The Prince of Peace

[RGB]

Ah, Gloriana, Virginia no more.

Scotland having parallel revolts with England - ah, French designs never go smoothly.

Her Majesty's German - channeling Prince Albert, or am I simply showing ignorance here?

[Janprimus]

Great TL! Although I would have made some different decisions regarding the house of Habsburg, especially with respect to Charles V and Ferdinand I.
Anne of Bohemia and Hungary would be a considered a more useful bride for Charles ITTL, since the Habsburg have to focus on the empire. After all the king of Bohemia also is an elector. OTOH it isn't certain, that Louis of Hungary and Bohemia would die; although I do find it odd that Maximilian is arranging a crown for Ferdinand now that his eldest grandson isn't inheriting "Spain" ITTL. Ferdinand may be his favourite, but in general I'm afraid that 'the house' (dynasty) came first in those days.
BTW other marriage candidates would be Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII, and Isabella of Portugal and Spain.
Although Ferdinand obviously would get an appanage; and a strategic marriage, Ferdinand might have ended up marrying Isabella.

And reading this thread I see, that there were some different opinions, about this part; and now you also know mine.

But other than that, I really like this TL.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by RGB

Ah, Gloriana, Virginia no more.

Scotland having parallel revolts with England - ah, French designs never go smoothly.

Her Majesty's German - channeling Prince Albert, or am I simply showing ignorance here?

I suppose there could be some parallels between Frederick and Albert, but Frederick's position vis a vis Elizabeth is much more like Prince George of Denmark (for Queen Anne of Great Britain) or Francis Stephen of Lorraine for Maria Theresa. Generally out of the limelight, holding some honorary position, offering his advice and help, but generally letting her go about the business.

Originally Posted by Janprimus

Great TL! Although I would have made some different decisions regarding the house of Habsburg, especially with respect to Charles V and Ferdinand I.
Anne of Bohemia and Hungary would be a considered a more useful bride for Charles ITTL, since the Habsburg have to focus on the empire. After all the king of Bohemia also is an elector. OTOH it isn't certain, that Louis of Hungary and Bohemia would die; although I do find it odd that Maximilian is arranging a crown for Ferdinand now that his eldest grandson isn't inheriting "Spain" ITTL. Ferdinand may be his favourite, but in general I'm afraid that 'the house' (dynasty) came first in those days.
BTW other marriage candidates would be Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII, and Isabella of Portugal and Spain.
Although Ferdinand obviously would get an appanage; and a strategic marriage, Ferdinand might have ended up marrying Isabella.

And reading this thread I see, that there were some different opinions, about this part; and now you also know mine.

But other than that, I really like this TL.

Thanks for the comments! I know people had a lot of different ideas on the Habsburgs, but I arranged it the way I did for a variety of reasons. It'll make more sense down the line, especially towards the end of the 16th century. With the Habsburgs having their traditional holdings in the Eastern March, they also have the Burgundian inheritence: Philip was culturally Flemish and without the Spanish inheritance he continues to live and reign in the Lowlands; upon becoming Emperor, he maintains his residence at Brussels, leaving the Austrian march to an absentee government.

Charles V himself was culturally Flemish and had a connection to the Lowlands; indeed, I had originally arranged for him to marry Anne of Bohemia and reign from Vienna, but the Burgundian inheritance is far more wealthy and worthwhile. Maximilian isn't so much as 'securing' Ferdinand a crown as it wasn't certain he would inherit it, but ensuring he would have a suitable position: after all, Charles would still be Holy Roman Emperor, and pass it on to his heirs and Ferdinand merely an Archduke of Austria. Mohacs still happens, albeit under different circumstances, so Ferdinand does end up King of Bohemia and a rump Hungary, so there are two Habsburg lines, the senior line in the Lowlands, reigning as Emperor from Brussels, and the line of Ferdinand, reigning from Austria.

The Habsburgs were always keen to split up the inheritances when possible; although Maximilian I reunited Austria, it was soon split up again amongst Ferdinand's sons, and even into the 17th century there were Archdukes of Tyrol who formed branches of the Austrian line, so I think splitting the line between a Burgundian (Imperial) and Austrian branch makes sense... and it'll definitely make even more sense towards the end of the 16th century. No worries, I've plans for the Habsburgs and why I did what I did.

[Janprimus]

Although the Burgundian and Habsburg rulers of the Netherlands knew Dutch, they were culturally Burgundian, their court mostly spoke French.
This also started the process, which would eventually make an originally Dutch (Brabantic) speaking town (they stopped being the majority somewhere in the nineteenth century as the capital of Belgium), Brussels, into a officially bilingual town with a French majority; which is an ''island'' within the Flemish region.

