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#121
February 28th, 2010, 01:52 PM
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Nice chapter as alway Drake! Keep the good job!
About a second husband for Anna, if you want a less powerful prince again, what about Francis I of Saxe-Lauenburg?
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Because we all love mad kings: Madness and Greatness: a history of Portugal (1578 - 1640) Last update: 21/September/2010 
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#122
February 28th, 2010, 03:54 PM
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Thanks Gonzaga!  I like that idea too. Especially as the Saxe-Lauenburg branch later have a Scandinavian connection, with one of his sons marrying a Swedish Princess. Would definately be interesting to see him a sort of scheming type in Copenhagen. As he is much older than her (even older than Christian II himself), it would definately be interesting. Hmm, you've both given me some good ideas now.
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#123
February 28th, 2010, 05:26 PM
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One aspect which I have thought about are Dutch immigration to Denmark, in OTL in Christians reign we got Dutch settlers to Amager to ensure fresh vegetables to Queen Isabelle. These Dutch settlers stayed there after Frederiks coup, but in the next 2 centuries we saw little immigration of rural population, which meant we saw little import of agricultural advancements and technic before the 18th century. Here we may see a continued immigration of Dutch settlers, while we won't see the depopulation of Jutland as in OTL Count's Feud in Jutland, Denmark still had a relative low population density at the time. Beside that it's in this periode we see the spread of Red Clover in Netherland (which we only see spreading to Denmark in the 18th century*).
Red Clover are a interesting plant, it get it nitrogen from the air rather than the soil, which mean that it introduce nitrogen to the soil, leading to land needing to be set-aside for a shorter periode. Beside that Red Clover are very protein rich meaning that it are excellent cattle feed, which lead to a greater quantity of milk, and in time of need it can be boiled and used as hunger food. At last the flowering lead to a greater population of bees, increasing both the fruit and honning production. In the 60 years after its introduction to Denmark it lead to a 50% population increase. A introduction 2 century earlier can have radical consequences both demographic, social and political. Demographic we would seee a earlier population increase, social we see a better position for self owning peasant creating a strong rural middle class, while at the same time urban population become easier to feed, leading to bigger towns, in OTL mosty of this population increase happen mostly in Copenhagen, which we likely see much the same here, through Malmö, Flensburg, Schleswig (town), Odense and Aalborg are all in a good position to share in the growth. At last we will see a increase in the nobles income, in OTL when we saw a increase in the nobles income under the 30 Years War, we saw them taking increasing power, especially because the King ability to tax them was quite limited until 1660**. *first use in the 1730 on Fuen. ** until then he could only tax noble land if the Noble Estate (Rigsrådet) premited it, at least outside Schleswig(-Holstein). Luckily the royal domain made up after the reformation around 50% of Denmark, while the large estates owned 45%, with the last 5% selfowned. Last edited by Valdemar II; February 28th, 2010 at 06:12 PM..
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#124
March 1st, 2010, 02:05 AM
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I think I remember reading a topic about Dutch immigration to Denmark and the Red Clover. You're right that the Counts Feud not happening has saved Jutland from being ravaged. I also think continued Dutch immigration is plausible -- we'd see a small scale immigration in the early years, and throughout the 1530s as the marriage of Anna to the Prince of Orange, despite holding some lands in France, oft resided in the Lowlands. So we could see some Dutch immigration in a second wave throughout the 1530s and 1540s. There was some interesting discussion in that topic, I'll have to look it up again. If the Red Clover becomes widespread in Denmark in the 16th century, will it spread to Sweden and Norway? A population boom in Scandinavia would be good because it'd increase their ability to project their power, not only having more men to serve in their armies but more people to tax. It could only create a good base for the Scandinavian kingdoms to engage in colonization, if they have the people willing to go.
