The Prince of Peace

[DrakeRlugia]

And the PoP world around 1550. As you can see, there are several changes from our world, such as a largely independent Italy, independent Navarre, and some interesting friends in South America. Even Asia is starting to be effected by the butterflies...

[Gonzaga]

I liked it very much Drake! Brazil falling to the French (at least parts of it) because the king is more focused on Mexico, Peru and India is a likely outcome. I wonder when will the English entering the colonial race as well.

[Archangel]

More resources and more focus on India will result in larger Portuguese possessions.

[Cuāuhtemōc]

Perhaps a bit more focus on North Africa.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

I liked it very much Drake! Brazil falling to the French (at least parts of it) because the king is more focused on Mexico, Peru and India is a likely outcome. I wonder when will the English entering the colonial race as well.

Thanks Gonzaga. The information was very helpful that you sent me, thanks for taking the time to write it all up. It even helped me come up for what the French might had called the region had they colonized it.

Originally Posted by Archangel

More resources and more focus on India will result in larger Portuguese possessions.

Definitely. The Mughals have seen themselves displaced as they were in the 1530s OTL by another Afghan dynasty, the Suri, but butterflies have made them a little bit more successful. With the former Mughal Emperor backed up by the Persians, the Ottomans are taking a little more interest in the goings-on of the Indian Ocean, despite being given a bloody nose over Diu. The Portuguese are thus inclined to stay neutral, although they might see the benefits of aiding the Persian and Mughal armies... I'll cover these goings on a little bit down the road. There are already plenty of butterflies in Asia floating around, such as a different Chinese Emperor in the 1520s...

Originally Posted by Sa'id Mohammed

Perhaps a bit more focus on North Africa.

It's possible, but I'm not sure. The Portuguese already owned plenty of forts in Morocco, and the Spanish owned some as well. Economic reasons forced John III of Portugal in OTL to evacuate several forts such as Safim, Amazor, Arzila and Alcacer Cequer in the 1540s. But because of the influx of Spanish gold, the Portuguese Empire is also a little better shape, and is able to maintain them. The biggest problem is that these small enclaves they own in North Africa are primarily for strategic reasons. They are expensive to maintain but provide almost no economic benefits: ie, they are basically money sinks.

[RGB]

Hi.

So I caught up, excellent stuff. Can't really offer much on marriages and dynastic unions, but the Inca situation is pretty neat.

No De Soto equivalent just yet or is that coming?

[Cuāuhtemōc]

Hopefully Spain does not completely follow its OTL path.

[DrakeRlugia]

The Twilight of Miguel: The Supreme Cortes at Valladolid
1545 to 1555; Spain

Following the end of the war with France, the remaining four years of Miguel’s reign were peaceful and without conflict, at least in Europe. In the eyes of many people, Miguel represented a group of rulers, along with Henry VIII of England, François Ier of France, and to a lesser extent the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, who were born close together and had come to reign throughout a rather chaotic period that saw the rise of the Protestant faith and the discovery of the Americas. With France humbled by its loss against Spain and England, Miguel was able to enjoy the remainder of his reign in relative peace. From Peru and Mexico poured massive amounts of gold, while the routes from the Orient continued to provide another significant source of income. Despite this, many Portuguese officials could note with disdain that the revenues generated from the spice trade were not quite what they had been nearly twenty years before.

Not everything was perfect in Spain, despite the amount of wealth it had in its possession. The influx of precious metals into the country had the effect of increasing inflation, which occurred in many European countries, not just Spain. Despite this, increasing inflation also had the effect of increasing prices—prices would increase fivefold throughout the rest of the 16th century, although the crown, in conjunction with the Council of Finances would take several measures against this, such as alleviating the tax burden on both the merchant and lower classes, and introducing a new coin, the Escudo, made of gold, as part of a financial reform to bind the economies of Portugal and Spain closer together to back the already existing Real, which was further standardized. Although prices increased, wages increased as well, keeping pace with the changes in cost. Aside from the general inflation, the crown also had inherited debts from the wars waged in Miguel’s reign, but overall the crown (including Spain and Portugal) did not run a deficit in its spending. It was also this period that saw the rise of Italian money houses in both Lisbon and Seville, becoming natural financiers to the Spanish crown.

