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#41
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Through history there have been societies that for one reason or another became sociopathic, paranoid and delusional. The general rule is that they don't last. It's happened before, sadly it may happen again. It's nothing remarkable. That doesn't have anything to do on whether they would or would not industrialize. I don't think that they would, and I laid out my position as clearly as possible. You argue that they would industrialize, but the foundation of your argument appears to be based on magic beans from Jack in the Beanstalk. That's very well and good. But I don't buy it. Quote:
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#42
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But infrastructure investments by Colonial powers didn't lead to Industrialization anywhere in the Colonies, where presumably, there's an arguable vested interest to invest and build up the place and maximize the wealth return. If anything, Colonial ownership and investment had the effect of freezing or de-industrializing. This was one of Ghandi's arguments against the British in India. Remember that whole 'spinning wheel' shtick he used to do. It certainly didn't lead to industrialisation in Latin America. So what makes you think that British infrastructure investment would spur Confederate industrialisation? Wouldn't British infrastructure investments be aimed at furthering British economic policy - ie, buying cotton and selling manufactured goods? That seems anti-industrial to me. But hey, you've scored a point, so maybe you're on to something. Feel free to develop your ideas on this area. Quote:
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#43
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#44
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Coincidence? We invite you, the reader with no inclination to do his own research, to decide. |
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#45
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Isn't investing overseas, now and in the past, all about potential of returns on one's investment? Also local industry and commerce will be stimulated by whatever infrastructures are built. The simple movement of people is also the movement of ideas between points.
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Coincidence? We invite you, the reader with no inclination to do his own research, to decide. |
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#46
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Off the top of my head, I can really only think of cotton and tobacco, and that's simply going to continue to drive an agricultural economy. It's not going to encourage industrial investment. Even there, the Confederacy's attractiveness wanes. Egyptian cotton undermines the Confederate market. Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Netherlands, Germany, Italy and even Spain, Japan and the Ottoman maintain colonies in sub-tropical or tropical agricultural regions whose cash crops will increasingly compete. So what are all these 'many things and services they need'.... Quote:
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#47
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Realistically the CSA would most likely follow the same developmental path as Latin America. The CSA would remain largely agraian with most of its industrial development centering around commoditites and raw material. Unfortunately the boom bust nature of commodity prices would mean that infrastructure would be built to handle one boom only to fall into disrepair when the inevitable crash occurs, before an alternative commodity can be found to take its place. |
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#48
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You can't just draw superificial social similarities and, because you don't like those social similarities, say these two things are the same thing. The South had wealthy elites but, then again, so did the North. When Cotton and other planting activities start to lose their profitability, those elites will shift their economic activities so they can continue making the money they're used to making. It's how markets work. In South America, there was no where near the available capital or the available labor that there would be in a Southern economy that won early enough to not be completely devestated. I get it, y'all don't like the South very much. That's OK, slavery was a hypocritical, evil practice. But, unfortunately, being evil doesn't necessarily curtail success in this world. Far from it, really. EDIT: I think, worst of all, you guys seem to be using some bullshit version of the modern 'Third World Dependence Theory' to make these arguments. It ignores the fact that the Latin American countries were already poorer than the North American ones, that their economies were slow and backwards because their financial systems were, and that this image you have of a few, large land-owners dominating their economy and nothing going anywhere is anachronistic to the Civil War period. |
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#49
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Seriously Jared, you appear to have some substantial emotional investment here, that compels you to throw in Alien Space Bats. Quote:
