A Shift in Priorities

[Nivek]

Well, rast, the china recent series of event was.... shocking, to use a simple word.. i think Bauer move his influence here(his hate to the socialist and the republicans form of goverment, with having the chinesse like his own puppet, he is the 'true' emperor of China) and have that result(remeber who is the emperor of china, i think that is not Pu-yi, or yes?), well, now the world react... will be the next update, now the german react... mixed IMHO, specially with the socialist in the goverment and all, how the chinesse will reacted... mixed but more positive to being reunited again, and now with China having the benefits of the industrial era(with having bauer invited companies like Krupp, siemens to take advantage of the cheap labour... bauer invented outsourcing more early ) i think the 'good man of Nanjing'(Aka John Rabe) deserved a Update..

Keep with the TL Rast who is awesome.

Att

Nivek von Beldo

P.S. A side effect who i learn recently is what with the CP winning the great war, now i can't have my best friend with me(and most shocking, he will be Muslim and not I )

[rast]

Yeah, Bauer is behind this 'empire affair' - I'll deal with that. - But China is not only a German zone of industrial influence; the Japanese are there as well - plus the Americans.
China will truly jump ahead, wait and see. What we witness today IOTL, ITTL eighty years earlier...

[Expat]

Amazing!

I'm sure you'll get to all this eventually, but I'm curious. How much of the Mandarin power structure will be adapted and how much of the Guangdong reforms will be spread to the rest of the country?

I guess I'll start on that world map now!

[Archangel]

If the Emperor is seen as powerless during Chiang's regime, monarchy might survive Chiang's eventual fall.

[rast]

Prussian Cigars

The German embassy in Beijing had been hit by three shells during the recent fighting. Damage was considerable, but fortunately nobody had been hurt.
Ambassador von Hintze received General Bauer in the ground floor lounge, which – apart from some broken window panes – was in good order.
“No republican troops were actually in the vicinity.” complained von Hintze. “This was done deliberately. Someone disapproved of alleged German assistance to the Republic of China. – I shall send the bill for the repairs to the foreign ministry of the Chinese Empire!”
“Well, it could have been worse.” replied Bauer. “Compared to the damage I’ve seen on the way hither, you were quite lucky. – If it was done on purpose, it was more a kind of reprimand than a serious attempt at your life.”

The men took a seat in two comfortable armchairs, while an attendant served beer and cigars.
“So, is Chiang going to proclaim the Chinese Republic under his leadership? – Or will he follow your advice?”
Bauer sighed.
“This really was a hard struggle. The guy sometimes is as obstinate as a donkey. After all, he was a kind of revolutionary in his younger days, agitating and acting against imperial rule. – But finally I managed to convince him.”
“I think, the German example should have shown him the usefulness of your proposal. We would easily have staged a Putsch against the Socialists and Progressives, if they had abolished the Kaiser. – But by keeping him as head of state, these clever disciples of Marx and Engels made damn sure that all officers and civil servants in Germany would not revolt.”
“This is what I told him. – If he removes the Emperor, all monarchists and supporters of the old order will turn against him. If he keeps the Emperor, these people will have no choice but to support him, although the Emperor is not going to have any political power. – With political power concentrated in the office of the prime minister, he will also capture all those proponents of a Chinese republic.”
“But doesn’t a republic usually have a kind of parliament and elections?”
Bauer sucked on his cigar and smiled.
“Oh, not necessarily. A republic can be ruled by an oligarchy, neither general representation nor universal suffrage really is required. – And that is, what Chiang has in mind.”
“But there are a lot of people who favour democracy. They will not be very satisfied with Chiang’s course.”
“In this, he’s quite an epigone of the late Sun Yatsen. – The nation needs a period of tutelage in which people are educated, before real democracy can be introduced in China. – There will be elections for a national assembly as well as for provincial assemblies, but with a very limited suffrage – as is tradition in this country since 1907. Chiang will make sure that only those people are allowed to vote, who are liable to vote for his resurrected Kuomintang. – And then, he will put the people under tutelage…”
Bauer smiled again.
“So, he will wave the democratic carrot while he uses the authoritarian stick?”
“That’s about his idea of Minzú.”
“I suppose, there will be no timetable and roadmap for democracy?”
“No, definitely not. Some vague promises, that’s all. – But he’s right, of course, this country doesn’t need a host of parasitic parliamentarians, it needs a strong man, who guides it to modern times.”