Miguel drew his last breath in 1549, and was succeeded by his son who became John III of both Spain and Portugal. John represented a break from both his father in grandfather—having spent much of his childhood in Castile, he felt closer to that portion of his domains than the others, and indeed even spoke Portuguese with a slight accent. Miguel had been a dour and critical man, uninterested in the arts: John was far brighter, and although he lacked some of the technical acumen of his father, he was very charismatic and a skilled orator. It would be John that would have to deal with the crises of the period and reorient his holdings from three hereditary crowns into a true nation state. Although a difficult task, John would set Spain on the same course as many other European countries in the same period. The first great crisis that John would face was that of the Portuguese Empire—already towards the end of Miguel’s reign, it was noted that the revenues from the spice trade began to fall, as the costs of defending the territories rose. Although the Portuguese had reached both China and Japan by the 1550s, the Portuguese had a significant trade deficit and were forced to import gold from Spain at steep costs to finance their operations, despite sharing a common monarch. The Portuguese hated this situation and wanted their share of funding from the Americas, while the Castilian Council of Finances believed that the Portuguese councils should be self-sufficient when it came to the costs of managing the possessions in India and the Orient. The bickering between the Portuguese Administration and the Castilian councils continued into the early 1550s, when John III himself intervened in the situation, suggesting a Supreme Cortes convene to debate the situation and resolve it.

This was a bold proposition—the vast wealth coming out of India and the Americas had rendered both the Portuguese and Castilian Cortes unimportant. Both had not been called since the 1540s, and served only as a rubberstamp to most issues, maintaining only symbolic power over taxation. The idea of a Supreme Cortes, a gathering of deputies from all the regions of Spain—Portugal, Castile, Aragon, and Valencia had some merit amongst Spanish humanists and other theorists, especially in the treatise Discourses on Catalonia by Josep de Portolà, a Catalan lawyer and member of the Consell de Cent that attacked the excesses of fueros and their stagnation, suggesting that the kingdom would be better ruled in a centralized manner headed by the monarch who would delegate his authority through various councils of ministers, a unified Cortes to rubberstamp these policies, with Castilian laws and customs being applied to all the provinces of Spain, disregarded the medieval charters and fueros. First published in 1546, Discourses on Catalonia became a popular work, and was widely read by the court of John III, Portolà himself being granted a pension in 1550. Although he himself had no official influence over the king, it was clear his ideas, and those of the others, had influenced John III to call together a Supreme Cortes to debate the Portuguese Crisis.

Although John III had decreed a gathering of Supreme Cortes as early as 1551, it did not convene until 1553, arguments breaking out on how the deputies might be selected, with many believing that new deputies should be elected, others preferring that deputies be selected from existing Cortes to be elected to make the outcome of the Supreme Cortes as legitimate as possible. There was much bickering over the possible location, and perhaps the exclusion of the deputies from Valencia and Aragon—the Castilian Council of Finances believing that the arguments were between Portugal and Castile only. But finally the arrangements were made—the Supreme Cortes would convene in Valladolid, its members would be elected from the existing deputies, and the deputies from both Aragon and Valencia would attend. The Cortes opened on September 18, 1553, after several years of bickering. The Portuguese Councils were anxious to secure a favorable resolution and large grants to prop up the positions in the east, especially with war brewing in India between the Afghan Suris[1], who were backed by the Ottoman Turks, and the Safavid Empire who sought to restore the Mughal Emperor and annex Kandahar. These developments in the early 1550s had put the Portuguese in a tight position, in fear that the Ottomans might besiege Diu and the other Indian possessions as they had in the 1530s. The meeting at Valladolid would ultimately solve these problems, and reorient the colonial aspirations of Spain as a whole.

