Taking the Cross: A Crusader ATL

Here's the first chapter in my new ATL about a more successful second crusade.

Sorry about the amount of OTL stuff in this post, the next will be plenty more AH! Hope you all enjoy!

Chapter One
Calling the Faithful

Ever since the success of the First Crusade in establishing Latin states in Outremer, the Holy Land had found itself under siege as the Moslem rulers fought against these new invaders. With a thinly spread Latin population ruling over a mix of native Christians and Moslems, the crusaders were practically fighting a losing battle, eventually leading to the fall of the capital of the least Latinised of the states, Edessa, in the last days of 1144 to Zengi, ruler of Aleppo and Mosul. The Count of Edessa, Joscelin, had been away from the city with his army at the time, allowing Zengi to push even further west before the crusaders were able to gather and halt his advance.

Although Zengi returned to Mosul, fear spread throughout the crusader states that soon Moslem armies would sweep aside the remains of the County of Edessa, take Antioch and cause the destruction of all that the Latins had fought for. It was this fear that led to Pope Eugene III’s papal bull Quantum Praedecessores, calling Christendom to war once again, promising absolution for those who completed the crusader, either through death or by taking Edessa, and guaranteeing the Church’s protection for the families of the crusaders. Louis VII of France, to whom the papal bull was addressed, had been planning such an expedition already, so as to fulfil a vow his dead brother had made, and was initially reluctant to join the official crusade. However, Bernard of Clairvaux, under orders from the Pope to preach the crusade, convinced Louis to agree to join Eugene’s venture. With this major success in rallying support, Quantum Praedecessores was reissued in 1146 and Bernard set off into Germany to gather further support.

As Bernard travelled, popular support for the Second Crusade began to increase, miracles being attributed to the preacher everywhere he went. More and more people began to take the cross, but with this success and the rise of religious fervour, brutality against the Jews began to spread. Fuelled by the renegade monk Radulphe, who preached that the Jews should be slaughtered, violence began to spiral out of control. Attempts were made by the authorities, both secular and ecclesiastical, to stem the violence, but it was swiftly getting out of hand. Even the Archbishop of Mainz was unable to prevent a mob killing a group of Jews he had taken into his own house to protect. They appealed to Bernard, who issued a strong condemnation of the atrocities, but the continued and so he travelled in person to the areas most affected and preached against the violence, even forcing Radulphe to return to the monastery he had left without permission. With this the violence at last began to subside.

Conrad III of Germany was the next monarch to take the cross, but in his kingdom yet another problem now arose. The Saxons in the north were reluctant to go to the Holy Land when, as they saw it, enemies of Christianity lay at their very doorstep in the form of the pagan Slavs. When the Saxons asked Bernard for official support of their own crusade, their request was rejected in communications from the Pope, who had been convinced of imminent danger to the crusader states by the somewhat exaggerated reports of emissaries from Outremer and so decided that official sanction must focus on the Holy Land in this instance. To the Pope, the Moslems were the greatest danger to Christendom. With coaxing from Bernard, the Saxons would provide men for the crusade, but their numbers were limited in comparison to the contingents from other regions. In Iberia too the request was made of the Pope that official sanction be given to a crusade against the Moors. Despite some slight hesitation, with the entreaties of Alfonso VII of León and Castile this was shortly given.

Chapter Two
The Long March

The Germans under Conrad were the first to set off on the Second Crusade, setting off in May 1147 and accompanied by the papal legate Theodwin. Conrad III, through his alliance with the Byzantines, was an enemy of Roger II of Sicily and so they elected to take the overland route to the Holy Land, travelling through Hungary and Byzantium. It was a dangerous and long march that would force them to travel through hostile territory, but it was the only path open to the Germans. The French, having taken longer to gather their forces, only set out in July but had already decided not to follow Conrad during a council in February in which they chose to take the sea route, with the help of Roger II of Sicily, who was willing to help the French crusaders with his ships after the Pope and Louis VII wrote him letters asking for his help.