Finally Charles couldn't automatically pass on the imperial crown, he could try to get his heir elected as the new king of the Romans. This is a reason, why the crown of Bohemia might be useful, since it allows you to vote in the imperial election. (It saves you one bribe.)
With both lines of the house of Habsburg in the empire, they might turn into rivals over the imperial crown.

Even with the pragmatic sanction (it had more to do with the internal situation, it gave every part the same successor and succession law and it was used to unify these regions.)the Netherlands and the free county of Burgundy, formally remained a part of the Empire as the Burgundian Circle, but they were quite independent.

Finally while Lotharingia and Lorraine could refer to the same thing, Lotharingia most often specifically refers to the shortlived kingdom. Lorraine could either refer to same region as Lotharingia or which is more common only to the originally Upper Lotharingia/ Upper Lorraine region.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Janprimus

Although the Burgundian and Habsburg rulers of the Netherlands knew Dutch, they were culturally Burgundian, their court mostly spoke French.
This also started the process, which would eventually make an originally Dutch (Brabantic) speaking town (they stopped being the majority somewhere in the nineteenth century as the capital of Belgium), Brussels, into a officially bilingual town with a French majority; which is an ''island'' within the Flemish region.

Finally Charles couldn't automatically pass on the imperial crown, he could try to get his heir elected as the new king of the Romans. This is a reason, why the crown of Bohemia might be useful, since it allows you to vote in the imperial election. (It saves you one bribe.)
With both lines of the house of Habsburg in the empire, they might turn into rivals over the imperial crown.

Yeah, they were culturally Burgundian, which is quite interesting. Interesting tidbit about Brussels. Any chance of them turning other Brabantic speaking regions into bilingual towns? Could there even be a sort of patriotic rejection of French down the line where they switch over to speaking Dutch? But nevertheless we'd see the two lines divided, the Austrian line would be primarily German speaking but those in the Lowlands would remain culturally Burgundian.

He can't immediately pass it on, no, unless his son is King of the Romans (IIRC, the King of the Romans automatically ascends the throne after the death of his Enperor, he's merely been 'elected' before the Emperor dies) but it was mostly a formality. After 1453, the Habsburgs held the Imperial Crown in perpetuity, the Elector of Bavaria serving as Holy Roman Emperor during the interregnum of the Austrian Succession War. They will certainly have some difficulties, but they are going to want to work together, not quarrel. The Emperor needs his Austrian cousins to act as his loyal lieutenants in the east, and the Austrians need their Imperial cousin to fund and subsidize them when they quarrel with the Turks.

I can't say too much, don't want to spoil it, but the empire ends up in an interesting position at the end of the 16th century.

[Janprimus]

As you may know there are these current problems with Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde and some Francophones did move to some of the surrounding Flemish municipalities. Which because of the history, the Flemish had to struggle for their language (until the 1960's) in Belgium, where they elite traditionally spoke French, causes some problems. And these problems seem to drag on, because a compromise will be difficult for both sides (Dutch speakers and Francophones).

Turning or keeping them Brabantic speaking is possible (certainly keeping), it has to do with the prestige language.
But with a United Netherlands towns like Bruges, Ghent and Antwerp remain more wealthy, since there wouldn't be a blockade of the OTL Dutch Republic. (Flanders, Holland and Brabant were the wealthiest Dutch speaking regions, so the had the biggest impact on the development of the Dutch language.)
The Habsburg Netherlands can and probably will set up a colonial empire, just as England and France. The 'Spains (and Portugal)' will get competition of the other European Powers.

Finally the Estates General will insist that their lord will keep the claim on Gelre (Guelders). Even if he doesn't succeed in conquering this duchy, which IMHO is possible. Although the Burgundian Habsburgs probably wouldn't need a request of the Estates General for this. The current situation might dictate the status quo, but this would change their local ambitions.

[Gonzaga]

That's a great installment Drake! So we apparently will have a Wittelsbach England (unless Elizabeth dies childless despite her marriage, or her heir is a girl who is married to someone else).
And could we hope that from now the kings of France - through Mary's rights to the throne - claim to be kings of England too?

