Chimor religion. They learned their faith and told of the wisdom of the Buddha.

The city continued to recover, and during this time, Chun learned that there is a secondary king in the Lambayeque valley to the north. While many of the surrounding areas had willingly submitted to him because they saw good things in the capital, there was no contact with the valley. It was supposed to be very well irrigated and very fertile.

Chun had noticed that none of the peoples he had encountered used the wheel for carts or wagons. He instructed his artisans to build a great wagon, to be pulled by bulls. The people of Chan Chan were amazed to see a child’s toy made so large. To have it pulled by cattle was even more amazing since they had never conceived of using animals, however strange, in this way. There was a road that led from Chan Chan to the valley where this king supposedly was. Chun sent the wagon, with an escort of 200 infantry (leaving him with 300 in Chan Chan) and several of the monks and the city priests.

The wagon looked like it had come from the heavens, brilliantly painted and carved. Chun had had it embellished with gold and silver ornament from the city and it sparkled in the clear sunlight. Pulled by eight bulls, it carried the monks and priests in a grand procession from the capital to the valley.

Wherever they went they told of the rebirth of Chan Chan under the great Khan Songghumal and his governor Chun Bo Fen. The news soon reached the king in the valley and he went out to meet the procession.

The King confronted the procession as it was nearing the valley. He was accompanied by many warriors, in varying states of health, for the plague was still among his people. He commanded the procession to return to Chan Chan without entering his realm. The monks and priests asked him for permission to continue alone and he again refused them. At this moment, the commander of the mission, one of the few on horseback, rode to the front. He had been quiet in the back of the train to gauge the situation.

The king, never having seen a horse, was frightened, but retained his composure. The commander told the king that they would continue into the valley and the king, still shaking at the sight of the horse, replied that they were not to enter his lands. His escort of sickly troops moved to protect him. The commander, told the king that he would give him the same answer that the governor, Chun, gave the Duke in Chan Chan. The king, surrounded by his men grunted and turned to retreat to the rear in a dignified manner before the fighting broke out.

The commander gave a sign and the Asian archers strung their arrows, swords were drawn and a few more horse wer brought to the fore. None of this was lost on the Chimu soldiers, who knew they were not strong enough for a fight. As he spurred his horse ahead, the Asian commander drew his sword and delivered the same answer that the duke had received. The head of the Chimu king rolled amongst the wild flowers on the side of the road.

With the commander wheeling his horse in their midst, their king dead, and the priests of Chan Chan obviously in support of this new ruler, the Chimu troops lay their arms on the ground and cowered in fear of their lives. The Chimu king was the only casualty that day. As the king’s head was separated from it’s body, his ministers and officials in the train fell on their faces in fear. The chief priest, seeing his counterpart from Chan Chan in the great wagon, and having received a sign from him, bowed his head in submission, but remained standing.

The wagon and the bulls, the Asian troops and the monks and priests then proceeded into the valley past the body of the king. His men collected his remains and at the instructions of the monks laid him to rest in a manner befitting his rank.

Tomb said:

Well I am surprised that they didn't break out in fighting, as the Chinese did have especially large in the way of how theys aw themselves compared to the Barbarians, though this view was more common amongst Southern Chinese during the Yuan.

It would be neat if the Chinese form a free Mongol state on the coast here, and the Mongols/Uyghurs flee toward the Great Plains. At least how I would have done things though still your TL forming here has a interesting mposible motion set to it with the toleration expansiveism of the Mongols for the Americas.

Click to expand...

The challenge is comming

This is an intensely well-thought out timeline. I'm afraid that while I don't have much to comment on the details yet, I am following it and would immensely like it if you continued. This is very creative and elaborate.

My only question: where are you getting your ahistorical Mongol names from, such as the title of the Khan? They seem quite authentic.

Strategos' Risk said:

This is an intensely well-thought out timeline. I'm afraid that while I don't have much to comment on the details yet, I am following it and would immensely like it if you continued. This is very creative and elaborate.

My only question: where are you getting your ahistorical Mongol names from, such as the title of the Khan? They seem quite authentic.

Click to expand...

Thanks for the encouragement!