John III opened the Cortes in a traditional show of opulence expected from the Aviz-Trastamara dynasty in that era, with a feast that included all the deputies. Decked out in fine velvets, both John and his queen, Luisa (born Louise, of the Valois dynasty) were widely praised for their majesty, and marked a change in the fashions from the prior reign. Dedicated to the arts, the Queen of Spain herself lent considerable patronage to producers of fabric within both Portugal and Spain, influenced by Italian designs and bright colors, contrasting with the designs of the Protestant north, which were often more sober. Although relatively unimportant to the Supreme Cortes as a whole, it was important in showcasing the monarch and the changes that had occurred since the death of Miguel. While the altering of fashions seems trivial, it is still an important break between two different reigns and distinct ages. The deputies formally sat the day after it was opened and began its deliberations. Wrangling immediately broke out amongst the Portuguese deputies. They argued that the costs of maintaining the spice routes were much more expensive than they had been nearly twenty years before. Piracy had made it important for the Portuguese to maintain an armed presence in the Orient, a presence that the deputies argued was quite expensive. Forts, troops, and ships, all of it cut into the profits of the spice routes; there was also talk of trade with both China and Japan—although they had only recently been reached, it was widely believed that further profits could be reaped in the Orient, but reduced by the demands of both the Chinese and Japanese for silver. Importing silver from Castile to cover these costs, the deputies argued that they should be given their fair share of financing, arguing that it was unfair that the Castilian portion of the country hogged the income pouring out of the Americas.

The wrangling in the Cortes continued for several days. The deputies from the Cortes of Castile were opposed to simply giving funds to the Portuguese Councils for nothing in return. They argued that if Castile should have to finance the Portuguese adventures in the east, then they should have the right to oversee them, a fact that was staunchly opposed by the Portuguese. In an alliance with the deputies from Catalonia and Valencia (who also saw little of the money pouring into Castile), the Portuguese managed to stall the Cortes indefinitely. To the chagrin of John III, it seemed like his idea to solve the crisis was about to flounder, until several Castilian deputies offered a very bold suggestion. They suggested that the councils that governed the Portuguese colonies, and the Council of Indies that governed the Spanish Americas both be abolished, and replaced with two separate Councils—A Council of the East Indies, that would handle the administration of the Orient and the Portuguese settlements in Africa, and a Council of the West Indies, that would handle the administration of the Americas. Both councils would comprise of eight members, although five seats in the East Indian council would be reserved for Portuguese Councilors, while five seats in the West Indian Council would be reserved for Castilian Councilors. The other remaining seats would be staffed by whomever the King desired, effectively suggesting the colonial administrations be merged into the crown in general, rather than their separate kingdoms.

If the Portuguese agreed to these measures, they would receive their share of funding from the Americas to man the various forts, and their share of silver in order to trade with both China and Japan. In return, the Portuguese had to agree to open up their ships bound to the Orient to Spaniards; the Castilians also agreed to repeal the ban concerning settlement in the Americas, opening it up to both the Portuguese and Catalans. By accepting the demands, the Portuguese Empire in the Orient would not only be reinvigorated, but have access to Spanish manpower that it desperately needed. It would also ease trade with both China and Japan—from their bases in Luçonia[2] the Portuguese would have easier access to Peruvian and Mexican silver via the Pacific, although opposition from the Houses of Trade in Lisbon and Seville would mandate that trade from the orient continue to sail around the Africa and that gold and silver be sent to Europe respectively.

It was a bitter pill for the Portuguese to swallow, and even for the Castilians to even consider agreeing to. Autonomist opinions ran high amongst the majority the deputies, and even any minor suggestion that might infringe upon their “liberties” in the traditional sense was gravely opposed. Yet when it came time to vote upon the Pact of Valladolid, as the suggestion to solve the Portuguese crisis had came, it passed, albeit narrowly. It had little to do with centralizing power; John III was not keen to overhaul a system he did not believe had any problems. It was rather about setting things as they should properly be. The colonies, both Portuguese and Castilian had been founded in the name of “the crown,” and now that the crown was embodied in a singular person, a singular dynasty which had united the fates of Portugal, Castile, and Aragon, it seemed only fair that mixed councils should exist to administrate those the territories of the crown. Yet the passing of Pact of Valladolid was monumental, and would be quite important in the 17th century…

[1]An Afghan dynasty that briefly disposed the Mughals in the 1540s. They’ve had a little better luck in ATL.