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#125
March 1st, 2010, 04:44 AM
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Drake, just a doubt: you said that Frederick of Holstein died childless. Does it mean that ITTL he never married Anna of Brandenburg and Sophie of Pomerania, or did he still get married but his wife(s) were barren?
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Because we all love mad kings: Madness and Greatness: a history of Portugal (1578 - 1640) Last update: 21/September/2010
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#126
March 1st, 2010, 04:58 AM
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#127
March 1st, 2010, 08:39 AM
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To colonism the primary problem with early colonism wasn't population, but that Sweden and Denmark lack the resources to begin large scale colonial project, with more money, we could see the Danish crown, nobles and rich mechants invest in more colonial project in the West Indias, Africa and East Indias. That may give Denmark the money and resources to give a try at settlement colonism, but I doubt they will be much more succesful than the Dutch. The primary focus of Danish colonism will always be to bring money home, any settlements will be accidental/secondary like the Dutch. Of course a bigger Danish population will likely lead to even more North Atlantic fishing, which may lead Denmark to some confrontations with the English over the Grand Banks, which may lead to some forts and settlements in the area to strengthen the Danish position. Of course that lead to a interesting question what about the Estonia, Livonia and Courland, could we see a agressive Danish expansion there, Denmark had a good claim to Estonia, and with Denmark out of Germany we could see a greater focus on dominating the Baltic.
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#128
March 2nd, 2010, 07:37 AM
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Yes, I think the Baltics will be very interesting too. With the Danish kings seperating themselves from the empire (they are no longer beholden through their fiefs in Holstein) they will have to reorient themselves. A Baltic policy would be good -- they ruled parts of Estonia and Osel for a short time in the 16th century. Denmark and Sweden will definately have a rivalry over the Baltic, and with a strong Poland, it means even more trouble.
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#129
March 4th, 2010, 08:08 AM
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The long awaited war of the three crowns. The TL really is about ready to enter the 1550s, which I'm really excited about. I think I may have to do a chapter about Italy and the Papacy, and perhaps the Balkans as things have played out a little different in Hungary regarding the Ottoman invasion, which was a little bit different than OTL. There's also some more colonization, mostly with the Spanish and the Incans. Writing the wars are really hard, as warfare and militaries aren't really my thing... not to mention 16th century warfare seems very much hit and miss, with very little being accomplished.
The Anglo-Spanish Campaigns in France 1538 to 1545; Spain, France, England, Scotland and Germany The War of the Three Crowns, also known as the Anglo-Spanish Campaigns pitted Spain and England, recently allied through the Treaty of Corunna against France. François Ier found himself diplomatically isolated; while James V honored the call of the Auld Alliance despite the opposition of his mother, Margaret Tudor, the French king had no other immediate allies. Henry II, the King of Navarre declared neutrality to prevent his domains being pillaged by French and Spanish. Eager to find a further ally to his cause, François opened negotiations with Charles V, the son of Philip the Fair who had succeeded him as Emperor in 1533 in hopes to bring the Habsburg Emperor into an alliance against the English and Spanish, going so far as to offer to detach the counties of Flanders and Artois from the French crown, to save Charles and his descendants from having to pay homage to the French crown for these fiefs as Philip the Fair had previously. Charles V was open to the idea of an alliance with France, more aimed at England than Spain. His wife, the Empress Isabella was a sister of the King of Spain and wrote tirelessly to her brother in hopes to avoid a conflict between the empire and Spain. But it was not the influence of his wife that thwarted his plans; it was the Diet of the Empire. Empowered by the Emperor Philip, both the Reichstag and the Emperor’s council, the Reichsrat (formed out of Kurfürstenrat and the defunct Reichsregiment) had benefited from the Diet of Speyer, which had renewed the efforts of the imperial reforms begun by Maximilian I. The Emperors had thus regained some of their powers, but had conceded the power of the purse to the Recishstag. In return, a penny tax, across the