I wish the names were more authentic, Mongolian has gone through many changes over the ages. An entry on the SCA site was very helpful in understanding the purpose, meaning and pattern of Mongolian naming conventions. I finally found another site that has what seems to be a good English / Mongolian dictionary that uses the latin alphabet instead of Mongolian script. The only problem is that it is modern Mongolian instead of historical.

If there are any Mongolian scholars out there who can point me in more accurate directions, i would really appreciate it.

The journey of Ike Mense:
Songghumal Khan had sent Chun Bo Fen south to transport and assist the Buddhist monks. He did not send him to expand the Khanate, although he was not disappointed by Chun’s success. He noted that, on subsequent missions sent to re-enforce or re-supply him, members of his family had also traveled to Chan Chan. The governor had gathered his wives and children around him in the old palace of the Chimu king.

The Khan sent Ike Mense to Chan Chan in September of that year. His task was to review the work of the Governor and report to the Khan on his progress. Ike Mense also knew that he was to estimate the loyalty of Chun. He was to bring back the first born son of Chun, a 1 year old boy, to live at the Khan’s court in Alagh. The stated reason was to guarantee the boy had the best education and training he could get and grow into a fine leader of men. Of course the real purpose was to guarantee the good behavior of Chun Bo Fen in his new province.

To insure the cooperation of Chun, the Khan sent several war junks and 1,500 soldiers, including 300 Mongol cavalry. This force far outnumbered Chun’s army.

When Ike Mense’s fleet arrived at Chan Chan, Governor Chun was not in the city, but had gone to the northern valley, called Jequetepeque, where he was receiving the allegiance of the lords there. Ike Mense, as the emissary of the Khan, commandeered apartments in the palace and assigned his men to the guard. Chun’s men could hardly object and they gave way to the commander, establishing themselves elsewhere in the city.

When Chun returned, Ike Mense went out to meet him outside the city. Chun approached in panoply suited to a king rather than a governor, with bells and cymbals and drums. Banners of innumerable color flew around his entourage as it approached Chan Chan. The Uyghur commander marched out of the city in full military array, much to Chun’s consternation, He was not even aware that the general had come.

The greeting was amicable, two commanders in the same army greeting each other as brothers. Chun showed Ike Mense everything he wanted to see and explained the lay of the land, the nature of the natives and the resources he had found. He provided samples of the goods the people made, including wonderful metalwork in gold, silver, copper and bronze. He offered bolts of exceedingly fine wool, nearly as good as the silk of China and wonderfully woven with colors and patterns that were strange and beautiful.

He asked for more cattle and horses, chicken and pigs, for his herds were small and would take much time to grow. Ike Mense asked chun, how many people there were in the province of Chimu and was told that there were at least 15,000 in the city of Chan Chan, another 35,000 in the valley of Jequetepeque and perhaps 70,000 more scattered along the coast. The plague had been very harsh here. Ike Mense was taken aback; the population of Chimu was far in excess of that of Alagh, which gave Chun inherently more strength that the Khan.

Ile Mense congratulated Chun on subduing such a great province. He then told the governor of the Khan’s desire to have his son at court. Chun knew that his son would be a “guest” of the Khan and protested that the boy was too young to be separated from his mother, Chun’s favorite. Ike Mense agreed that the boy might be too young, but the Khan was adamant in his desire to see the boy raised properly, It would probably be best if his mother went with him to the court.

Chun, aware that his men were scattered throughout the city and Mense’s men were everywhere in the palace, and that Mense outnumbered him considerably and had much more than a ceremonial cavalry, said that that would probably be the best solution for the boy. In his heart he was horrified at losing his favorite wife and his first born son. This would long rest in his soul.

Ike Mense took the next few weeks to survey the new province. He was amazed by what these people had done without oxen or horses or the wheel. It was reminiscent of china in its complexity, but completely different at the same time. The valleys of the province of Chimu possessed more people, skill and wealth than that at the Khan’s disposal in Alagh.
The ships of Ike Mense were re-supplied and preparations made for their departure back to the Bay. Ike Mense took the opportunity to inform Chun that his own junk, the largest and most powerful in the fleet, was needed to explore the northern coast and that the Khan had ordered it back to the Bay. Two lesser junks would be left for his protection.

Inside Chun raged. His favorite wife and son gone, his ship taken away. He was lord of this land and these people. This was an insult, though gently delivered.