[Janprimus]

I forgot to ask one question. It is about the Sicilian-Neapolitan cadet branch, could the king give territories away from the Crown of Aragon?
Since I remember a thread IIRC it was called independent Habsburg Netherlands, were there was a three way division of the empire of Charles V. Some suggested to give the Burgundian territories a crown (although in theory the emperor could do this, in practice it is a lot harder), which led to my alternative suggestion to give the Italian possessions (Sicily, Naples (& Jerusalem), (maybe) Sardinia and (maybe) Milan) to this third branch (Less problems with imperial politics and these are existing kingdoms).
However it seemed that this could lead to problems with (the Estates of) Aragon; so concluding could the king of Spain (Aragon) do this without too much problems and discontent?

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

That's a great installment Drake! So we apparently will have a Wittelsbach England (unless Elizabeth dies childless despite her marriage, or her heir is a girl who is married to someone else).
And could we hope that from now the kings of France - through Mary's rights to the throne - claim to be kings of England too?

Yes, that's about right. Mary will pass on her claims to the crown of England the Duc d'Orléans, her second son who has been betrothed to the Queen of Scots. This connection, and right of the 'true' kings of England (ie, one of the sons of Mary) will serve as Jacobites of a sort (need a different name, of course: the Marian Claim to the throne of England? ) and will be a continuous thorn in Elizabeth's side, especially as she continues reforming the English Church. A Catholic revolt on the eve of her ascension has really soured them in her mind.

Originally Posted by Janprimus

I forgot to ask one question. It is about the Sicilian-Neapolitan cadet branch, could the king give territories away from the Crown of Aragon?
Since I remember a thread IIRC it was called independent Habsburg Netherlands, were there was a three way division of the empire of Charles V. Some suggested to give the Burgundian territories a crown (although in theory the emperor could do this, in practice it is a lot harder), which led to my alternative suggestion to give the Italian possessions (Sicily, Naples (& Jerusalem), (maybe) Sardinia and (maybe) Milan) to this third branch (Less problems with imperial politics and these are existing kingdoms).
However it seemed that this could lead to problems with (the Estates of) Aragon; so concluding could the king of Spain (Aragon) do this without too much problems and discontent?

I never really thought about it. He may have a little problem giving away Sicily, I don't think there would be as big of a problem with Naples it's self as it was never ruled by Aragon for too long, being ruled by a cadet branch for of the Trastamara dynasty. I generally think if he really wanted too, he could probably do so but it would come to bite him again the future--perhaps at the Cortes in the 1550s, where Miguel's son finds the Aragonese Deputies openly siding with the Portuguese Deputies. That would be a good reason to explain why, having had pieces of their crown given away...

[Gonzaga]

Originally Posted by DrakeRlugia

I never really thought about it. He may have a little problem giving away Sicily, I don't think there would be as big of a problem with Naples it's self as it was never ruled by Aragon for too long, being ruled by a cadet branch for of the Trastamara dynasty. I generally think if he really wanted too, he could probably do so but it would come to bite him again the future--perhaps at the Cortes in the 1550s, where Miguel's son finds the Aragonese Deputies openly siding with the Portuguese Deputies. That would be a good reason to explain why, having had pieces of their crown given away...

How was the legal condition of Sicily under the Aragonese (and later Spanish) rule. Did they have their own Cortes or Parliaments, or the Sicilians were represented in the Aragonese Cortes? If they had some kind of "independent" rule it could be used as a legal basis for the separation of the kingdoms.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

How was the legal condition of Sicily under the Aragonese (and later Spanish) rule. Did they have their own Cortes or Parliaments, or the Sicilians were represented in the Aragonese Cortes? If they had some kind of "independent" rule it could be used as a legal basis for the separation of the kingdoms.

Sicily had it's own Parliament, it convened at least a couple times in the late 13th century, vested the crown upon Frederick III of Sicily, and required him to grant a charter of liberties. However, it seems to be very much like the typical assemblies of the late medieval era: only called when needed. However, even during the Spanish rule OTL, the Sicilian parliament was convened, although not regularly throughout the 16th, 17th, and even 18th centuries. So it definitely could be used a legal basis. It makes since that the two crowns of Naples and Sicily would be granted together, as they once compromised one kingdom, split only by the Sicilian Vespers.