[2]The Philippines; given that Iberia is united under one king, the Portuguese began to settle the region in the 1540s to ease trade with both China and Japan.

[Saya Aensland]

*really wishes you would stop talking about "Spain" when you really mean "Castile and Aragon"* They're still their own separate kingdoms, with separate Corteses (ffff, pluralizing non-English words), they've only been in personal union for 4 generations (Catholic Monarchs, Isabella II/Manuel, Miguel, John)...

Terminology bitching aside, I enjoy this timeline. Please, sir, may I have some more?

[Gonzaga]

Good as always Drake!
It will be interesting to see if the Cortes will eventually become an institution of all *Spain.

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Saya Aensland

*really wishes you would stop talking about "Spain" when you really mean "Castile and Aragon"* They're still their own separate kingdoms, with separate Corteses (ffff, pluralizing non-English words), they've only been in personal union for 4 generations (Catholic Monarchs, Isabella II/Manuel, Miguel, John)...

Terminology bitching aside, I enjoy this timeline. Please, sir, may I have some more?

Apologies. Spain in general, ITTL, doesn't refer to just Castile and Aragon, but rather the whole peninsula. Sometimes I need reference Portugal separate, especially now when as you said, Castile and Aragon still have their own seperate Cortes and laws. But typically Spain equals all of the Aviz-Trastamara domains in Iberia.

That chapter was trapped in my head for a bit, but now that's it out I can hopefully have some other ones out soon, just need to decide what to write. Toss up between England and China...

[Gonzaga]

Originally Posted by DrakeRlugia

That chapter was trapped in my head for a bit, but now that's it out I can hopefully have some other ones out soon, just need to decide what to write. Toss up between England and China...

Both would be interesting! But I really would like to see something about that Avizian branch ruling Sicily...

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by Gonzaga

Both would be interesting! But I really would like to see something about that Avizian branch ruling Sicily...

I knew I was missing something! So much to write about! I do need to visit Italy again at some point. The Italian Aviz's aren't up to much at the moment... Charles IV is still on the throne, although he's an adult now... last we heard of him, he had been engaged to Maria di Medici and packed off to Naples at sixteen, under a Regency of Portuguese. Might've ruffled some feathers of the Neapolitan Barons... hm. I'll remember to head back there as soon as I can.

[Cuāuhtemōc]

The time-line is pretty good so far. I can't wait for the update!

[Archangel]

Keep up the good work, DrakeRlugia!

[RGB]

Ah, update.

That is a clever reform of the colonial administration...but I wonder if it will lead to conflicts between the two Indies Commissions in the long run, over funds and defense?

How's the Iberian navy doing?

[DrakeRlugia]

Thanks for all the positive comments, guys. Means a lot, and keeps me going too.

Originally Posted by RGB

Ah, update.

That is a clever reform of the colonial administration...but I wonder if it will lead to conflicts between the two Indies Commissions in the long run, over funds and defense?

How's the Iberian navy doing?

I didn't think about it for the present... but yes, down the line, it could definitely lead to conflicts and bickering not unlike what happened. The two councils are also pretty subordinate to the king, so conflict could also arise from the king siding with one over the other. It's a good reform for the moment, but will probably evolve again at some point, especially if ideas of centralization catch on.

The navy is doing pretty well, although I'd say the naval assets are pretty well directed towards colonial efforts; convoys and ships to protect the colonies and trade in Asia, the same in the Americas. With other nations slowly getting involved in the Americas, we'll probably see piracy in the Caribbean at any rate, which will also be taxing on Spanish resources. Spain is equipped to deal with all these problems, but they might hit a few stumbling blocks along the way.

[kasumigenx]

Originally Posted by DrakeRlugia

And the PoP world around 1550. As you can see, there are several changes from our world, such as a largely independent Italy, independent Navarre, and some interesting friends in South America. Even Asia is starting to be effected by the butterflies...

Actually, had Lakandula not sided with the spanish it would be impossible for the spanish or portuguese to penetrate the Island of Manila/Luzon perhaps they will get visayas and taiwan..