Von Hintze beckoned to the attendant, connoting him to bring more beer.
“What about the administration? – Japanese model or the traditional one?”
“Quite mixed, bringing the bureaucrats to Japanese standards without replacing them. He had quite a support from their ranks, and he needs them for his nice little oligarchy. But traditional Chinese administration wasn’t that bad; I’ve looked into the problem; with some training and modernization, they can compete with all other nations. It was more the political weakness of the Manchu dynasty that brought the decline of the country than bad administration.”
“And the Emperor?”
“He’s used to having no say. Zhèng Xiàoxū also ruled without even asking him for his opinion. – No, Puyi will comply.”
“And Zhèng? – This man has qualities.”
“Definitely. – I could talk Chiang into appointing him as ambassador in Berlin; that will move him out of sight for some time. Once troubled waters have gone calm again, he should make a decent foreign minister or minister of war in Chiang’s cabinet.”

[rast]

Population Growth III

Heinrich von Schnee, Plenipotentiary for Mittelafrika, carefully studied the figures. Groß Togoland had a population of 2.32 million, Cameroon 2.54 million, Central Africa 8.85 million, Congo 15.52 million, East Africa 4.43 million, and South-West Africa 0.24 million; together 33.9 million people – with 971 different native languages.
But tribalism was not what concerned von Schnee today. German was the first official language everywhere, and in which tongue people talked at home didn’t bother him. One would tailor a fitting constitution to take care of tribal sensitivities; if it was possible to reconcile Bavarians, Swabians, Saxons, East Prussians, North Frisians and people from the Rhinelands at home, one could also balance Bantus, Massai, Kongos, Lubas, Ewondos and Fon in Mittelafrika.

No, his concern was population growth. The basic health care system was in place throughout Mittelafrika, now served by indigene personnel; only the large central hospitals had some German doctors still.
Infant mortality was steeply on the decline, which was fine. But how to coax people not to have too many children? Most societies were rather rural, consisting of farmers, herdsmen, small traders and artisans, and would remain so; industry and trade might advance and prosper along the railway lines, but the hinterlands would remain rural for a long time. – And too many children would lead to pauperisation in rural societies. One could not count on strong industrialisation, at least not initially; Mittelafrika was designed to be a major producer of natural resources and tropical comestible goods. Large scale factory establishment might follow later, but it was not part of the German ‘start package’ for the country.

A ‘Three Kids are fine!’ campaign had been designed by von Schnee’s staff, and contraceptives were propagated in all schools and health stations – despite the shrill protests of somee Catholic missionaries.
But the plenipotentiary had some doubts whether this would suffice. The actual reproduction rate in Germany was something like 4.6 children per woman, quite like before the Great War; why should the Middleafricans voluntarily go for a lesser rate?
Without economic incentive people would hardly restrict their offspring. Yet what to offer?

Von Schnee was clever enough to know that nothing he and his staff came up with would be watertight. There always would be deviant cases. But catching the statistical average would be fair enough.
So, only people with three or less children would in future be eligible for local, regional and overall legislation and jurisdiction. For marriage, having attended a contraceptive course would become mandatory. Voluntary sterilisation would be rewarded with land property or money. Women celebrating their fortieth birthday and having raised only three children or less would receive a generous trophy money.
What one wouldn’t do was legalising the murder of newborn infants, the traditional way in which rural societies always had controlled their population number, and abortion in cases not indicated by a physician. After all, Mittelafrika was going to be a civilised country.

[rast]

Kishi kaisei
(Wake from death and return to life – Japanese idiom)

To say that the Japanese public applauded events in China would have been a gross hyperbole. While the right wing ultras foamed with rage, the political centre voiced concerns: What about Korea, Taiwan, the Penghu Islands, Kasho-to, Koto-sho, the Senkaku Shoto, Southern Karafuto – and Quingdao?
Would a strong united Chinese Empire, led by the ambitious Prime Minister Chiang, who was believed to be under German influence, want to reverse the Treaty of Shimonoseki? Would Nippon be rolled back on her archipelago?
What about the oil concessions in northern Karafuto? What about the orders placed with the Japanese industry by the former Empire of China?