[DrakeRlugia]

The Troubles of Sigismund & The Peace of Sluck
1547 to 1565; Poland and Russia

Sigismund II succeeded his father as King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania in the midst of a controversy in 1545. Having married his Calvinist mistress, Barbara Radziwiłł in secret, there was great agitation against the king and his queen, spearheaded by his mother Anna Sforza and the Austrian court, angry that Sigismund had not even bothered to mourn the loss of his first wife, the Archduchess Eleanore. The Polish Sejm convened shortly after Sigismund’s ascension to the throne and the deputies, roused by the intrigues of the Italian dowager and the Austrians seemed openly hostile against Sigismund II, unless he repudiated his wife and married a proper Catholic bride. Sigismund however, refused to budge and his courage won him the support of many of the lower nobility present at the Sejm as he declared that Barbara was his rightful wife and queen, and that would she be crowned alongside him, even if he had to finance the coronation himself. The strength and courage that Sigismund showed in the first months of his reign would never leave him and set the tone for his reign and revival of the fortunes of the House of Jagiellon.

After the opening Sejm of 1545, Sigismund was quick to use the flush of popular support to his advantage. He had no love for the great magnates, those who opposed his marriage and were busy cultivating support with his mother, the queen dowager. It is no surprise that Sigismund II would forever bear a great hatred towards the great landowners who dominated the Senate, and would work hard to curtail their prerogatives and to slowly regain those royal rights that his ancestors had ceded under different circumstances years before. Barbara herself worked tirelessly to support her husband, and her support for the poor and the sick earned her popular acclaim within Krakow. Indeed, Sigismund rode upon his wave of popular support with the summoning of the second Sejm in 1548. Already a reaction had swung in his favor, with the great magnates rebuked by the Sejm Marshal for attempting to reduce the legislative rights of the crown. In a fiery speech Piotr Kmita declared, “If His Majesty cannot marry whom he pleases, or see to it that his children, sisters, and brothers make good marriages, then what can he do?”

Despite the wide acclaim at the second Sejm, Sigismund still dealt with grumblings over his marriage. The Queen Mother continued to oppose the marriage on the grounds of Barbara’s Calvinist religion, refusing to be in the same room with Barbara and demanding precedence before her. When Barbara as well as the Prince Sigismund (b. 1546) fell ill around the same time in 1550, many suspected poison. Although Barbara recovered, the little prince died and both Barbara and the king were inconsolable. In a fit of rage, Sigismund II accused his mother of poisoning his beloved son, her grandson, and ordered her to leave Poland. Whether or not she actually conspired to poison Barbara, Anna Sforza left Poland and returned to Milan, where her kinsman Duke Filippo granted her the city of Lodi as a fief for the remainder of her life. With the Queen Mother gone from Poland, the movement against Barbara lost steam and in 1551 Sigismund succeeded in having her formally crowned as Queen of Poland. The family of the king also continued to grow, with Barbara giving birth to a total of eight children, four who would survive into adulthood.

The early years of Sigismund were filled with reforms, the energetic king eager to overhaul the apparatus of his kingdom. Hoping to strengthen royal authority, the king reformed royal finances through better taxation of the crown lands and royal lands leased to the nobility. The King also rode the wave of the “Execution Movement” seeking to restore lands illegally held by Sarostine families beyond one generation back into the hands of the crown. Sigismund would work diligently to see the majority of these lands returned into royal hands by the end of his reign. Although the Execution movement was chiefly a movement to expand the rights of the Sejm and lower nobility, under the guidance of the Sigismund it would slowly transform into a movement to increase royal authority. The military reforms instituted by his father were also continued—Sigismund II sought to reorganize the Polish army into a professional force, recruiting peasantry from royal lands despite the opposition of the great magnates who were loathe to see the loss of their workers for military service. These regiments composed of royal peasants would form the bulwark of the new Polish army.

Despite internal conflicts, Sigismund also found himself embroiled in foreign problems. The Livonian Order continued to decline over a series of internal disputes while Russia continued to grow in strength, formally annexing Kazan and Astrakhan in the early 1550s. The young Tsar, Ivan IV was ambitious and sought to open Russia to the west by hiring craftsman from Germany and building a port along the Narva River, sowing conflict with Sweden and Denmark, who were vying for influence over the decaying Livonian order. Hoping to mediate the conflict, Sigismund offered the Russian Tsar a treaty of perpetual friendship. The so called Peace of Sluck was celebrated in 1551; in order to maintain peace between the two countries, Sigismund II suggested a double marriage—his brother, the Duke of Sandomierz would marry one of Ivan’s sisters, while Ivan himself would marry Sigismund’s sister, Anna. The Russian Zemsky Sobor was reluctant to accept the marriage given the treaty stipulated that Anna would be allowed to maintain her Catholic religion, but the double marriage was celebrated in Vilinius in 1552, with the Duke of Sandomierz marrying Anastasia Vasilievna and Anna marrying the Tsar, both whom had come to Lithuania for the marriage.