whole of the empire was implemented and created a functional imperial treasury held together by the whole empire, although it’s terms were renegotiated every five years. Philip had no problems dealing with the Reichstag (which begun to assemble more often following the Diet of Speyer) or his council, and in 1528 the Reichstag had granted him very generous terms for the penny tax upon its implementation. Yet upon his death in 1533, Charles V succeeded to Philip the Imperial Mantle, his election as King of the Romans having been secured not long after Speyer. Unlike Philip, Charles was an ardent Catholic, hardly inclined towards reformist ideas. As a result he and his wife were hated in Protestant circles. When the Reichstag convened to renew the penny tax in 1533, they seemed quite wary of their new sovereign and only offered reduced terms for the penny tax, out of fear that Charles might infringe of the religious liberties granted by his father. Naturally, Charles V was outraged. Compared to his father who had willingly dealt with the Diet, Charles V had a lofty view of his prerogatives and dismissed the Reichstag without accepting their terms for the tax. Instead, he issued demands to his tax collectors to continue to collect the tax at the amount granted to his father. The Reichsrat was opposed to the Emperor violating the Diet of Speyer so openly, and even his brother the King of Bohemia urged him to come with a compromise with the Reichstag. Charles remained intransigent against the Reichstag, even when several imperial circles openly refused to pay the tax in 1535 until it’s terms were renegotiated and approved. Charles refused, and by 1537 was only able to draw upon the revenue of his hereditary domains in the Netherlands. It was not until 1538 when François Ier sought an alliance against England and Spain that Charles V convened the Reichstag, in hopes of settling the taxation matter in his favor and to receive needed subsidies and troops from his princely allies to campaign against England. The Reichstag that had once only been wary was now openly hostile towards the Emperor. They offered to renew the penny tax (rather than dismiss it all together), but at even more reduced terms than offered in 1533. The Reichsrat was also cool to the idea of funding the Emperor further—but they refused to even consider it until he came to a compromise with the Reichstag. Defeated, Charles V agreed to the terms offered by the Reichstag. Yet further arguments between the Emperor and his council prevented him actively signing into an alliance, and by 1540 had shelved his ideas of aligning with the French king. England and Spain were quick to prepare for the campaigns in France. By July of 1538 the English had landed 32,000 troops in Calais under the Henry VIII and the Duke of Suffolk to besiege and capture Boulogne, while in August Spanish troops had crossed the Pyrenees near Perpignan, to lay siege to Carcassonne in hopes of capturing Toulouse, an important city in southern France. François was quick to react by sending the Viscount of Lautrec south to deal with the Spanish, while arranging an army under Èdouard de la Pole[1], the Count of Nectaire to relieve Boulogne. François also began to prepare a fleet of over four hundred ships at Le Havre and made plans to arrange an army of some 30,000 men in hopes to invade England with. While France was already teeming with activity, an army under the Duke of Norfolk was sent north to deal with France’s Scottish allies, who had assembled a an army of 7,000 men to raid the borderlands between Scotland and England. In October of 1538 the Scots were soundly defeated at the Battle of the Burgh near Solway Moss. Losing almost 2,000 troops, the Scottish were forced to retreat from England and for the rest of their participation of war would be spent facing the English on Scottish soil. The campaign season for 1538 died down, with the English besieging Boulogne and the Spanish on the verge of capturing Carcassonne. While the French King had dispatched sizable troops led by some of his finest lieutenants, they were forced to hunker down for the winter and wait until the spring. François also had to deal with two popular revolts breaking out in Nantes and Bordeaux, fueled by popular discontent to reform the hated gabelle[2]. Sending the Dauphin to negotiate with the rebels, 1539 opened with the Spanish seizure of Carcassonne and preparations to march on Toulouse. The English captured Boulogne soon after, but disagreements began to appear between the English and Spanish allies. Miguel wanted for Henry VIII to move on to Paris, while Henry wanted to move on towards Normandy to break the French plans for invading England. As a result, the English army in France moved slowly and without a concrete goal throughout French territory, opening them up to attack. Despite this, a sizable English garrison held Boulogne that the French were not concerned about—they preferred to destroy Henry’s