It was clear that the Chinese Empire had already (with a lot of Japanese help) de facto revoked the Treaty of Aigun with Russia (and the part of the First Convention of Beijing, which dealt with Russian rights in Outer Manchuria) – and was aiming at re-validating the Treaty of Nerchinsk, although the Russians still refused negotiations and demanded the return of ‘their’ far-east provinces.

On the other hand, British presence in the Kowloon area – also known as Hong Kong – had already been endorsed by the former President Chiang, as well as Portuguese administrative rights in Macau.
Nor had there recently been attempts to abolish the foreign enclaves in Shanghai, Tianjin, Hankou, Guangzhou, Zhenjiang and Amoy, even the British naval base at Weihaiwei hadn’t been challenged.
And hadn’t the Japanese Empire formally renounced its rights in Manchuria stemming from the 1915 treaties in favour of Greater Manchu Koku?

It therefore was with considerable suspense that convalesced Japanese prime minister Hara awaited the inaugural visit of the new imperial Chinese ambassador, Táng Shàoyí.
Táng had quite a name as a stout supporter of constitutional governance and respect for the law. In 1912, he had – for a short time – been the Chinese Republic’s first prime minister.
Hara wondered what might have caused Prime Minister Chiang to appoint Táng, who must be difficult to deal with for every ‘strong man’ in Beijing. But at least, one could rest assured that Táng wasn’t just a mouthpiece of that infamous General Bauer, the grey eminence behind Chiang.

Ambassador Táng turned out to be a pleasant dialogue partner and a man of considerable learning (he had been the first president of the Shandong University in 1901). Nevertheless, he left no doubt that the China regarded the whole of Kùyè (the Chinese name for Karafuto), Taiwan and the Penghu Islands as belonging to the Great Qing Empire. Hoewever, one might tolerate Japanese administration of these islands – if…
And here the horse trading started.

In the Akasaka Palace, Sesshō (prince regent) Crown Prince Hirohito received Prime Minister Hara in the late evening, after Ambassador Táng had returned to the Chinese embassy.
“Tell me, what do they want? What are their demands?”
“Oh, there are no demands. – But quite some offers, however, none that will be really profitable for us, but will leave us in possession of Taiwan, the Penghus and Karafuto – and thus support our status as a great power. – They want our help in developing China, and their recompense will be to let us administer the islands…”
“And Chōsen (Korea)?”
“They do not acknowledge the annexation of 1910, but are willing to stick to the Treaty of Shimonoseki, leaving Chōsen completely in our sphere of influence.”
“Do we have a choice?”
“Frankly, Your Imperial Majesty, no. – They will modernise like we have done in the last century. This cannot be stopped by us. And they are 500 million people, compare that to our 59.7 million. We should strive to be on good terms with them. – If I have correctly understood Ambassador Táng, even an alliance might be considered. Allied with China, Nippon would be secure from Russian or US hectoring.”
“And we must urgently enlarge our navy – if only to avoid Chinese hectoring.”
“Yes, Your Imperial Majesty, I have come to this conclusion as well.”

[Expat]

Wow, Japan's taking this about as well as can be expected! In retrospect, I'm surprised they didn't try to invade on behalf of the Emperor of China. Was the Republican campaign too quick or were the Japanese generals being un-characteristically realistic?

I would guess if good relations continue with China it won't be long before the Japanese army begins focusing on how to fight a tundra war with Russia. I'm guessing a treaty with China will have Russia as the primary focus.

I guess Turkey and India will be getting similar bills for supporting Xinxiang and Tibet. Also, is Mongolia still Russian-dominated? That seems like a weird relationship.

The Philippines now look like the last prize in Asia...really interested in how things go down there.

As for the African birthrate, that's a very interesting contraception package. You've done a really good job laying down some key points to successful birthrate control; putting it in the hands of the women and education chief among them. The birthrate should also naturally drop as infant mortality goes down.

[rast]

Since having been stomped by the Russians, the Japanese Generals are on the decline regarding their influence. The military has lost its privilges in cabinet and come under civil control. PM Hara has quite cleverly used the Siberian adventure to wear down military influence; however, his Manchu Koku trick has backfired now - and he's trying to make the best out of it.

[Monty Burns]

I wonder if emmigration of Mittelafricans to Germany could help. As you mentioned before, many Mittelafricans are educate3d in Germany. And they're treated rather well as well as being integrated rather well. This should aleady have resulted in an incresing number of interracial marriages in Germany.