Despite high hopes, the Peace of Sluck did not last. The new Duchess of Sandomierz did not speak Polish and was isolated from the court. Clinging to Orthodoxy, she was distrusted by her husband who was a pious Catholic. Marred by poor health, a series of pregnancies contributed to her early death in 1557, marked by accusations that the Duke of Sandomierz had poisoned her. Anna Jagiellon fared better in Russia; Ivan IV doted upon her and the two established a strong relationship, although she was not formally crowned as Tsarista due to her Roman Catholic religion and Boyars gossiped that Anna was nothing more than a Polish spy, working in conjunction with her Jesuit confessor to smuggle Russian treasures to Poland. It was no surprise that the Peace of Sluck collapsed not long after the death of Anastasia Vasilievna, with Poland offering protection to Livonia and siding with Sweden and Denmark in containing Russian influence. By 1560, the peace of Sluck had totally collapsed and Poland and Russia were moving towards conflict.

The Livonian Order was formally dissolved the year before fresh conflict broke out between Poland and Russia. Sweden was confirmed in its possession of northern Estonia, while Denmark held the island of Osel, with Poland occupying the Duchy of Livonia. The remaining lands of the order were secularized into the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia, ruled by the last Grandmaster of the Livonian Order, Wilhelm von Medem. The partition of the Livonian Order angered Ivan IV, who occupied Dorpat in 1557 and planned to take the Baltic Littoral by a force of arms. Sigismund’s army clashed with Russian forces at Polock and was soundly defeated. The Polish force, although consisting of a few professional regiments created by Sigismund’s military reforms, the majority of the force defeated at Polock were the traditional regiments of the szlatcha. Although the defeat hampered Poland, allowing Russia to occupy several towns in Lithuania and even nearing Vilnius, it convinced the Sejm that Sigismund’s military reforms needed to be pushed further; giving an impassioned speech before the Sejm in 1559, Sigismund convinced the Sejm to grant him outstanding subsidies to fund the war against Russia, but also to begin arming and forming the ‘royal’ regiments drawn from the royal lands. This was the birth of the Royal Army, loyal to the king and the country would be an important arm in reestablishing royal power; initially limited to royal lands, by the end of the 16th century peasants would also begin to be drawn from the estates of the Polish landowners.

With Russian forces knocking the Poles from the field, Ivan IV secured his forces, holding down the former Bishopric of Dorpat in Livonia as well as several cities in eastern Lithuania. Citing that the Principality of Polotsk had been promised to him as a dowry for the Tsarista Anna, he was prepared to sack Vilnius to legitimate his claims. During this period a wave of anti-Polish and anti-Catholic feelings surged throughout Moscow, a popular target being the Trarista herself, Anna Jagiellon. Although she had painstakingly learned the Russian language, she was hated by the Boyars for her foreign lineage and Catholic religion. An intelligent and learned woman, Ivan IV often discussed political matters with his Tsarista, scandalizing the Boyars and leading many to believe that the Tsar was under her influence and her Jesuit confessor, Constanzo Troili. Troili quickly found himself embroiled in a Boyar conspiracy: accused of smuggling money out of Russia to the Pope and King of Poland, he was dragged from his home and murdered in the street in broad daylight. Although the Tsarista was distraught, she refused to be threatened; even Ivan IV seemed concerned for his wife, suggesting she retire to a convent, or to even convert to Orthodoxy and take the veil, but she refused.

Instead Anna made her stand from the balcony of the Palace of Facets within the Kremlin complex. Standing before a crowd of Muscovites, Anna made an impassioned plea to the people to spare further attacks against foreigners, and that despite her Catholic religion she loved Russia as any true and loyal Russian could. Bringing the Tsarevich Dmitri with her, she hoisted him up for the crowd to see, earning a rapturous applause from the crowds below. Her courage in confronting the people of Moscow made her wildly popular amongst the common people; while the Boyars continued to gossip and spread rumors, she found an ally in the Muscovites who began to call her Mother Tsarista, implying that all the Muscovites were her children. Making an effort to go amongst the people, Anna ceased to isolate herself within the confines of the palace—she visited several convents, and when Ivan prepared to leave for Livonia to reinforce his troops in Dorpat, she resolved to go with him. These actions earned her great praise, although it scandalized the Boyars and merely reinforced their opinions that she was unduly influencing the Tsar. Her actions also contributed to a breech with her brothers, who considered her actions a betrayal of her family.