The journey of the German crusaders got off to a good start as they were able to pass unharmed through Hungary and arrive in Byzantium unharmed. Despite conflict with the Byzantines, which resulted in skirmishes that took a toll on both sides and a flood that inflicted considerable casualties on the crusaders, the Germans reached Constantinople in September. Conflicts with the Byzantines continued as Manuel I attempted to convince the Germans to cross into Asia Minor immediately, rather than move into Constantinople, eventually provoking the crusaders into attack his army outside the city walls. After a German force was driven back by the Byzantines and suffered heavy casualties, Conrad finally agreed to cross the Bosporus and was quickly ferried across.

Marching eastward, Conrad split his force in two, sending the camp followers along the coast whilst he took the main bulk of the army towards Iconium, the Seljuk capital. This move was to prove a disaster as Conrad was badly defeated in October at the Second Battle of Dorylaeum after the Turks were able to draw the German cavalry away from the main army and defeat them. Barely 3,000 men were left after the long retreat to Nicaea. The Germans the suffered a second blow when the contingent taking the coastal road was crushed in November, with barely any escaping slaughter or capture. Eventually Manuel arranged for the remaining crusaders under Conrad II to sail to the Levant, arriving in Jerusalem in May 1148, whilst those who had taken the coastal road limped on and arrived in April. The German contingent was all but destroyed by the time it reached Jerusalem, only a shadow of its former self remaining.

Whilst the Germans had been making this long march, the French had loaded their army onto Roger II’s ships in Marseilles. Louis, pressured by his own men who were outraged at the Byzantine truce with the Turks whilst the crusaders travelled to the Holy Land and by Roger II who wanted to use the crusaders for his own gain, agreed during the voyage to help Roger seize Corfu. When they landed they were able to quickly secure the islands, with little opposition from the inhabitants who viewed the Byzantines as oppressors. Roger II now wanted to use the crusaders to help his own forces attack the Peloponnese, but Louis refused, saying he had to reach Outremer. After some heated debates, The French agreed to help seize the Aegean Islands, which was soon completed, but they then demanded to be taken the rest of the way to the Holy Land. Roger acquiesced and sailed them east, eventually finding themselves on Cyprus, where they were once again called on to fight. The island was quickly secured after the small Byzantine forces were defeated and Roger and Louis now began to argue over who was to receive the island. Roger wished to add the territory to his growing kingdom, but the crusaders wished to create a Principality of Cyprus. Eventually Roger agreed to Louis’ demands as holding the island would have been nigh impossible for him and he was offered monetary concessions. Thierry d’Alsace was chosen as the Prince of Cyprus and a garrison was left on the island whilst the new Prince and the rest of the army continued on, landing at Acre in January 1148 and reaching Jerusalem shortly after.

Chapter Three
God Wills It

In the four months between the arrival of Louis VII in Outremer and the arrival of the remains of Conrad III’s, the French King travelled to Jerusalem to fulfil his crusader vows, where he was received by Baldwin III, King of Jerusalem. Meanwhile, Roger II once again set sail to return to Sicily after being entertained in Acre for a week, having left his forces in the Peloponnese under the command of George of Antioch. Other nobles from across the Kingdom began to gather in the city and discussions were held as to where the crusade would strike. Conrad eventually joined them in May and they held the Council of Jerusalem so that all the present nobles would have a say in the planning of the crusade.

Eventually the crusaders agreed on Damascus as the target of the crusade, as it had long held significance to the crusaders and was the weakest of the three greatest Moslem cities in the area, Aleppo, Damascus and Mosul. However, Damascus was in an alliance with the crusaders and the breaking of this alliance was to have serious effects both immediately by uniting the Moslems against them and in the long run by creating a deep sense of mistrust and betrayal in the Saracens towards the crusaders. As the crusaders decided this, their enemies had been busy working desperately to prepare for the oncoming attack.