[DrakeRlugia]

Originally Posted by mimeyo

Actually, had Lakandula not sided with the spanish it would be impossible for the spanish or portuguese to penetrate the Island of Manila/Luzon perhaps they will get visayas and taiwan..

At the present time the Spanish currently have trading bases in the Philippines which is called Luçonia by the sailors from India who discovered the region in the 1520s. They haven't really penetrated the island aside from some trading bases, but their influence will become more pronounced in the 1560s and 1570s, when trade with China and Japan increases. As per OTL, Europeans guns have been introduced into Japan, revolutionizing the Sagoku; some butterflies there may cause further conflict and profits for the Spanish. No worries, there will be some conflict with the native rulers, or at least some deals to prevent the Spanish from being ousted. It's too good of a base to trade with both China and Japan, especially after the lease of Macau.

[DrakeRlugia]

The Short Reign of Edward VI & the Norfolk Rising
1547 to 1554; England and Scotland

The death of Henry VIII in 1547 brought to the throne his young son, Edward VI. Aged only nine, the late King’s will dictated that the realm would be governed by a regency council until Edward reached his majority at the age of eighteen. As the make-up in Henry’s council towards the end of his life inched more towards the reformist faction, it was no surprise that the death of the old king saw a vast handout of titles and lands to the new power group that dominated the council, allowed by the “unfilled gifts” clause in his will. Almost immediately following the Henry’s death, a jockeying for power broke out. Henry VIII’s will did not stipulate the nomination of a Protector of the Realm, instead decreeing that a collective council would govern for the young king.

Yet through the use of bribes and handouts, merely days after the death of Henry, the Duke of Somerset, Edward Seymour, the young king’s uncle was bestowed the powers of Lord Protector by the executors of the council. He further secured letters patent from Edward VI himself granting him the right to appoint members to the Privy Council but also to consult them only when he wished to do so. Despite his abrupt seizure of power, Edward Seymour had little difficulty in establishing control over the council. It was during this time that the Princess Elizabeth was set up with a generous establishment at Hatfield House; despite her illegitimate birth, she still held a claim to the throne and was decidedly protestant, although during this period she would remain out of the spotlight.

Somerset’s government immediately dealt with several crises. The War of the Three Crowns had left the Exchequer empty; with English troops attempting to hold down positions in Scotland, as well as the costly garrison of Boulogne in France, the finances were in a dire position. As Protector, Seymour immediately embarked personally on a campaign against Scotland to gain custody of the infant Queen of Scots, Mary, who remained in the hands of her French mother Madeline de Valois, with Francis, the Duke of Albany (and Count of Auvergne in France) and James Hamilton, the Earl of Arran exercising a joint Regency. The Battle of Pentland Hills along the River Esk saw the Scottish army mauled by English, decimated and driven from the field. This victory allowed Somerset to increase his hold over Scotland, setting up a string of garrisons even far into north. Yet despite his successes in the field against the Scots, Somerset’s policy in regards to Scotland unraveled. Much like Edward I, the ‘Hammer of the Scots,’ Somerset soon found that his goal of uniting the two countries through a force of arms would be impossible.

It was no surprise that the English campaign drove the Scottish Regents to invoke the Auld Alliance to uphold the inheritance of Mary and prevent her from being married to Edward VI. François II was eager to aid his sister, and thus aid from the French arrived in the form of both troops and ships—A Franco-Scots army successfully defended Edinburgh against the English, all while Madeleine and the little Queen of Scotland had relocated Dumbarton Castle, out of the hands of English. It was there that the Treaty of Dumbarton was ratified by the Scottish Regents and the French ambassador, betrothing the young queen to her French cousin, the Duc d’Orléans, a French fleet carrying her off to France and cementing the treaty signed at the antiquated castle. For his part in the negotiations, James Hamilton, previously chief of the pro-English faction and a staunch Protestant converted to Catholicism and was granted the Duchy of Châtellerault by François II. Somerset’s position in Scotland as well as in England became untenable; the armies and garrisons had placed a terrible burden on royal finances, and the French seizure of Boulogne in 1549 finally forced the Lord Protector to quit Scotland.