Russia had made great gains against Poland and Sweden, but Sigismund II came back with a vengeance, defending Vilinius against Russian forces in 1562 and reoccupying Polotsk soon after. Despite these victories, the Russians remained entrenched in Dorpat and also succeeded in taking Narva from the Swedish; the disintegration of the Livonian Order had been chaotic as Sweden and Denmark attempted to stake their claims against the Polish and even the Russians. Although Denmark had been able to take control of Osel and two minor territories in Courland, the Swedes and the Polish had to contend with the Russians; Sigismund’s intransience prevented him from ratifying an alliance with Sweden, as he had ambitions to seize the Duchy of Estonia from Sweden once the Russians were dealt with. The Baltic Wars, as they became known, would continue to rage throughout the 1560s and 1570s; although Poland would manage to hold Livonia and Polotsk against the Russians, they proved unable to evict the Russians from Dorpat; only in 1574 would peace reign, with Sweden, Poland, and Russia signing the Treaty of Tilsit, mediated by the Duke of Prussia. Russia would be confirmed in her possession of Dorpat and Narva, with Sweden holding the Duchy of Estonia and Poland holding Livonia, with Denmark’s possession of its territories in Osel and the coast of Courland. The Treaty of Tilsit established an uneasy status-quo, although Russian ambitions would soon flare up another conflict in the region.

[Gonzaga]

Another great chapter Drake!
I just wonder how much Sigismund or his son (surely he has a male heir now) will be influenced by the Calvinism of the Queen. Does it mean that Poland will have a stronger Reformation?

[Cuāuhtemōc]

I'm wondering if Poland would be effected by the Reformation.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

Another great chapter Drake!
I just wonder how much Sigismund or his son (surely he has a male heir now) will be influenced by the Calvinism of the Queen. Does it mean that Poland will have a stronger Reformation?

Sigismund himself isn't too religious; he's at least nominally Catholic but really has no qualms allowing Barbara to maintain her Calvinist faith. Interesting point though, regarding the children: raised by the Queen, some may be guided towards Calvinism, or at least be somewhat apprehensive of Catholicism. While Sigismund's son and heir will certainly be Catholic, he may push forward to curb the excesses of the Church in Poland: quite different from the Vasas who were aligned to the Habsburgs and the Counter-Reformation. Poland could quite certainly have a larger Protestant population, probably composed of the city dwellers and affluent nobility. A patent of toleration is quite likely down the line.

Originally Posted by Sa'id Mohammed

I'm wondering if Poland would be effected by the Reformation.

The Reformation had already been introduced via Germany and Bohemia; The Sejm confirmed religious toleration in 1555 and ceased paying Peter's Penny to Rome. The Vasas in OTL who ruled Poland were quite Catholic and aligned with the Counter-Reformation. If anything, the Jagiellons will continue a policy of toleration, so the Protestant populations will be vibrant and larger.

[Gonzaga]

I'm just not so sure about the marriages between the Polish and the Russian royal families. Was there any proposal like this at this time IOTL? I always thought that the religious difference was too great an obstacle to be overcome.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

I'm just not so sure about the marriages between the Polish and the Russian royal families. Was there any proposal like this at this time IOTL? I always thought that the religious difference was too great an obstacle to be overcome.

Well, there was precedent. Alexander Jagiellon, who was King of Poland in the early 16th century was married to a Russian princess (Helena of Moscow) who didn't convert to Roman Catholicism, and during the Time of Troubles one of False Dmitri's had married a Polish noblewoman who didn't convert either. Religious differences would be a great obstacle, but I think they'd be capable of overcoming them. The Romanov dynasty of our world seemed to be quite conservative prior to Peter the Great, they didn't marry outside the country, and Russian princesses never married either. Yet the late Rurikids seem to a little more vibrant: Ivan the Terrible was hoping to marrying his son Ivan Ivanovich to one of the daughters of Gustav I, and Boris Godundov who reigned before the Time of Troubles was prepared to marry his daughter Xenia off to the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein, but he died before the marriage could take place. While the Russian royal family would typically marry from amongst the great Boyar families, I think its possible a marriage could take place. The Russian Tsars sometimes had foreign brides, but it was uncommon.

Religion would be a very great obstacle of course, the Duke of Sandomierz doesn't get along with his wife on account of her religion and she dies, while Anna Jagiellon's Catholic religion causes discomfort for the Boyars. I could see this timeline's Sigismund II being quite ambitious and wanting to secure peace at any cost, so proposes the double marriages.