After the Council of Jerusalem decided on Damascus as the first target of the crusade, the crusaders began to gather their considerable forces at Nazareth. The march north now began, first to Banias and then onto Damascus itself. Food and water were to prove a severe problem for the crusaders in their campaigns, although when they arrived outside Damascus they attacked from the west, setting up their camp in the orchards there after driving back the Saracens who were defending them. The Germans were given the credit for forcing back the Moslems out of the orchards and into the city. The Christians now had a decent supply of food and water, although some of the Latin lords pushed for redeployment to the east, but Louis pressed for the army to remain where it was. On the third day of the siege the defenders launched a bloody counter-attack that would end in the deaths of many on both sides, although it was eventually forced back by the crusaders. The next day the last sally by the defenders was made and once again it was beaten back, leading to a crusader counter-attack that nearly breached the walls of the city. However, it was three more days of desperate fighting before they were able to force their way through the walls and into the city. A great battle for the streets now began as the crusaders overwhelmed the numerous barricades that had been built within the walls. However, the citadel remained outside of Christian hands and this was eventually surrendered a few days later on the condition that those inside kept their lives and their freedom. During this time the armies of Mosul and Aleppo had drawn ever closer to the city, seeking to relieve the city and when they were too late to do this, to take it back.

Long before Nur ad-Din and Saif ad-Din, the rulers of Mosul and Aleppo, reached Damascus, the crusaders were once again marching out. The city itself had been proclaimed the Principality of Damascus and entrusted to Guy Brisebarre, the preferred candidate of the local nobles, as the crusaders had already made one of their own Prince of Cyprus. Many of the local nobles had been growing restless and wished to return to their fiefs, but the selection of Guy and the success of the siege boosted morale and the army stayed together as a single, albeit often unruly, unit. The crusader army now marched north to meet the Saracens in the field and defeat their army in the name of God.

The Battle of Hierapolis was fought some distance from the city then known as Baalbek, and was to prove a particularly costly affair. Battle was joined with the Latins on the right flank of the crusaders, the French on the left, and the Germans as a reserve. The crusaders were harried for much of the morning by Saracen skirmishers and eventually a French force was cut off from the main army. A determined counter-attack was able to eventually reach the survivors, but not before they had been all but wiped out, Robert I of Dreux being counted among the dead. The Christian counter-attack had succeeded in weakening the Moslem lines and a German charge was able to finally break them, although the Saracens were able to retreat in remarkably good order, most likely because of the high casualties among the Christian knights throughout the day. Both armies had been much reduced, although the crusaders were now able to continue north.

Glad you guys are all enjoying my ATL! I doubt I'll take it all the way to today, I'll just keep going as long as it interests me, so we'll have to see Any suggestions for the first Count of Aleppo btw? Hope you all enjoy this new chapter

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Chapter Four
The Unstoppable Force

After the Battle of Hierapolis, the crusaders laid siege to the city of Baalbek and quickly took it, the few defenders putting up only a half-hearted resistance against the overwhelming crusader force, which although tired after its journey from Damascus and its recent battle, was also bolstered by its victory over the Saracens so soon before. After the fall of the city it was declared the Lordship of Hierapolis and the crusaders once again began to march north, the threat of the still-intact Moslem army keeping them united. Homs was the next city to be reached, this time with an impressive Saracen force arrayed before its walls. After two days the crusaders had forced the main Moslem force to retreat away from the city through repeated charges against their positions. The Germans were particularly hard hit during the initial fighting outside the city, when their charges were forced back with heavy losses, although they were eventually able to seal off the city from the outside and begin the siege in earnest. Raids against the crusaders continued throughout the siege and almost forced the crusaders to abandon the siege, but the withdrawal of Saif ad-Din and his troops allowed the crusaders to gain the upper-hand and beat back Nur ad-Din’s forces around the city. The sight of the Saracen withdrawal caused the defenders of the city to lose hope and surrender the city, delivering it into the hands of the Christians. Hama and Caesarea were the next cities to fall to the crusaders as the moved north towards Aleppo virtually unopposed, Saif ad-Din having abandoned the campaign and returning to Mosul, whilst Nur ad-Din fell back to Aleppo to prepare the city’s defences. The crusader army now travelled through the Principality of Antioch towards Aleppo, joined by Raymond of Poitiers and his small force as they travelled through his lands. His arrival also brought much needed supplies for the crusaders who had been struggling with the issue of food and water for the length of the campaign.