"The South had wealthy elites but, then again, so did the North. When Cotton and other planting activities start to lose their profitability, those elites will shift their economic activities so they can continue making the money they're used to making. It's how markets work." And once again, you invoke magic beans and alien space bats. Your argument has no traction in the real world. Look around you. Did Britain shift gears in Industrial decline to come back out on top? How about General Motors, did it shift gears in a declining car market to become the worlds leading computer manufacturer? Don't think so. One of the big problems that you insist on overlooking is your notion that capital is infinitely fluid. Well, not true. Indeed, one of the staples of intensive plantation cultures and their ilk is that capital is not fluid at all, its tied up in land. You have this notion that landowners in a declining agricultural market, where the value of their fixed capital is in decline, are going to miraculously convert it to some fluid value and redeploy it in ways that literally demand a precognitive level of foresight. Sorry, but you are not being persuasive. I know the subject is near and dear to you, and I'm sorry to gore your ox. But you just aren't making your case. Quote:
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Is it possible that a sociopathic, paranoid and delusional society (my term, rather than just saying evil) could be quite successful? Yes. Could such a society become an industrial power? Under the right conditions and with the right circumstances, sure? Could the south? Doesn't look like it to me. And I'm perfectly willing to listen to a compelling argument. But frankly, your obvious attachment to the subject matter combined with your inability to make such an argument makes me somewhat skeptical. It seems to me that if there was a real case, you would have made it by now. You're obviously intelligent and passionate. The fact that you seem unable to make the case without resorting to magic suggests to me that there really isn't a case. |
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#50
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I also question how effective southern capital will be in independently creating a new industrial economy, considering 2/3rds of it was already tied into land and slaves. Neither are terribly fluid, and given its allocation, southern lenders aren't terribly likely to support anything that disrupts the status que. This also means when the price of commodities such as cotton and tobacco crash, they will have a much more drastic effect on the confederate economy. Of course there is always the factor of the entrepenor, and entrepenors could undoubtably work miricles. However an independent confederacy is unlikely to produce as many of these miricle workers as the north. The reasons for this will be less immigration, as the south is very much unlikely to give out vast chunks of free land ala the homestead act, it has a much more stratified society, and it has less industrial jobs from the git go. The south also has at this time a much weaker educational system compared to the north, both locally and in terms of universities. This is not to say that it won't produce its share of geniuses, but it will mean that it will have in general a much less educated population when it comes to producing both skilled workers and innovation. This is ontop of the fact that roughly a third of the southern population is denied any education as a means of social control. I'm not saying that the confederacy is doomed, it just has a hell of a lot of factors work against it if it wants to become anysort of industrial power. |
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#51
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#52
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Stephens in fact talks about the issues of protective tariffs, diversion of federal revenues to internal improvement projects in the States, and other issues that he felt were solved by secession...all of them before he ever mentions a word about slavery. But then, that would require that you actually READ the speech, and not just cherry-picked quotations out of it. Of course, that might actually lead to some neurons being unduly exercised. Can't have that, can we? Easier to get your history in pre-disgested form, eh? ![]()
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England Expects That Every Man Will Do His Duty, the adventures of Horatio Nelson in Anglo-Saxon England, is available on lulu.com and on Amazon.com! |
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#53
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![]() I think you have your "repressive regimes" confused. Abraham Lincoln shut down over 300 newspapers which opposed the war and his administration. How many did Jeff Davis shut down? Exactly zero. The only restriction of freedom of the press the Confederate government enacted during the war...and this over Davis's opposition...was a regulation stating that troop movements could not be reported. Even this was flagrantly ignored with no consequences (source...historian Hudson Strode's biography of Davis). Like the 10,000 people Abraham Lincoln had arrested (compared to about 3,000 arrested by Confederate authorities, according to a recent study by historian Mark Neely)? Like the arrest of the Maryland legislature by Lincoln (Jeff Davis never did that)? Like Lincoln ordering the arrest of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (again, something the likes of which Jeff Davis never did)? It wasn't Jeff Davis's Secretary of State who told a visitor that there was a little bell on his desk that, if he decided to ring it, he could send the visitor to a dark place where nobody would ever see or hear from him again. It was William Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of State.
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England Expects That Every Man Will Do His Duty, the adventures of Horatio Nelson in Anglo-Saxon England, is available on lulu.com and on Amazon.com! |
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#54
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The South simply did not have the geographic and resource advantages of the North (except in certain spots such as Birmingham). In the north, iron, coal, oil and timber were all concentrated in close proximity, AND the Great Lakes enabled massive shipments of food to the new cities.