army in France before relieving the city. The French and English armies met near Vimy, south of Boulogne. Although both sides would claim victory from the Battle of Vimy, the French were unable to break Henry’s army from the field. Although he lost a significant number of men and retreated back towards to Boulogne, he was still a credible threat. With the Spanish capture of Carcassonne, they moved on towards Toulouse. The French army in the south was not sufficient to combat the Spanish, and with news that a second Spanish army was crossing into France to attack Nîmes and Montpellier, the French position in the south seemed weak and on the verge of collapse. François was forced to draw upon his resources to bring a third army into the field, going as far as to borrow from the Medici bankers to fund his campaign. 1539 and 1540 were a period of brief victories and reverses. The Spanish captured Toulouse, but their second army was defeated near Nîmes by the forces of the Count of Enghien, all while the army of the Viscount of Lautrec moved to prevent the Spanish from moving further from Toulouse. The French had hopes to cut off the force in Toulouse and regain the swaths of southern France that had been lost in the two previously years. In Scotland, things were going terribly for the James V, the King of Scotland. He moved his wife and mother to Leith for their protection, and prepared to defend Edinburgh and the Scottish March from the incursions of the Duke of Norfolk. Although the English would be briefly repulsed, James V would be killed at the Battle of Musselburgh in the early months of 1542, leaving behind his infant daughter Mary, named after his English cousin, the French Dauphine. Madeleine of Valois immediately assumed the Regency for her daughter, and aided by her mother-in-law Margaret[3], she managed to secure a favorable peace with England that pledged that the infant Queen of the Scots would marry the Prince of Wales. Although the peace would later break down, for the moment it was upheld and Scotland withdrew from the war, leaving France to stand-alone against England and Spain. The War of the Three Crowns was important because it was one of the most expensive conflicts waged by France, Spain, and England, of the age, and also notable for being the last war waged by both Henry VIII and François Ier, both of whom would die in 1547. In England, the coinage was systematically debased while taxation was increased to fund the campaigns that would contribute to the economic problems that would plague Edward VI’s reign. François also had significant economic problems and imposed a series of taxes and instituted several economic reforms to pay for the war. Only did the Spanish not have problems paying for the costs of war—although taxes had to be raised slightly, the money from both the spice routes and gold from the Americas allowed Miguel to wage war without any detriment. It was after the catipulation of Scotland that the war ground to a halt. Henry VIII attempted to direct an offensive from Calais but one failed to materialize, while Boulogne continued to be held and the Spanish could not be dislodged from either Toulouse or Carcassonne. Meditation by the Emperor, Charles V attempted to end the war around 1543, but strains began to appear in the relationship between Miguel and Henry VIII, as the King of Spain blamed Henry for not pressing on towards Paris while he had the chance, allowing for his own troops to be bogged down in southern Spain. 1544 had also seen the French fleet score several notable victories, most importantly at Scilly, and the landing of an expeditionary force in Scotland to aid Madeleine in upholding her Regency for her daughter Mary, and to better resist the demands of Henry VIII, who was already demanding the custody of the young Scots Queen, which was rebuffed. In 1545 the Treaty of Atrecht was signed, but it was inconclusive. Henry was confirmed in his possession of Boulogne, but granted François and his successors the right to repurchase it for two million écus. François also paid the dowry of Louise to Miguel and paid another large sum to ensure the Spanish withdrew from the cities they held in France. The ultimate victor was the meditator, Charles V, which saw the French renunciation of Artois and Flanders as French fiefs. The only thing that prevented war from breaking out once again was because of the exhaustion faced by all the involved powers. A rematch would have to wait until the 1550s, when a new generation of monarchs would sit upon the thrones of England, France, and the Empire. [1]ATL son of Richard de la Pole, who died at Pavia in 1525 IOTL and Anne de la Marck. The de la Poles were important Yorkist pretenders but Richard was their last serious claimant. In ATL he was absorbed into the French nobility, marrying a French wife and being ennobled in the French peerage. [2]A tax on salt. [3]Margaret Tudor, who died in 1541 IOTL lived for a few more years IATL.