Furthermore, ITTL, Germany will have a very dynamic economy. I can imagine shortfalls in employees right now. Of course, they could accept immigrants from other European countries. However, by now Mittelafrika offers a nice number of well educated, German speaking people who could be integrated into German society rather quickly. Therefore, I could see German firms promoting some immigration from Mittelafrika.

[Expat]

I know I keep asking about things that you might not be interested in, but considering how wrapped up Germany is in his legend, I wonder what Walter Gropius is up to? Is Bauhaus flourishing or is it dead on arrival?

And the Italian Futurists? Architecture must be starting to diverge interestingly by now...

[rast]

A crisis is an opportunity riding the dangerous wind
(Chinese saying)

International reactions to events in China were quite mixed.

In India, China always had been regarded as one entity, only fragmented by foreign – mainly British and Russian, later Japanese – intervention. The return to unity thus was seen as a return to normality. The short colonial frenzy had now been overcome in all of Asia, except the Philippines.
Nevertheless, one was glad to have created independent Tibet as a buffer zone.

In Russia, China also traditionally had been seen as one entity, however, a weak one, which could be exploited and from which one could cut larges swathes of land with impunity. The emergence of a strong, united China – in possession of the Russian Far East Province, the Primorskaya Oblast, was hardly to the liking of those who ruled in St. Petersburg. – As could be expected, Prime Minister Matutin had asked Marshal Tukhachevsky for a military appraisal of the situation.
“Not good, Sir. – This was no long war of attrition, just a lightning campaign of the type we also prefer. That, however, means that most military formations on both sides are still intact and now form unified armed forces of considerable strength. – And they have modern tanks, which we do not have. – Before considering any violent solution, we must build a strong Russian tank branch. I propose, we set up a tank construction bureau at Kazan – and ask Diterikhs to get some detail information about the design of German Panzers and Chinese Tiĕjiăs. – I would also like to investigate the application of parachute infantry. The idea of throwing ahead parachutists, who secure vital infrastructure, and to relieve them with armoured spearheads looks better to me than the German approach, the Zeppelin infantry. ”

In the US, Chinese unification did not raise many concerns. One would perhaps have preferred a weaker China, or a number of weaker Chinas, but as the new rulers had made clear – already in advance – that China would leave all doors open for US investment, nobody really became upset. The Japanese had effectively lost their foothold in Manchuria; the Russians were out of business; the British were still there, but economically weak; the Germans were busy in Africa; thus, US economy, the foremost one on the globe, should be able to profit liberally from the Chinese Empire.
New York had long overcome the City of London as most important global financial node, and investors from all over the world certainly would love to inject money into the development of the world’s most populous state. Alone the investments into transport infrastructure should warrant a steady surge of profit to the sponsors, even if each Chinese only once in his life travelled from Guangzhou to Beijing and back again, or vice versa.

In Britain, the resurgence of a strong Chinese Empire was seen as another consequence of British defeat in the Great War. In the nineteenth century, Britain had been the vanguard of the West, bringing rout and humiliation to the Chinese Empire – and thus starting the process that led to its downfall.
Now, that the British Empire no longer existed, the comeback of the Chinese Empire – with German patronage! – was widely regarded as another dismal sequel to the sad story of British decline.
One was lucky that the new Chinese rulers allowed Britain to retain Weihaiwei and Hong Kong – and the port concessions; thus British economy might also be able to draw some profit from the inevitable growth of the Chinese market.

In Germany, most important people were too busy with Mittelafrika to really care about China. While New York had supplanted the City of London as centre of world finance, Frankfurt am Main had become the financial hub of the CPMZ, funnelling private money initially to the Ottoman Empire and now to Mittelafrika.
While the armaments industry still was rather interested in the Chinese market, the major part of German and CPMZ economy today was focused on Mittelafrika. Because development down there progressed as planned and no major setbacks had yet occurred, the trust of private money lenders into future profits had steadily risen and companies issuing shares for middleafrican projects had no problems in securing the required capital.
Compared to Mittelafrika, the establishment of the Heymshtot only required pocket money, thus influential bankers, like the Rothschilds (the Paris branch had relocated to Frankfurt in 1924), Moritz von Hirsch, Franz von Mendelssohn, the Bethmann brothers, and Max Moritz Warburg spent most of their time organising the money flow to the equator.
Inside the OKW, however, the employment of paratroopers and gun-armed anti-tank aircraft had well been noted. Subsequently, OHL and LKL were tasked to conduct pursuant experiments.