The war in Scotland, as well as its outcome had terrible consequences. England was gripped with social unrest throughout 1548, and by 1549, several armed revolts broke out, fuelled by religious and agricultural complaints. Although most outbreaks were minor, two major outbreaks which required the armed force to be put down broke out in Norfolk and Cornwall. While the revolt in Cornwall broke out over the imposition of church services in English, those in Norfolk dealt with the enclosure of land and the rights of farmers to common land. Knowing that his position was precarious[1], Somerset chose to side with the landlords, dispersing the armed rioters and endeavoring to give England the good government she deserved. These revolts as well as the French seizure of Boulogne forced Somerset to rethink his policy as a whole. He abandoned his dictatorial hold over the Privy Council and promised to consult with them. By compromising, Somerset invariably saved his position as Lord Protector, preventing the English government from falling into further squabbling.

In 1550, Somerset decided to abandon his campaign in Scotland, considering it a lost cause now that the young Queen Mary had been carried off to France. The Treaty of Boulogne was ratified with France which allowed François II to repurchase the city of Boulogne for 400,000 crowns, while the Treaty of Coldstream in 1551 saw English withdrawal from Scotland, establishing the borders as they were before the Rough Wooing. Although Madeline de Valois herself was welcomed to the court of Edward VI in 1551, the remainder of Edward’s reign and Somerset’s tenure as Lord Protector would pursue a distinctly anti-French foreign policy, souring relations between the two courts. Nevertheless, following the debacle in Scotland, cordial relations between the two countries seemed impossible. With France ruled by a devout Catholic king dead set on quashing ‘heresy’ in his domains, and England’s religious reformation marching on, the two seemed destined to clash again over the question of Scotland once again. Although Scotland remained nominally Catholic, by the 1550s it had a growing population that embraced the teachings of John Knox.

Religion was one of the most important aspects of Edward’s short reign. With his council dominated by Reformists, and he himself being an intense Protestant, the issue of reforming the church further was paramount. While Henry VIII had rejected Papal Supremacy and placed himself at the head of the English Church, it nevertheless remained essentially Catholic. The reforms during Edward’s reign would turn it into a wholly Protestant Church. Confiscations of ecclesiastical property continued, with the dissolution of the Chantries, filling the empty coffers of the crown and benefiting those who purchased them. Aside from being merely a religious issue, the continuing reformation was a political one as well—with the English Church being financially ruined and much of its property transferred into the hands of the landowners.

It was this continuing reformation that forced Somerset to look abroad. The Rough Wooing left England politically isolated—France was naturally hostile, and Somerset found no allies in the Spanish court, for although the Spanish King was not as religiously inclined as the French King François II, he still protested the direction the English Church was heading. It was thus in during the reign of Edward that England began to establish lasting diplomatic and economic relations with other Protestant states, with English traders extending their trade routes north, into Scandinavia but also into northern Germany. The most important contribution of this diplomatic extension were the relations fostered between England and the Palatinate of the Rhine; although a small German state, it still carried the electoral dignity and was a prosperous principality, having embraced the reformation wholeheartedly. Perhaps seeking to emulate Thomas Cromwell’s German policy that had seen Henry VIII briefly married to Anne of Cleves, Somerset sought out a German, Protestant bride for Edward VI, in order to secure the succession, but also to broaden England’s continental connections.

Although the Elector, Frederick II, was childless, his heir, Ruprecht of Simmern[2] was a staunch Calvinist and possessed a growing family. Somerset dispatched an ambassador to Simmern in the fall of 1552, seeking the hand of one of the many daughters of Ruprecht for Edward VI. Eventually the choice fell upon Amalia Jacoba (b. 1536), with a dowry of 40,000 thalers. Although no princely sum, the connection to one of the leading Protestant families of the Empire would hopefully lead to further connections; at this time there were also talks of seeking the Princess Elizabeth a husband from either Saxony or Hesse, but ultimately nothing came of them. Although the marriage contracts were signed by the end of 1552, Amalia did not begin her journey towards England until the spring of 1553, outfitted with a trousseau from Heidelberg and accompanied by her brother Frederick (b. 1531), the second son of Ruprecht. Upon their arrival in England, both Amalia and her brother were met with grave news—Edward VI had fallen ill, and although there was hope for recovery, many were unsure how long he had to live.