[DrakeRlugia]

This has taken me... way too long to write. I was really stumped when it came to writing this chapter, so it's a bit shorter than usual for the Prince of Peace. But it's still rather interesting and shows the butterflies that have been unleashed on Hungary. Hopefully I can get back to updating this again more frequently, though: but without any further adieu.

The Austrian Habsburgs & The Crown of St. Stephen
Austria, Bohemia and Hungary; 1545 to 1560

The blood of the Hungarian Jagiellons was splattered on the fields of Mohács in 1526, ending the line of Vladislav II and tossing Hungary into chaos. While the Archduke Ferdinand secured his election as King of Bohemia and Croatia in short order, the Hungarian magnates were divided and reluctant to elect Ferdinand as their king, eager to see the throne held by someone who would lead them into further conflict with the Turks. A faction loyal to Ferdinand, led by Pál Tomori[1], an infamous general and the former Archbishop of Kalocsa saw a rump diet assembled at Pressburg which elected Ferdinand as King of Hungary. Although Ferdinand managed to secure control over Croatia and pieces of Hungary (known as “Royal Hungary”), the majority of the Hungarian kingdom was in the hands of John Zápolya, the Viovode of Transylvania and a national hero, who was also supported by the Turks.

Zápolya had been supported by the vast majority of the magnates and was elected duly at a solemn diet at Kolozsvar, in Transylvania. The death of Louis II was followed by the Turkish army sacking Buda and the occupation of Syrmia, with the fortress of Belgrade. Otherwise, the Turks withdrew across the Danube and contented themselves with the spoils of their campaign. This left Zápolya to oversee a kingdom ravaged by war, with the kingdom divided between those who supported Zápolya and those who supported Ferdinand of Habsburg. Although the Turks had dealt a great blow to the Hungarian kingdom, they still remained a credible threat, despite Zápolya’s pro-Turkish attitude. This was further complicated when the Sultan demanded a massive tribute of several million florins from Zápolya, a sum that the newly elected King of Hungary was obviously unable to pay. This further complicated Zápolya’s position—the economy of Hungary was thrown into chaos by an invasion of Ferdinand in 1527 (who for a time managed to occupy Buda, until Zápolya, with Turkish aid, pushed Ferdinand back into Royal Hungary) and subsequent taxes levied by Zápolya in an attempt to stave off a second invasion. Many parts of the country, especially amongst the border became depopulated as peasants sought to escape the tyranny of Zápola’s tax farmers. Political conflict was also inevitable between supporters of Zápolya and those of Ferdinand

Despite both internal and external pressures, Zápolya was an intelligent and ambitious man. He bought time with the Turks by concluding a secret treaty with the Grand Vizier that involved the cession of several border fortresses in lieu of paying a massive monetary tribute, with the stipulation that the fortresses could be repurchased by Hungary at a later time. Negotiated in complete secrecy, when the deal became public, Zápolya played it out as if it had been forced upon him by the Turks, and appealed for aid from Western Europe. His ploy worked, and Zápola was able to secure favorable loans from the Italian banking houses and even from the Spaniards in order to defray the costs of the massive tribute. When the Turks found themselves in conflict with Persia in 1530s, the willy Zápolya was able to reoccupy the fortresses when Turkish forces were required in the east, and also promising to provide a subsidy and artillery for the Sultan. Still, Hungary found it was politically isolated: walking lock-step with the Sultan, Hungary was practically a Turkish vassal with Suleiman treating the country as a treasure chest he could loot at will. With the Habsburg occupation of portions of Hungary also caused difficulties, as the Pope recognized Ferdinand’s right to throne. While this mattered little to the Catholic financiers who provided Zápolya with the funds he needed, it did matter too many Catholic sovereigns who refused to recognize him as the legitimate King of Hungary.

It was no surprise that Hungary drew closer to the Protestant camp, most especially within the Holy Roman Empire. Since the Reformation, many Hungarians had embraced the teachings of both Luther and Calvin. With Zápolya finding himself abandoned by Catholic Europe, it was no surprise that he drew closer to the Protestants. Hungarian churchmen were sent abroad to study in both Saxony and Switzerland, and Zápolya even negotiated his marriage to Catherine[2], the only daughter of the Duke of Württemberg, who brought a sizable dowry as well as many political connections to Protestant Europe. Although Zápolya did not completely break from the Catholic Church, he set the groundwork. When Zápolya passed in 1541, he left behind his young son, Janos II as King of Hungary, with Catherine von Württemberg as Regent, who managed to hold the throne with the support of the Ottomans, provided the Hungarians continue to pay tribute. The succession was not accepted by Ferdinand; skirmishes between the Habsburgs and Hungarians had intensified in the late 1530s, and upon the death of Zápolya an force of 50,000 men, bolstered by forces sent by the Emperor and led by Wilhelm von Roggendorf, which immediately began a siege of Buda, scattering the Hungarian forces and forcing Catherine and her infant son to flee towards Transylvania. With Austrian forces having taken Osijek and placing Buda under siege, Catherine von Württemberg called upon the Sultan to defend the patrimony of her son.