[Beer]

Hi!
Interesting developments, rast! With the CPMZ focusing on their own backyard, they might be able to withstand the finacial hurrican which is brewing on the horizon, at least partly.

[rast]

Trust the cat to keep the cream

“Perhaps the most remarkable trait of Max Bauer’s character was his undamped thrust forward. Never content with any situation, he always looked for more to accomplish. Where other men would have taken a break and contemplated the work done, Bauer was already scheming for something new.
A striking example of this mindset is the situation in China in 1926:

The unification of China was an once-in-a-hundred-years event, but for Max Bauer hardly more than the prerequisite for new action.
Not only did he immediately prompt Prime Minister Chiang into creating a Chinese central banking authority (an institution his friends in the industry had explained him as essential for economic growth) – he also went ahead and started forging the Sino-Japanese Alliance.

Bauer was well aware of the mutual contempt, with which Chinese and Japanese regarded each other, but it didn’t bother him in the slightest.
China was a land power, had always been. Japan was the predominant naval power in East Asia. In Bauer’s mind, this fitted together nicely. With Japan guarding its coast, China would be secure against all attacks from Britain, France or the USA; with China as back-up, Japan would become immune against all foreign intrusion and imposition. Japan’s present allies, Vietnam and Siam, could be easily added to the package, securing the borders of Southern China. The South China Sea, the East China Sea, the Yellow Sea and the Sea of Japan could become the home ponds of the alliance, just like the Baltic Sea had been Germany’s home pond in the Great War.

This concept, however, would never have had a chance of implementation, if not Hara Takashi had been prime minister of Japan. Hara had struggled hard to get rid of military influence on politics. He had initiated the Manchu Koku project in order to detract the soldiers from meddling in Korean affairs. The defeat at Chita had enabled him to abolish direct control of his cabinet by army and navy, instead army and navy – and the emerging air force – had come under his political control. And the attempt on his life had led to the discharge of the most radical elements in the army.
Hara was no friend of violent conquest. The alliances with Vietnam and Siam were much more to his gusto, peaceful arrangements for mutual support and economic co-operation. When now a treaty with China could be achieved, Hara was not hostile to the project. If Nippon was able to keep her gains from the Sino-Japanese War, national pride might be reconciled with the idea of an alliance with China. After all, the British-Japanese Treaty no longer existed, and Japan should be wise to look for a new and potent partner.

These developments on the Japanese side were, of course, completely out of Bauer’s control. But he appears to have understood the situation instinctively. How he succeeded in persuading Chiang Zhongzheng, we do not know. For a complete lack of personal recollections from both men, the mechanisms of interaction between Chiang and Bauer always will be shrouded in nescience.
Even Mao Zedong, then Bauer’s private secretary and later-on author of the impressive and comprehensive “History of Modern China 4607 - 4657”, doesn’t shed light on this aspect.
It seems proven that Táng Shàoyí was chosen on Mao’s suggestion and Bauer’s ability to talk Chiang into accepting him as ambassador in Tokyo. We also know that Bauer had a personal interview with Táng before the latter left for Japan.

It perfectly fits with Bauer’s known modus operandi that he always remained in the back row – and only prompted the actors with his ideas. Thus, what righteously should be called “The Max Bauer Treaty” became the Sino-Japanese Treaty of 1926.”

taken from: “Max Bauer – A Genius at Work” by Dr. Johannes Paul M’neledi, Ku-Tonu, Lagoona Publishing Ltd., 1968

[Monty Burns]

Originally Posted by rast

Dr. Johannes Paul M’neledi, Ku-Tonu, Lagoona Publishing Ltd., 1968

Am I correct that this is a Mittelafrican author with a German first name?

[daveytrackels]

Thx you have been very helpfull

[rast]

From Brockhaus:

M'neledi, Johannes Paul, * 02.Febr.1921 in Lomé (Togoland), + 14.Nov.1989 in Ku-Tonu (Groß Togoland)
Important historian and writer, specialised on Middleafrican and German recent history, studied at Daressalam, Tübingen and Königsberg; Doctor of History; taught at University of Lomé until 1965; became president of university at Ku-Tonu in 1966.

[Bmao]

Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere here we come!! This time, we've got a chance of this happening for real and not just in name. Am really looking forward to seeing how this plays out.