The Battle of the River Chalos began in the beginning of August, as the crusaders marched along the river in the direction of the city. Saracen skirmishers harried the Christians and they advanced, until a group of knights broke off to pursue them, just as the main ambush was launched. Moslem cavalry rode round and sought to outflank the crusaders, whilst their infantry engaged the main body of the crusader army. It was nearly a disaster for the Christians, as their knights were almost left exposed and surrounded, but they were able to re-join their forces whilst the infantry held their ground and repelled the Moslem cavalry charges. After hard fighting throughout the day, the outnumbered Saracens were overwhelmed and forced to abandon the field, having failed to prevent the crusaders from reaching Aleppo. The crusaders then moved towards the city and were able to fairly easily force the defenders back behind their walls, having already won the Battle of the River Chalos. Both sides now settled down for what looked set to be a long siege, with the main crusaders camp being set up to the northwest, on the main road to the city. Assaults on the city and raids on the crusader camps were exchanged and the Bab al-Nasr gate fell to the crusaders in November before the Moslems recaptured it later that day after a counter-attack. The crusaders were able to keep themselves relatively well supplied from the Principality of Antioch, although these supply caravans were often raided by the Saracens and numerous skirmishes were fought over them. Despite being close to defeat and starvation, the defenders of Aleppo continued to hold out, led by Nur ad-Din, until they were finally overwhelmed by a mixture of sheer numbers and starvation in December. In the crusader sweep through the city, Nur ad-Din was killed as he attempted to fall back to the citadel. Despite his death, the crusaders failed to secure the citadel, although it surrendered the next day. With this, the crusaders had succeeded in establishing what was to become the County of Aleppo and capturing one of the main centres of power in the region.

Following the capture of Aleppo, the crusader army began to march north, aiming for Edessa, the original target of the crusade. Conrad became increasingly marginalised, as so few of his troops remained, although he was still consulted as an equal of Baldwin and Louis. Hieraoplis fell to the crusaders after traitors within the walls opened the gates to the crusaders in the hopes that widespread destruction could be avoided. This was, however, a failure as the crusaders went on to sack the city before continuing to march north.

Edessa was the next target and the original aim of the crusade for which purpose it had been called, but the city had prepared itself well in the months it had had to ready its walls for the coming onslaught. It was during this siege that the crusaders first truly began to feel the effects of their overdrawn supply lines and the increasing lack of water or food as they ravaged the area around the city. The siege had started early in February 1149, but by March starvation was already becoming a problem for both sides. Unfortunately for the crusaders, Saif ad-Din was also en route to the city from Mosul, where he had gathered together another force to attempt to halt the crusade before it could reach his own lands. May was to be the most dramatic month of the siege of Edessa. The crusaders were becoming desperate as their supplies dwindled, launching attacks against the walls of the city that the starving defenders beat back with a weary tenacity. Saif ad-Din then arrived with a relief force, just as the Christians had feared, and set about raiding the crusader positions, at one point succeeding in destroying part of their main camp. Louis and Baldwin sent him messages offering him peace if he would abandon the city to them but he refused, accusing the crusaders of being untrustworthy after their attack on their supposed ally, Damascus, with which they had begun their crusade. A last desperate attack on the city was arranged, in which the bulk of the crusader army would force entry into the city, whilst a rear-guard of volunteers would hold off Saif ad-Din long enough for the rest of the army to get inside the walls. Amazingly, led by the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, Fulk of Angoulême, the crusaders’ desperate night attack succeeded in breaking through the walls. Although Patriarch Fulk was killed by an arrow as he encourage the men onwards, they had broken through into the city, overcoming the defenders and succeeding in securing Edessa. Saif ad-Din sought to attack the crusaders and prevent their assault when he realised what was happening, but a group of French and Latin knights, including men of the Hospitaller and Templar orders, repeatedly confounded and disorganised his advance, holding the entire force off throughout the night until at dawn the few survivors of the noble band pulled back into the city. After this great success, the Christians negotiated for the withdrawal of Saif ad-Din, to which he now agreed in return for peace. The surviving knights of the rear-guard, numbering only a couple dozen, would be remembered and treated as guests of honour for the rest of their lives for holding off the Saracen army. Edessa had finally been recaptured, but the crusader army had been all but destroyed in the process. Raymond du Puy de Provence, grandmaster of the Knights of St John, was among those killed fighting in the rear-guard, the French noble Ivo de Nesle, the Latins Manasses of Hierges and Gerard Grenier and many others had all fallen during the siege, either through sickness or battle. With the end of the siege and Said ad-Din’s withdrawal the crusade was declared ended and the crusaders began the journey back home, to Jerusalem for some and as far as France for others.