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#130
March 4th, 2010, 02:33 PM
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Nice chapter Drake, and very detailed too!
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Because we all love mad kings: Madness and Greatness: a history of Portugal (1578 - 1640) Last update: 21/September/2010
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#131
March 4th, 2010, 03:10 PM
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Thanks Gonzaga!
I also drew up a quick map (the first for this TL, actually) detailing the situation in Europe following the war, using Valdemar II's 1648 map as a base. Italy is quite different in that Naples is independent, as is Milan. The Duchy of Florence (probably on it's way to becoming the Grand Duchy of Tuscany quite soon) is also doing quite good. Lorenzo II, the Duke of Urbino survives IATL and ends up succeeding in Florence, which is made into a Duchy by his relative, Pope Clement VII. Added to his domains in Florence and Urbino is the Republic of Siena. Ousting the ruling family in the 1520s, Clement moved to quash the popular rising in Sienna and succeeded. With the chaotic situation, Clement VII turned the republic over to the Duke of Florence. Navarre still exists below the Pyrenees. Hungary is still intact. The Ottomans mangled them at Mohacs but withdrew not long after, dealing with rumors of the Persians preparing to attack in the east, and not interested in holding down the region, especially as the pro-Turkish John Zapola succeeds Louis II in the majority of Hungary. Ferdinand I, however, manages to secure Croatia, and parts of Hungary and Slovakia. Thus Hungary is a de-facto Turkish ally but it facing significant turmoil with Zapola and Ferdinand fighting over the crown. The Turks don't administrate the territory but they frequently raid the southern portions and with Zapola as king, he could be more than willing to let the Turks strike at the Habsburg possessions in Austria. Germany and the Christendom still fear the Turks and condemn the current king, whose position is not as secure as it seems.
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#132
March 4th, 2010, 03:46 PM
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I like it but there's a few problem the Norvegian border to Sweden are post-1645 (Norway miss Jämtland, Härjedalen and Älvdalen), Magdeburg should be independent, Lusatia and Sundgau (and the enclaves in Lorraine and Elsass are part of the HRE and ecclessial territories) should be Habsburg, Netherland was still part of the HRE, Oberpfalz still belong to Pfalz, Berg, Jülich, Cleve and Mark should be in personal union, and mistake with original map Mecklenburg should have a different split at the time plus the Swedish enclaves was not independent, plus the Bishopric of Schwerin still exist and Rostock are a free city.
I may post more if I see some problem. But beside that I'm quite impressed especially with Italy. Last edited by Valdemar II; March 4th, 2010 at 04:11 PM..
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#133
March 4th, 2010, 04:01 PM
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Lusatia would obviously go to the Austrian branch of the Habsburgs but would Sundau perhaps go to Charles V, or Ferdinand? I know it was attached to Tyrol but Charles might be able to better defend it. I think Magdeburg might have been secularized in the Diet of Speyer which did secularlize some petty ecclesiastical estates, but given it was not a Price-Abbacy or very small it should probably be independent. I suggested it as a means of getting the Brandenburg Elector to agree to certain measures of the Diet but I ended up not having to do that, so it should probably be independent. Right on Oberpfalz and Berg-Julich-Cleve-Mark, missed those. If you can find any other errors feel free to point them out. I'll probably use this as a base for further maps as the TL continues.