Both Amalia and Frederick were granted luxurious apartments at the court, yet the wedding was postponed, in hopes of Edward VI’s recovery, but also in an attempt to hold on to her dowry. The Princess Elizabeth also came to London at this time, intent to care for her brother during his illness. Although she lived primarily at Hatfield, she was still a focal point at Edward’s court, and the two were especially close. Aside from caring from her brother, Elizabeth was welcomed by the Privy Council, who were keen to secure the Protestant succession. There was great worry that upon Edward VI’s death that Mary, the Queen of France (being the eldest daughter of Henry VIII) would claim the throne. With French mercenaries still stationed in Scotland, the fear of the French attempting to impose their queen upon the English (along with the restoration of the Catholic Church) seemed deeply real and was quite unpopular not only amongst the Privy Council, but the common people. Only amongst the Catholics was the idea of her taking the throne popular, spearheaded by the Duke Norfolk. Even many royal legitimists had shifted their support towards Elizabeth, finding Mary’s French connection repugnant.

In the spring, Edward VI recovered briefly, yet within weeks had relapsed, and it was clear that he didn’t have long to live. On his deathbed with Elizabeth at his side, he asked for her to continue his ‘good work in reforming our Church.’ Legally, many in the Privy Council believed that Elizabeth had a right to the throne, having been reinstated into the succession in the 1540s, with the belief that Mary had ceded any and all rights to the throne the moment the marriage contract with the French had been signed. Although it was clear Edward was dying, Amalia and Frederick remained on at court, meeting briefly with the dying boy. Edward apologized to Amalia that he was unable to make her his queen as he intended, and that he would instruct Elizabeth to find her a husband befitting her station as soon as possible. Edward also asked Frederick to stay on at court, knowing that he had grown close to Elizabeth in his short time in England. Edward confessed that Elizabeth would no doubt need her loyal supporters, to which Frederick agreed to stay on at England, as long as he was needed.

Edward VI died on 6 July, 1553. Somerset immediately had Elizabeth proclaimed in the streets of London, to rapturous applause. Yet amongst the Catholic legitimists, there were already mumblings of discontent. Through the French ambassador both François II and Mary had kept afloat on Edward’s state of health. On 16 July, a Catholic rising broke out in Norfolk, proclaiming Mary as rightful Queen of England and by 20 July, the news of Edward’s death had reached Paris and François was keen to send the French fleet as a show of force. Yet despite the rising and the potential of the French acting, Elizabeth was not prepared to back down. Rallying her loyal troops, the new queen was prepared to put down the revolt in Norfolk herself. It was here that Frederick of Simmern offered his services the queen, promising to go to the continent and rally a force of Protestant troops from his principality to augment her existing forces. Elizabeth agreed, and Frederick departed London at the end of July, landing at Antwerp, where he stopped briefly at Brussels, and the court of Frederick IV[3], Holy Roman Emperor.

Frederick IV was a Catholic, but much more moderate and pragmatic than his father. Frederick IV was opposed to Mary ascending the English throne, out of fear of French domination stretching over the British Isles and threatening Imperial interests. Allowing Frederick of Simmern to continue to the Palatinate to raise a force of troops, the Emperor dispatched the Imperial fleet to make a show of support for Elizabeth, all while discussing with the Kurfürstenrat the possibility of a warring with France should they make any overt attack on England, and thus Elizabeth’s authority.

The Norfolk rising quickly spread into Northumberland, which remained staunchly Catholic, recalling the risings of the Pilgrimage of Grace in the reign of Henry VIII. Although the rebels hoped to rely on support from the Scottish Catholics, Madeline de Valois had her hands tied: despite having taken over the Regency from Albany and Arran in 1551 and having their support, Madeleine’s true support came from the French mercenaries stationed in Scotland. French influence was paramount, with Frenchmen put in charge of the Scottish treasury, the Great Seal, and even the French Ambassador sometimes attending the Privy Council. Although pressed to send forces south to aid the rising in Northumberland, Madeleine soon faced a revolt of her own in the Scottish lowlands, made up of Protestant lords who opposed her pro-French policies and feared Scotland becoming a French province.