[rast]

“The opportunity for U-Boat War is as favourable as hardly ever before. We can and must wage it.“
(Generalfeldmarschall Paul von Beneckendorff und von Hindenburg, Chief of OHL, 1917)

If Franz von Hipper had hoped to smuggle his submarine plot unnoticed beyond political control, he had acted amiss. Already on Thursday, May 20th, 1926, the case was discussed in the German cabinet.

Minister of War Gustav Adolf Bauer (PDS) explained his colleagues what Hipper had initiated without political consent. “Actually, the annual expenses aren’t high – and well within the limits of what the SKL can authorise on its own. But, of course, the orders are changing the composition of the Navy – and that is beyond the Admiral’s authority.”
“Should we then look for a new Chief of SKL?” asked Chancellor Philipp Scheidemann (PDS).
All eyes now went in direction of Miss Rosa Luxemburg, the Minister of Interior Affairs and representative of the PDS’ left wing.

Luxemburg smiled wryly.
“Well, the Second International was the first victim of the Great War, when you“ She nodded in direction of Scheidemann. „and your comrades voted for the war credits. – But, of course, I know that in other countries the Socialists also supported their nations’ war efforts – and even took positions in the various war cabinets. – Tell me, how many victims did the English blockade claim?“
It was Minister of Economy Theodor Heuss (FVP) who tried to answer the question.
“We don’t know exactly. Nobody starved to death right away. People died from other causes – but very often because their bodies were weak from lack of adequate nutrition. Estimates are between 500,000 and 700,000 people, but there never could be a reliable count.”
“All right, let’s assume half a million of women, children and elderly people killed by the cruel blockade of the English capitalists. From what I gather, unrestricted submarine warfare always was considered as retaliation against this criminal blockade, correct?”
Scheidemann nodded.
“Although we always were against unrestricted submarine warfare, it was officially sold as the only possible answer to the English blockade; blockading the blockader, if you want.“
Luxemburg smiled again.
“I also gather that right now Germany can no longer be effectively blockaded. Is that correct?“
Again it was Heuss, who answered.
“This is correct. As long as we have the Ukraine, the Baltic Countries, Georgia and Azerbeijan on our side, any blockade of the North Sea will be ineffective. And with the Ottoman Empire and Italy our allies in the south, our access to Africa can also no longer be denied. – Rubber can be synthesized from Coal or Oil. – Thus the worst effect of a blockade might be to cut us off from the Americas. Our trade suffered considerable in the Great War.“
“But no babies dying from malnutrition any more?“
“No, definitely not.”
“Then what does this Admiral intend with his 300 submarines? – Threaten England with a deadly blockade, while the Englishmen are unable to retaliate?”
This time, it was Gustav Adolf Bauer, who smiled and answered.
“Now, the military has established that an invasion of Britain is impossible, at least as long as the Royal Navy exists. The English Navy is strong, very strong. We – our predecessors and ourselfs – have intentionally refrained from starting a new naval arms race. Thus, the Hochseeflotte is not strong enough ever to overcome the Royal Navy. – And if that is so, we have no instrument to convince the English to behave reasonable in a future conflict.”
“Which conflict? – Don’t we trust our Socialist brethren in Albion to behave reasonably?”
Scheidemann snuffled amusedly.
“As a matter of fact, we do trust them to keep the peace. – But also as a matter of fact, after the next elections, the new Prime Minister over there may no longer be our peace loving comrade MacDonald – but a sinister figure like Winston Churchill, you never know.”
Luxemburg looked disgusted.
“Churchill? – Horrible. – I think we should let our brave Admiral have his 300 submarines. I’ve seen the arrogant US capitalists at work in Mexico. This Churchill character is presently touring the United States and collecting the applause and support of these people. – No, our Admiral was correct and did the right thing, we should keep him in office. And perhaps allow him to speed up his programme…”

But Minister Bauer still had another item.
“What shall we do with my namesake in China – this child of prodigy General Bauer? – He’s due for promotion. – My suggestion is: Nobilisation and promotion to Generaloberst (Colonel General) and appointment as Chief of the Armed Forces of Mittelafrika.”
“Good God!” exclaimed Chancellor Scheidemann. “The poor von Schnee!”
Bauer laughed.
“Von Schnee is tough. He got along with Lettow-Vorbeck, who is at least as difficult as General Bauer. – But seriously: Bauer is the right man, he is innovative and creative, has imagination and drive. He’s just the person we need in Mittelafrika.”
“All right then, let’s do it.” agreed Chancellor Scheidemann. “And who is to replace him in China?”
“Generalmajor (Brigadier-General) Paul Hausser.”