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#134
March 4th, 2010, 04:23 PM
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*I would suggest giving them to Lorraine whom are a sure ally against the French (they have nothing to gain by side with the French). While the Ferdinand can get the once in Elsass
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#135
March 4th, 2010, 04:30 PM
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The status of Italy is quite fuzzy. Technically it's still part of the empire, but as the Diet of Speyer was the first step that will lead in a more centralized empire, de facto the Imperial lands south of the alps are left out of these reforms so when Germany becomes a more centralized nation state Italy will still be divided. It will probably maintain that symbolic connection to the empire, however. I also realized that Berg-Julich-Cleve-Mark also probably holds Guelders. I know that Charles V claimed the territory upon the death of the last Egmond Duke but considering his fight with the Reichstag he might be unable to claim those lands. The Reforms of Maximilian which were further pushed by Philip called for a perpetual peace whereby the princes wouldn't fight through means of feuds, probably in hopes to keep the German princes from making war amongst themselves... Charles V wouldn't be as readily able to take Guelders as he was IOTL. Given his relative "unpopularity" it's also certain if it tried to claim the territory through the Imperial Courts he would lose the suit.
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#136
March 4th, 2010, 04:51 PM
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#137
March 4th, 2010, 05:02 PM
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#138
March 4th, 2010, 06:20 PM
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Nice update, DrakeRlugia!
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#139
May 21st, 2010, 06:24 PM
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Long awaited chapter! Deals with the Americas, specifically an alternate conquest of the Incan Empire (at least, the outcome is different) and the arrival of some other players in the Americas... I also have some maps forthcoming for everyone! Of Europe, and the world.
Enjoy!Lima and Cap-Royale 1528 to 1552; The Americas Although tensions continued to rise in Europe throughout the 1530s, Miguel of Spain paid great attention to his growing domains in the Americas. While the Portuguese looked towards the riches offered by India and the Orient, the Castilians looked further west. The Aztec Empire was quickly conquered in the late 1520s, leading to an influx of gold into the Spanish coffers and the desire of Miguel to further exploit his American domains. As conquistadors crossed through Central America and the strait of Panama, droves of Castilians left Spain for the burgeoning settlements propping up in these regions. While the conquistadors roamed the unexplored in search of gold and plunder in the name of their king, Miguel also saw the advantages the vast tracks of lands that were claimed in his name but otherwise unsettled. Offering grants to land titles at a cost, a flurry of auctions took place in the 1530s and early 1540s. In return for a sum of money, wealthy merchants and Spanish landowners were able to purchase portions of unclaimed land in the growing American empire, provided they settle in the Americas and recruit settlers for these lands. From these first haciendas some of the first Spanish cities in the Americas began to grow, such as Cumaná, Magdalena de Quarama, and Cobán. However, things were different in the Portuguese administration ran from Lisbon. Despite the thrones being united in a singular person of Miguel, he knew better than to mingle the administrations of his separate domains. From Lisbon Portuguese officials oversaw the Portuguese Empire, including its outposts in India and the Orient, while Spanish officials ran the growing Spanish colonies. Aside from the rich spice routes however, the Portuguese believed themselves entitled to a portion of the Americas, the coasts charted by Cabral and Coelho in the early 16th century. Yet despite this, these travels had not impressed Manuel I enough to spearhead a colonization of the territory, who was far more concerned with the orient and the evolving matters of the Spanish inheritance. Granting a monopoly on the Brazilwood discovered in the territory to Fernando de Naronha in 1503, the king paid no more matter to the territory. Naronha established a company to chart out the territory, bring back the fabled wood, as well as establishing factories to halt French influence in the region, who had also began to chart out Brazil in 1504. By Miguel’s reign, Brazil remained on the periphery. While de Naronha had sent several expeditions to Brazil, he