The so-called little war raged throughout the 1540s and 1550s without gain for either side. Habsburg forces were repulsed from Buda but managed to hold themselves down in Royal Hungary and Croatia. Hungary was further devastated by the marauding forces of the Habsburgs and the Turks, severely weakening the central authority of Catherine’s Regency and embittering the common populace against all sides, feeling that Hungary had been transformed from a sovereign kingdom into a mere road where the Habsburgs and Ottomans fought for dominance over Central Europe. The economic situation, already unsettled under Zápolya was further ruined by warfare, the scattering of the population, and the tributes demanded of the Turks. The so-called ‘miracle loans’ that Zápolya had contracted from Spanish and Italian banking houses also served to bring about the collapse of Hungarian finances. Hounded by these creditors, Catherine von Württemberg was forced to repay them by handing out economic monopolies and taxation rights: the hated tax farmers were no longer servants of the crown, but servants of the great banking houses attempting to collect their dues. Hungary under Catherine’s Regency was at its weakest point, and the Little War raged until the mid-1550s, merely confirming the status-quo: that the Austrian Habsburgs would continue to hold Croatia and Royal Hungary with the remainder under the House of Zápolya.

It was only in 1554 that things began to stabilize. Janos II was crowned King of Hungary at Székesfehérvár. The coronation was very Protestant in character, Janos II being raised as a strict Protestant by his mother, while the Protestant religion, both Lutheranism and Calvinism continued to grow inside Hungary. The first act carried out by Janos II’s government was the publication of the sixteen articles of faith; a religious synod held at Buda officially adopted the Helvetic Confession and a patent of toleration formally allowed the profession of Protestant creeds, although Protestants had never been formally persecuted in Hungary. The Buda Synod also saw a series of ecclesiastic confiscations from the Catholic Church—although relatively minor compared to the suppressions that had occurred in England and in the Germany, it provided the Hungarian coffers with an immediate influx of money. For those properties of the Catholic Church that were not confiscated or closed, taxes were instituted upon them. This was a smart move on the part of the government of Janos, in order to shore up the revenues of the crown; these taxes were not farmed out to private individuals, but collected by government appointed bureaucrats. The messy Little War had left Hungary in dire straits. The economy was dominated by foreign interests, and many major consumption taxes were collected by foreign bankers to repay the loans that Janos I Zápolya had taken out to avoid a second Turkish invasion. Yet Hungary still stood in a precarious position, as a practical vassal of the Ottoman Turks, not unlike the Danubian Principalities. The Habsburgs still occupied Royal Hungary and Croatia, their claims still championed by the Pope and Catholic Europe. Although ties had been built with the Protestants, Hungary held a unique position as an isolated European kingdom.

[1]He died IOTL at Mohács.
[2] An ATL daughter of Duke Ulrich


I'm not really sure what to cover next... there are plenty of ideas. So I suppose if any of my readers (if any of ya'll are still around ) want to read about something in particular, let me know. I know Italy's been neglected for one, but I don't think anything of particular interest has happened there aside from what I've stated in various footnotes.

[Gonzaga]

Good to see it's back!

Originally Posted by DrakeRlugia

I'm not really sure what to cover next... there are plenty of ideas. So I suppose if any of my readers (if any of ya'll are still around ) want to read about something in particular, let me know. I know Italy's been neglected for one, but I don't think anything of particular interest has happened there aside from what I've stated in various footnotes.

Well, I was just going to say that I wanted to know more about Avizian Sicily.
Other than that, maybe other chapter about France would be interesting.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

Good to see it's back!


Well, I was just going to say that I wanted to know more about Avizian Sicily.
Other than that, maybe other chapter about France would be interesting.

Yeah, Avizian Sicily needs to be covered at some point. I did start a chapter on it, I think. I think I'll cover it next before France, since France is pretty important in the mid-16th century of the TL.