The revolt in Scotland was Elizabeth’s saving grace. Forcing François II to divert resources to shore up Madeleine’s position in Scotland, the Imperial fleet in conjunction with the English fleet kept French ships out of the channel, forcing them to sail around Ireland to reach Scotland. Despite Catholics rising in England, there were no revolts in Ireland, owning to the carrot and stick policies of Anthony St. Leger, Lord Deputy of Ireland since 1540. By October of 1553, Frederick of Simmern returned to London with a force of 3000 men, from the Palatinate and Hesse, as well as soldiers from Brandenburg and Saxony. Augmenting these forces into the English troops raised by Elizabeth, these Germans would form the core of what would become the German Guard regiments. Just as the Catholic monarchies employed the Swiss as royal guards, the staunchly Protestant Germans recruited by Frederick of Simmern would form the core of guards sworn to protect Elizabeth, and would play a role in the a further reformation of the English troops, including the creation of a standing professional army, even in peacetime.

Aside from being a capable organizer, Frederick of Simmern was a great soldier, and Elizabeth appointed him as her Earl Marshal in place of the Duke of Somerset. By the spring of 1554, Elizabeth’s forces had quashed the rebellions in Norfolk and Northumberland, and the Duke of Norfolk, having been released during the reign of Edward VI[4] was imprisoned once again and executed, for having headed the conspiracy to place Mary on the English throne. Several other prominent Catholics faced reprisals, and for the rest of her reign Elizabeth would remain cautious of her Catholic subjects. Many believe it was the Norfolk Rising that further radicalized Elizabeth’s Protestant faith, not discounting the influences of Frederick of Simmern, himself a Calvinist.

With the Catholic conspiracy quashed, at least for the time being, Elizabeth’s throne was secure. Yet there were already rumors floating about London, dealing with her relationship with Frederick of Simmern, who had earned the nickname ‘Her Majesty’s German’ from appreciative supporters of Elizabeth. Having grown close to him since his arrival a year earlier, the Queen had pined for him in those vital days when he had left England to raise troops to protect her throne. Many knew that marriage between the two was bound to happen: it was simply a question of when. Frederick proposed to Elizabeth in April of 1554, shortly before the rebellion in Norfolk was quashed. The Privy Council, flushing in loyalty for Elizabeth had no complaints of a possible marriage to Frederick (most especially Somerset, who saw the marriage as a continuation of his own martial foreign policy), nor did Parliament, although there was some serious debate on Frederick’s title and if the two would be co-rulers.

Frederick had no desire to share in Elizabeth’s power; a capable and headstrong woman, she had no need to rule alongside her husband. Although she was determined to reign alone, she still valued his opinions, and Frederick would come to serve her in a secretarial position, holding a seat in the Privy Council and the post of Earl Marshal. Elizabeth chose to naturalize Frederick as an English subject, named him a Knight of the Garter, and although he already bore the title Duke in Bavaria as an extended member of the Wittelsbach dynasty, Elizabeth created him Duke of Clarence and Earl of Kendale, with the marriage taking place at Westminster on 11 May 1554, Frederick taking the style of Royal Highness. Elizabeth was finally crowned Queen of England a month later on 20 June 1554, where Elizabeth was crowned alone, although Frederick was seated next to her. Despite her initial difficulties in taking the throne, Elizabeth managed to secure her position and throughout her reign would propel England forward into an age of glory.

[1]In OTL, Somerset’s botched handling of the agrarian revolts would lead to his downfall and replacement with the Duke of Northumberland.

[2]An ATL son of John II of Simmern.

[3]ATL Son and successor of Charles V.

[4]In OTL, he remained imprisoned until Mary’s reign. In ATL he was released, perhaps feigning Protestantism, but later rallied to Mary’s cause.