acted solely for economic reasons. He failed to attract any settlers into the region, and French influence, especially around Bahia (known as the Golfe de St. François to the French) became more pronounced. Although Miguel was pressed by Portuguese merchants to establish a more certain claim over Brazil, by sending troops and settlers to secure the Brazilwood trade from French interference; but with his hands tied by European affairs, Miguel had little interest to do so. The revenue generated by the Spanish colonies, and indeed the Portuguese routes to India were more certain, more numerous, and more important to the crown than securing Brazil. By remaining silent and apathetic in the matter, both Manuel and Miguel saw Portuguese influence in Brazil, minimal at first, almost completely eradicated. Portuguese policy regarding the region had been chaotic and fraught with problems, especially once Miguel leaned upon the Portuguese to focus less on the Americas and more on the Orient, making it clear that he had no interest in the Brazil wood. While de Naronha continued in vain to lobby the crown to consider the possibility of colonizing the region, he was eventually forced to quit his endeavors, liquidating his company in 1533. Although the French continued to sail to the region throughout the 1520s and 1530s, it was not until after the War of the Three Crowns that François Ier expressed more interest in Brazil beyond the Brazilwood. Seeking to monopolize the trade for the crown, to restore the empty coffers that had been emptied by the destructive war. Commissioning Jacques Cartier, François ordered the Breton explorer to charter out the coast of Meridionale[1] more thoroughly, and to establish the first settlements and forts—in return, François named Cartier the first Lieutenant-General of Meridionale. So began the French colonization of the region. Leaving St. Malo with seven ships and five-hundred settlers, Carter made landfall in the Golfe de St. François, where the colonists founded Cap-Royale[2] in 1546, the first French colony in Meridionale, located on the cliffs overlooking the Golfe de St. François. The French had a tenuous relationship with the native tribes of Brazil. While Portuguese penetration into the region had been primarily economic, it had still introduced European diseases that had wreaked havoc on the native populations. While relations with the natives, especially the Tupi, remained difficult, Cap-Royale held together, especially when the colonists realized the profits that could be made in harvesting sugar. The first plantations were erected around Cap-Royale in 1549, and by 1551, two other settlements had been established in the region of St. François—Marieville, founded in 1548, and Fort Cartier in 1550. Aside from settlers, the first Dominican Mission was founded in 1552 to convert the local tribes to Catholicism, influenced by the dour François II, who had succeeded his father in 1547. Taking a great interest in the colony, François II dolled out economic rights and land rights in Meridionale to his favorites, barred Protestants and Jews from settling in the colony officially, outlawed slavery of the native peoples (which continued irregardless, although the first African Slaves bought from the Portuguese would soon appear), and promoted the growth of the colony. Although François Ier had set the stage for Meridionale, it was François II who would see its growth and the wealth it would provide for his kingdom. Before the French had even established themselves in Meridionale, the Spanish had continued to expand in South America undeterred. Shortly after the conquest of the Aztec Empire, the Spanish conquistadors came into contact with the Incans, who ruled over large stretches of the Andes and promised even greater wealth to fill the purses of the money-hungry Spanish. Faced with languishing in Panama, or heading further south into what the Spanish had dubbed Peru. Francisco Pizarro was one of many conquistadors who wished to set forth into Peru for greater wealth, but found himself restrained by the governor of Panama who had no interest in doing so, especially following two prior expeditions that had not accomplished anything of substance. Deciding to appeal to the highest authority, Pizarro left for Spain, intending to meet with the king himself. Pizarro arrived in Lisbon in the summer of 1528 and was granted an interview with Miguel shortly thereafter. The young king, already pleased with the riches that had been taken in Mexico, was interested in expanding the Spanish Empire in the New World, especially if it meant more gold and jewels would be plundered for the crown. Offering his support to the conquistador, Pizarro left Europe in 1529 armed with a Capitulation to lead an expedition to Peru, stating that, “His Majesty is already the grocer of