Ike Mense and the fleet departed Chan Chan for Alagh that day, with the governor’s wife, son and ship, which now served as Mense’s flagship. A substantial number of men had been left behind; not as soldiers but as agents of the Khan. Cattle had been delivered along with sheep and pigs as the governor had requested, but there were no horses.

When Chun inspected the ships left in return for his war junk he was dismayed, but not surprised. The ships were old, leaked and one was hogged. Their armament was limited to a few old catapults, trebuchets and cannon or two each, but they were fully stocked with bombs, projectiles, arrows and all the other weaponry he needed. The problem was that he knew the Khan had newer, better and more powerful weaponry. He needed to find out what his artisans and craftsmen could do with what he had.

Expedition to the Other Sea:

Songghumal Khan ordered an expedition in force to the Other Sea. His herds were growing and his flock flourished. He assembled a force of 2,000 men to march to the Other Sea and establish a base of operations. He placed Orghui Biskigür at the command of this expedition. Orghui was an old compatriot from the Steppes who had served the Khan well in his life as a general of the Yuan. Of like age and experience, he was an able and experienced commander.

His orders were to reach the other sea, subdue the population and establish a new center for operations. Once established he was to explore the other sea and find the people of the stone villages, if they had not all been eaten by their gods. To this end, Songghumal had three of his ships carefully disassembled, to be rebuilt on the other coast. Previous missions had already located villages, and he knew there was plentiful timber if needed, but this would allow a quick foray into the new ocean while the new wood seasoned.

Orghui would also establish a string of stations, where horsemen would be able to quickly transmit messages to the Khan at Alagh.

The expedition in total numbered nearly 6,000 people. Orghui’s 2,000 troops, the shipbuilders and crews of the ships, the men to build and maintain the stations, the soldiers to protect them, and their wives and children. Additional craftsmen, herdsmen and animals would be sent once the coast was secure.

The expedition went west, then north to avoid the highest of the mountains, and within a month, Orghui was gazing at the Other Sea.

Hendryk said:

I have a soft spot for "Mongols in the Americas" TLs, and will be following this one with attention.

BTW one disease that will be brought over along with pox is influenza, which is endemic in China.

Click to expand...

Hmm, gives me an idea. Does this mean it would be possible for the Americans, after/while being devastated by the pox and influenza, could pass the flu to the incoming Spanish and wreak some biological havoc among them, perhaps? Would be quite interesting.

Tomb said:

Well I am surprised that they didn't break out in fighting, as the Chinese did have especially large in the way of how theys aw themselves compared to the Barbarians, though this view was more common amongst Southern Chinese during the Yuan.

It would be neat if the Chinese form a free Mongol state on the coast here, and the Mongols/Uyghurs flee toward the Great Plains. At least how I would have done things though still your TL forming here has a interesting mposible motion set to it with the toleration expansiveism of the Mongols for the Americas.

Click to expand...

I am not too sure of the practicality of the Mongols and Chinese expanding and taking territory for themselves in America. The distance is too great to maintain the direct contact needed to govern well, and the Mongol rulers in America would be too separated. Besides, aggressive conquest makes native populations much less inclined to trade. Which is important.

Expedition to the other sea ctd.

Close behind him came his supply train along the road hastily cut through the wilderness. Cattle pulled carts laden with equipment and goods and also the pieces of the ships. It would take a good two months for the entire expedition to cross the hills and turn East to the the new camp.

Orghui traveled along the coast for several days and finally reached a fine bay. The land around the bay was fairly open and a there was a headland that would provide fine defense.

There were also the local natives. The Asians had come into contact with them in the past and they were not always warmly welcomed. This was a smaller group, mostly young men and women and some very young children.

When the villagers who were working their fields at the time, saw the first approach of Orghui’s column, they fled into the nearby woods and made their way to the village as quickly as possible. There they hurridly gathered up what belongings they could, boarded their canoes and escaped down the river toward the sea.

One of Orghui’s scouts witnessed the escape and rode back to the general with the news. When they reached the village the signs of a hasty retreat were everywhere. Many pots were lie broken where they were dropped, their contents scattered on the ground. Tools and some weapons for hunting and fishing had been left behind as well and there were ornaments and utensils and toys strewn about.