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#55
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I would like to assure you that I did in fact read the entirety of the 'Cornerstone Speech' (and thank you for correcting that). But I did not encounter it in high school, the American civil war wasn't a huge topic in my high school, strange to say. Rather, it came years later, after university, when I got interested in the Civil War, Jim Crow, slavery, race relations and that whole cluster of topics. I read quite a few books, and after a while started to read the primary sources. As nearly as I can tell, your argument seems to be that the civil war wasn't about slavery because Stephens presents quite a list of grievances and slavery, though present, comes later. Even on its own terms, your argument doesn't hold up because like it or not, the slavery issue remains a significant part of the speech, and you can't pretend its not there. The real problem, with your argument, however, is that you seem utterly ignorant or perhaps deliberately oblivious of 19th century rhetorical technique. Let me set it out for you: There were no teleprompters in the 19th century, there was no instantaneous media prepared to take quotes out of context, there was no electronic amplification, there was no radio, there was no television as a cool medium. This may seem like I'm being trite but bear with me. There was none of that stuff. What there was, was a man mounting a small stage or podium (sometimes nothing more than a tree stump), and roaring/half shouting with no more resources than his own lungs, and trying to hold and interest a crowd with his wits and the origin. It was a hell of a task, and the men who were good at it, were very good. Speeches and debates hours long were not uncommon. And to make a speech like that, to hold an audience, you had to tell a story, there had to be rhythm, there had to be pacing, you had to build your ideas like architecture, but always with a slight of hand, so the audience could never quite get there ahead of you. You had to present it, so that notions followed one after another, built up on top, so that the whole thing seemed the plainest common sense. And on top of that, you had to make it stirring. Emotionally engaging. Just reading it on paper, it can be hard to get a sense of how the whole thing put together, and it can be tempting to try and break it into equal pieces, or add or subtract weight to different parts. But as a live speech, it was powerful, it was unapologetic, and it married reason and passion into a powerful ideological statement. So when it comes right down to it, Stephens really is talking about slavery. The emotional and intellectual core of his speech, the passion, the conviction, the climax comes down to this: That it is a profound and self evident truth that even the American founders did not understand that men are naturally unequal and that blacks are made to be slaves. That the south is a nation and an institution founded entirely upon the principle of slavery, and that this principle is worth fighting for, its worth killing for, and it is worth breaking the union for. And every other thing is a piece of that great big principle, tariffs and states rights and internal diversion, for him these are all bricks in the wall, little pieces of the big picture, and he leads his audience beautifully and passionately and reveals the big picture. So, in answer to you: Yes, I actually read the whole thing. I read it not as a callow high school student, but as a man with a reasonable historical grounding, and a certain degree of historiographical school. I read it with an eye towards the historical context of its making and performance. And having read it, I came to conclusions that you don't like. But these conclusions are sound. I recognize that there are arguments and assertions that the Civil War was not about slavery but about other issues - tariffs or whatever. But looking at the arguments, they don't hold up. They depend on a whole lot of cherry picking, a lot of selective blindness and avoidance, some careful evasion or misrepresentation of the historical record and a reliance on irrelevancies. It's the same sort of shabby tactics we see in Holocaust deniers, and those people are rightly dismissed as shabby cranks. It seems to me that with the civil war 150 years in the past, we should be able to dispense with such nonsense. I see no basis for trying to whitewash the words and actions of ancestors five generations in the past, particularly when those ancestors at least had the courage of their convictions. Now, I suspect that you might be puzzled or annoyed that I've taken so long to say all this. You might not particularly like what I've had to say, or the manner in which I've said it. But before you judge it, know that I've taken this time and effort because of respect, because I've read some of your work and felt it thoughtful and interesting. And I felt that out of courtesy, I should at least lay out my thoughts and views for you fully. So here we are. I hope that as we cross paths, whether we agree or disagree, we can maintain a reasonable level of civility, and even where it gets hot, we can at least respect each other. Is that fair, or what? But I do have to say, that I don't appreciate your condescending trash talk to me, and if you figure that's the way to keep on playing it, maybe think that over. Where I come from, its fun and games when someone loses an eye, and I like fun. So anyway, to recap: nice to hear from you, thanks for the correction, liked your work, will hold to my own opinion, but best wishes, and its a good idea to keep it friendly. |
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#56
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The problem I have with people like you, is that you try to reduce history down to a simple level and claim that great events like the Civil War come about because of only one issue. That is NEVER the case. In the case of the Civil War, I don't deny that slavery was ONE of the factors which lead the South to secede. I don't even deny that it was, far and away, the most important reason for the secession. What I deny is that it was the ONLY one. And even the very evidence you cited...the Cornerstone Speech...bears that out. Quote:
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England Expects That Every Man Will Do His Duty, the adventures of Horatio Nelson in Anglo-Saxon England, is available on lulu.com and on Amazon.com! |
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#57
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__________________
Coincidence? We invite you, the reader with no inclination to do his own research, to decide. |
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#58
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On the other hand, you know what: It really was just one big ass asteroid that kills the dinosaurs. You hear what I'm saying? Lawyers have a kind of intellectual tool that they use when parsing events and causation: 'but for'. Essentially, it goes 'but for X would Y have happened'? In this case, 'but for slavery, if there had been no slavery, would the civil war have happened?' Take slavery out of the equation, and the entirety of American politics from 1800 to 1860 simply doesn't happen the same way. The Civil War doesn't happen. Quote:
Ah, I suppose I could snip my way through the rest of your response, but there really isn't any reason to. It seems pretty obvious that this is a subject near and dear to your heart. Well, that's very nice for you. Feel free to go on long crusades against 'us people' and embrace whatever nonsense makes you feel warm and fuzzy. I could care less. The Confederacy found its way to the scrap heap of history, and as far as I'm concerned, good riddance for bad rubbish. I cry no tears for the Aztecs either. Every now and then history plows up a genuine bad guys, and the Confederacy and its cause falls into that category. You're free to disagree. Take it up with your Mom or your therapist or whoever. But I'm not going to be part of your emotional landscape. On this thread, however, two questions have emerged that are sort of interesting: 1) Would the Confederacy have managed to stay together after the Civil War; 2) Would the Confederacy have industrialized or would it have followed a de-industrialized trajectory into something equivalent to third world status. Now, it doesn't seem to be that you've got anything worthwhile to say about these questions. Good enough. We're done talking. |
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#59
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I've never bought into the comparison that an independent CSA would follow a Latin American route. While there are quite a few paths it could have followed, I don't think that any of them would have corresponded to the OTL development of any Latin American republic. (And yes, I'm well aware that there were considerable differences and nuances between the many states of Latin America). As far as I can tell, any similarities are vastly outweighed by the differences. The two biggest differences stem from the wholly distinct legal and cultural tradition, particularly around property rights, and the fact that the Confederacy was already a significant industrial power. Secure property rights are an integral part of industrialisation, and economic development and political stability in general. The various Latin American nations, while they had some differences in the details, had inherited a system of property rights from the Iberian peninsula (be it Spain or Portugal) which was extremely different from the one inherited by any of the nations derived from the English tradition. Or Scottish, or French, or German, for that matter. Private property rights were much less secure throughout Latin America, whether you're talking Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, or anywhere itself. This was part of the general trend of more political instability in those nations (with some exceptions); indeed it was a major contributor toward that political instability. In the Confederacy, however, private property rights were extremely well-protected. Indeed, in one sense it could be argued that the major driver of the ACW was fear over property rights, since property rights included (but were not limited to) owning slaves. The other difference between the South and Latin America was that the South was, in fact, already a considerable industrial power by 1860. Far ahead of anything in Latin America, and in fact ahead of most of Europe as well. The comparison which I've always remembered is one by Robert William Fogel. If you mentally divide the USA of 1860 in half, and treat the North and South as separate entitites, then the South was the fourth-largest industrial power in the world in 1860. It was, of course, behind the North and Britain. But then Britain was the industrial superpower of the nineteenth century, and the North was an industrial superpower in the making. The South was, however, industrially ahead of almost every nation in continental Europe, including such future economic powerhouses as Prussia. There seems to be some conception that the South was solely an agricultural power. This was not true in 1860, and had not been true for a generation or two before that. The Southern formula was plantation agriculture and moderate industrialisation, not plantation agriculture alone. The South built and paid for its own railroad network before the war - the third most extensive rail network in the world, in per capita terms - and in fact paid for its own railroads out of its own capital even after the ACW. It built most of its own steamboats too, which were another important part of their transport network. In world terms, they had a significant amount of steel production, mostly concentrated in the Upper South (Tredegar Iron Works in Virginia, Cumberland Iron Works in Tennessee, and various smaller foundries scattered around the place). They had a variety of other industries and manufacturing around the country, too. Sure, large parts of the OTL South had very little manufacturing, but that was true of much of the North as well, in terms of 1860. What is interesting is that in the period of 1840-1860, during the long cotton boom which drove cotton prices to incredible (and ultimately unsustainable) levels, Southern commerce and manufacturing grew twice as fast as agriculture. So Southern manufacturing and other industries were already significant and growing by 1860. I see every reason to expect that they would continue in an independent CSA. Quote:
The first issue is debatable. The second issue is easy to answer, based on historical precedent, and the answer is "of course they would shift." It's not always appreciated that a slave labour economy is actually more flexible in terms of moving labour between economic sectors (and geographically) than a free labour economy is. This is because free workers often have non-economic reasons that they want to stay where they live (friends, familiarity etc), while slaves can be made to move to a new place or a new industry if that's more profitable. This is, in fact, exactly what happened in the antebellum South, time and again. Planters were acutely aware of what agricultural or industrial pursuit offered the best invesment. Planters were also notorious for shifting slave labour to new place and new sectors if the old ones were unprofitable, either by growing new crops or by moving themselves (or their slaves) to new places if there was a bigger profit to be made - by selling or renting their slaves, if they didn't want to do move themselves. Take what happened after the American Revolution. Before the Revolution, the big use of slaves was in rice and tobacco, with indigo a secondary market. The indigo market collapsed after the Revolution (no more British subsidies), and rice and tobacco went into relative decline, while cotton became the most profitable. This led to a long-term shift into cotton agriculture as the most profitable use for slaves, so more of the slaves went there. But this wasn't the only shift in slave labour. Virginian planters switched their use of slaves back and forth between wheat (and other small grains) and tobacco depending on the relative profitability of each. Much the same happened in parts of Mississippi and Louisiana which were suitable for either cotton or sugar production - planters switched back and forth. Even the big cotton boom itself has some interesting patterns. Planters were well aware of cotton prices and their effects on slave prices, and slave labour moved in response to these market signals. When cotton prices went up, slave labour was sucked out of other sources (tobacco and urban manufacturing, mostly) and went into cotton plantations. When cotton prices declined (e.g. during the cotton price crash of the 1830s), slave labour moved out of cotton and into other economic sectors, especially urban manufacturing. If cotton prices decline again in a post-1860 independent CSA - as they would - then slave labour would begin to shift to other economic sectors again. Quote:
This is why the South was so opposed to internal improvements. Internal improvements were fixed in one place, and Southerners objected to being taxed to pay for them when they might want to move elsewhere with their slaves (or even as free farmers) and those internal improvements would no longer benefit them. Quote:
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(For those who want more information, try these sources: Douglas A. Irwin had an article in the American Economic Review in May 2002, "Interpreting the Tariff–Growth Correlation of the Late 19th Century" which contains some interesting information. Or for more detail on Argentina, try Fernando Rocchi, "Chimneys in the Desert: Industrialization in Argentina during the Export Boom Years, 1870-1930.") The other question is whether the South will keep low tariffs indefinitely, regardless of what the C.S. constitution says. What's interesting is that throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, every primary producing country ended up raising tariffs, one way or another. The same pressure would apply to the CSA if it remains focused on primary production, and the Constitution can be gotten around. The US Supreme Court showed a suprising amount of flexibility on the meaning of the Constitution in OTL, and the CS Supreme Court may well do the same. I'd actually expect one very early precedent for that, in terms of sugar. Sugar planters were a small but wealthy and influential part of the elite, and local production of sugar was very vulnerable to imported competition, especially from Cuban sugar planters. A 'revenue' tariff on imported sugar would probably be passed on imported sugar very early in an independent CSA, and I suspect that the CS Supreme Court would let it go through. Various other tariffs could follow from that precedent. Failing that, there's always a constitutional amendment, although I doubt that could happen much before, say, 1890, to allow time for the necessary political coalitions to develop. Quote:
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Northern factory owners got around these problems by using immigrants; the South would likely have to use slaves. Quote:
Apart from Birmingham, most of the better areas for heavy industry were concentrated in the Upper South - Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky. It will make quite a difference whether an independent CSA includes the whole of Virginia, or Kentucky. However, not all industry needs to be heavy industry, nor for that matter does it need to be concentrated in large cities. The South would quite likely have relatively more light industry than heavy industry - textiles, and lumber, for instance. Lumber should not be under-estimated as a driving force in industrialisation for significant areas. It was a large part of what drove Sweden's rise as an industrial power, for instance (woodchipping and the like). It was, but the first attempts to develop the Birmingham site pre-dated the ACW. The first attempt was in the late 1840s, and it had the support of the local planters and the like. It was actually defeated by small-farmer opposition in the Alabama legislature. (This is one example among many that planters were often supportive of industrialisation). A second attempt was building during the late 1850s, and was derailed by the ACW. Once the chaos of the ACW was over, the Birmingham site was then established. |
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#60
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Sorry, Jared, I obviously meant to be addressing 'Jaded-Railman.' My bad.
On the other hand, thank you for a constructive and interesting post. I'll give it some thought before I respond. Finally: Re "The Land of Red and Gold", brilliant stuff, a work of heartbreaking genius. You cost me a week of work, because I couldn't tear myself away. I'm a fan. be well |
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