Europe with the wealth of the Portuguese spices. With the conquest of Peru I shall make him the banker of Europe too, with Peruvian gold.” Taking his time to draw together a suitable force of men, Pizarro left Europe and landed in Panama near the end of 1530. It was not until 1532 that he would land in Ecuador, ready to set into motion the Spanish conquest of the region. Although he had only a few hundred men, Pizarro had the advantage of horses, armor, and gunpowder, as well as the fact that the Incan Empire was undergoing a chaotic situation. The first expeditions into the region in the late 1520s had introduced European diseases that had wreaked havoc upon the native populations, and had even taken the life of the Incan Emperor, Huayna Capac, leaving the throne disputed between his two sons, Huascar and Atahualpa, which further destabilized the empire and left it defenseless against Spanish incursions. Although Atahualpa succeeded in overcoming Huascar, he underestimated the Spanish, demanding they leave his lands and refusing to pay tribute, believing that his army of some 80,000 men would be able to overcome the two hundred Spaniards that had come with Pizarro as part of his expedition. The Spanish first clashed with Atahualpa at Cajamarca, where they succeeded in decimating the Incan forces, depriving them of their commanders and taking the emperor himself captive. Despite fulfilling a promise to deliver vast amounts of gold to the Spanish, Pizarro had the Sapa Inca executed for killing his brother Huascar and conspiring against the Spanish forces in 1533 by garrote. This execution signaled the coming end of the Incan Empire—Spanish forces captured Cuzco with native troops in 1534. In hopes to prevent an uprising, Pizarro installed Tupac Huallpa[3], another brother of Atahualpa as Sapa Inca, but it was clear that he was merely a puppet of the Spanish, using him to prevent a native uprising while securing control of Peru and to smuggle even more gold out of the region. Although held under a heavy guard by the Spanish, Huallpa was not poorly treated and allowed to maintain a residence in Cuzco. Pizarro devoted himself to stabilizing Peru, and founded the city of Jauja to serve as the capital. Yet because of it’s mountainous location, the city of Lima was founded on the coast, which would become both an important port and the new capital of the region. Word of the conquest of Peru soon reached Spain, and settlers from Castile poured in to seek out their own fortunes, with Miguel formally naming Pizarro governor of the territory. Conquistadors would slowly chart out the southern reaches of Peru in this period, reaching the Atacama Desert and what would be named Chile by the Spanish explorers. Pizarro would serve as Governor of Peru until his death in 1552. His tenure saw Spanish settlers arrive in Peru, where encomniendas were established despite the desire of many reformists in Spain to see the system abolished. Catholic priests also introduced the Catholic faith and Spanish language, to the detriment of the Incan religion and the native languages such as Quecha. Despite the somewhat precarious situation, Pizarro's success in stabilizing Peru allowed Spanish bureaucrats to establish a hold over the new colony, while a new elite of Peru would arise through a martial alliance between the Spanish Conquistadors and the Quecha nobility who survived the initial onslaught of warfare and disease. The court of the Sapa Inca was also maintained at Cuzco, despite Pizarro’s position being further empowered. Although powerless, the Sapa Inca still maintained significant cultural authority and was seen as a fatherlike figure for many of the native people. Huallpa himself remained rather isolated, content to live in his palaces under Spanish guard. Although he never accepted the Catholic faith, it was his children (wards of Pizarro himself) who found themselves further ingrained into the Spanish system: his three daughters married Spanish conquistadors, while his son, ‘Francisco’ Yupanqui was baptized into the Catholic faith and would become Sapa Inca in 1557 following the death of Huallpa. [1]de Gonneville, the French explorer who explored parts of Brazil in OTL named the region the “Indies Meridionale.” With French influence in the region more pronounced and powerful, the name sticks. [2]Near OTL Salvador. [3]IOTL, he died of smallpox shortly after being crowned
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Last edited by DrakeRlugia; May 21st, 2010 at 07:27 PM..
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#140
May 21st, 2010, 06:28 PM
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Here is the map of Europe, 1545. Shortly after the War of the Three Crowns ended. Thanks to Valdemar for helping me fix some of the errors!
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