[rast]

Jamais deux sans trois.
(French proverb)

Charles Maurras had been fighting tooth and nail for preventing King Philippe’s state visit in Germany. He had no problems with a royal visit on the occasion of a marriage or a coronation, but a state visit meant that Kaiser Wilhelm III. would be obliged to conduct a return visit in France!
Nevertheless, King Philippe VIII. had prevailed this time. He wanted to go to Germany, and he would go!

On Friday, 11th June, 1926, the royal train passed the French border at Avricourt, and at Deutsch-Avricourt the Prime Minister of Elsaß-Lothringen, Dr. Eugen Ricklin, welcomed King Philippe and Queen Isabel in the midst of a huge cheering crowd.
The good citizens of the Elsaß had already celebrated Philippe’s visit two years ago like a national holiday. This time, they seemed determined to outmatch their 1924 performance with even greater festiveness. They had absolutely no bad feelings opposite France – for them it never had been the ‘hereditary enemy’, and they loved to show the rest of the German states that they were something special.
It had been agreed that Philippe and Isabel would tour Elsaß-Lothringen for three days before they proceeded to Potsdam. This time, also Metz, the centre of French Socialism in exile, would be visited.
Ludovig-Oscar Frossard, the chairman of the French Socialist Party in exile, had called for a protest rally, but under the flying French Tricolore, German Schwarz-Weiß-Rot and Alsace-Lorrainian Rot-Weiß flags the crowd in Metz cheered just in same merry mood as their compatriots in Straßburg, Saarburg, Kolmar, Mülhausen, Schlettstadt and Hagenau.
In France, events in Elsaß-Lothringen were watched with haggard unbelief. The French desire to revenge the shameful defeat of 1870/71 and to get back the lost provinces had been one of the major factors leading to the Great War. The tragic end of the Great War had wiped out these ideas for all time, one could be glad that the Boches hadn’t cut off another chunk of France. Nevertheless, to see in the cinema newsreel how the Boches – and the Elsaß-Lothringer were regarded as Boches today – cheered the French King was an eerie experience. And to read interviews in the newspapers, in which citizens of Elsaß-Lothringen expressed their joy about the visit and their hope that relations with France should improve, wasn’t any better.

And as the visit progressed, it became clear that the rest of the German population shared the sentiments of the Elsaß-Lothringer. Even Potsdam, which was used to state visits of all kinds, went into excitement, and in Königsberg, the otherwise rather sedate East Prussians cheered like the people in Straßburg had done.
Thus the visit made painfully clear to people in France that the Germans bore no grudge against them. If before 1914 France had been the ‘hereditary enemy’ and the 2nd of September, the anniversary of the ignominous French defeat at Sedan, had been the most prominent German holiday, today the Germans seemed to have made their mental peace with France.
This was deeply disconcerting for the wounded French soul. A hateful bunch of sinister Boches would have fitted rather well with French world outlook, but friendly Boches cheering the French King?

Kaiser Wilhelm took the opportunity of the deer stalking at Rominten to have some private words with King Philippe.
“I know that you have as much influence on the politics of the day as I have. We both are obliged to watch what the politicians do without any possibility to intervene. – However, there are other ways, in which we can try to shape events. This visit is one of them. – Relations between France and Germany should become more cordial, otherwise we must fear for a new war. I have been in France during the Great War, I know what its outcome means to the French nation and how your fellow countrymen have suffered. But if France remains as hostile and denying as she is at present, there is a fair chance that in one or two generations there will be a new war between our nations. – It is diffucult to predict things; in 1871 the situation of 1914 was not yet predictible. So, I cannot tell you what conditions there may be in 1961. – But if French wounded pride and discomfort prevail, I do not doubt that somehow a situation will be created that calls for new violence.
There is no need for the Frenchmen to fall in love with Germany and the Germans, just a relaxation would suffice. Germany is obviously not populated by baby-eating barbarians, and we are not scheming all day and night for the next aggression against you. We would like to become your ordinary neighbours instead of being your spectre.”