The Asians had not been to this village before but they could tell that the population had fallen suddenly. The plague must have been very strong here, taking most of the older people and leaving most of the survivors marked with it’s scars. This was born out when they discovered many recent graves. Based on the number of houses in the village and the size and number of the fields they had seen, Orghui was able to estimate the number of villagers at nearly 3,000. The quantity of abandoned dwellings, graves and overgrown fields told him there were far fewer now.

He left the village and marched to the headland where they prepared their camp. Messengers were sent back with instructions for the supply trains and to inform the Khan of their arrival. They were also told of the fleeing natives and were the supply train prepared to defend itself on the march if needed.
The people of the village had fled from the Asians because there were stories about that these were the men who had brought the plague, and who were responsible for all the troubles they now faced. They reached the mouth of the river, where there was another village of their people. It was, in fact, the center of trade in the region. This village had also suffered mightily from the pox and was lead by a man of 23 years, the elders, including their headman, having died the previous two years. The young Headman listened to the refugees and had his people offer what comfort they could. He ordered the villagers to prepare in case they needed to escape as well.

A few months prior to the arrival of the Khan’s men, this village had been visited by one of the few great canoes seen that year from the people of the stone villages. Many of the men on the canoe had died in the journey, weakened as they were by the disease in the countryside. Normally, these were trading missions, bartering for unique shells and crafts in exchange for special feathers and green jade. This canoe, however, carried no trade goods. It carried an official from their king, Ahau Cuat Cocom. His name was Ah Kom Xiu.

The official came to the dwelling where the headman and the other leaders of the village had gathered. He tried to be as dignified as he could, but the voyage had taken it’s toll. He was tired, his clothing was bedraggled and in need of cleaning. Only the gold ornaments he wore in his ears and around his neck spoke of high rank and power. The unusual shape of his head also marked him as a dignitary of the stone village people.

He had asked the villagers if they had heard of the men from the west who sit on animals and if they had seen any of them. He wanted to know everything they knew of these strange men, for the king had only heard unbelievable rumors. Had they seen the winged temples that cross the waters, the walking tables that carry men and goods…Did they know of the shining cloth that they wore or the rock they throw that makes hurricanes or the log that belches fire?

The villagers had heard of all these things. They had seen the strange men sitting on the animals who carried them. They had seen the shining clothing. These men had taken milk from their carrying animals to drink and make food as well, but they had not seen the other things, although they had heard of them.

Ah Kom Xiu was very interested in the way the villagers had come to know the men who sit on animals. The head man told him that they had visited the area the year before. They had tried to trade bolts of fine cloth but were not please with the few things the village could offer. They had strange metal, far stronger than the copper the villages used. They were not impressed by the pottery, which was exceedingly fine. The only thing that interested them were pearls and gold and Jade figures traded from the stone villages. They gave a few pieces of the wonderful cloth, they called it silk, for They gave a few pieces of the wonderful cloth, they called it silk, for an equal weight of gold and jade.

They ate so much that the village suffered from food shortages for weeks after their visit. Their animals had eaten an entire field to the soil. The villagers made the strangers feel unwelcome by turning their backs, withholding supplies and finally tearing down their quarters. They left, with an armed party from the village on their heels and traveled south west along the coast until they turned south, whence they had come.
Ah Kom Xiu told them that his king, Ahau Cuat Cocom, was very interested in these strange men. He would be very generous to anyone who gave him information about them.

The Headman knew, despite his few years, that this was a promise of generosity and also a threat should he withhold. Ahau Cuat Cocom was the leader of the greatest of the stone villages, Mayapan. He controlled vast territories and vast wealth. His people could not be counted, at least before the pox. He was the most powerful man conceivable. His gods demanded the blood of humans; they even demanded his own blood to protect and nurture his people.

A few days later, Ah Kom Xiu left the village and the river and returned to his king. He told the headman and the shamans that if they learned anything, saw anything, they should send word to Ahau Cuat Cocom without delay. He gave them a standard to carry in their canoe which would guarantee safe passage to the harbors of the king, and then to Mayapan itself. There they would be able to give their knowledge to the king and return home.

The headman immediately prepared canoes to bring the news of the arrival of these men to the King of Mayapan, to tell him that they were here in the bay, had established a village on the headland, and had come in much larger numbers than before.