The Second Crusade had been nearly as successful as the First, capturing great centres of power and throwing the Saracens into disarray, creating breathing room for the besieged crusader states and solidifying the belief in crusades as unstoppable forces that could succeed in crushing the enemies of Christendom.

I'm afraid I couldnt hope to do a map, It'd be terrible If anyone wants to do one though that'd be great I'm also going to change part of a previous chapter so Ascalon isn't taken during the Second Crusade. More realistic I think... Enjoy!

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Chapter Five
Quarrelling Christians

With the departure of those who had participated in the Second Crusade, the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states were faced with new challenges, the first of which was a Byzantine invasion. Emperor Manuel I sought to regain Cyprus and prepared an invasion force. Although Baldwin and Manuel had been discussing an alliance, the talks had collapsed with Baldwin, after the success of the Second Crusade, being unwilling to recognise Byzantine sovereignty over any of the crusader states, whilst Manuel was unwilling to accept the loss of what had been Imperial territory. And so in April 1151, Thierry d’Alsace Prince of Cyprus found himself facing an army of some 11,000 Byzantines, with Manuel at their head. The island quickly fell to the Byzantine force, apart from Nicosia, whilst remained in Thierry’s hands. Baldwin began preparing his forces for a counter-invasion of Byzantine lands, whilst seeking to open negotiations. With the threat of a crusader attack growing daily, Manuel agreed to leave Cyprus in the hands of Thierry, if Antioch, Edessa and Cyprus recognised his nominal suzerainty over them. The terms were hurriedly agreed to by Thierry and shortly thereafter by Baldwin, who agreed to Byzantine suzerainty over Cyprus once he heard of Thierry’s acceptance and realised he was unlikely to be able to defeat Manuel now that Cyprus was effectively in his hands. Manuel, happy with enforcing his lordship over Cyprus, decided against further campaigns against the Latins and agreed to a truce, despite Antioch and Edessa remaining outside his immediate power. The truce between the Latins and the Byzantines was then cemented through the promising of Theodora, niece of Manuel, to Baldwin, to be married once she came of age. Cyprus had been devastated in the attack, but remained in crusader hands, securing the sea-lanes from Western Europe to the Holy Land. Thierry would go on to invite the Templars onto the island, where they took control of the port Lemesos which they went on to greatly fortify by building defences including a fortress.

After this debacle, Baldwin was growing increasingly assertive with his political power as sovereign, despite the fact he had jointly ruled with his mother thus far. Annoyed that she continued to play such a great role in the ruling of the Kingdom, Baldwin sought to have himself crowned sole ruler. The new Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem was quickly pressured into agreeing to the King’s demands and Baldwin got his wish. Despite some small skirmishes, he quickly established himself throughout the Kingdom, with only one major battle occurring in which he attained victory at Mirabel. Baldwin was now the undisputed ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Deciding to use the troops he had gathered in a campaign to capture Ascalon, from where raids were often mounted into his Kingdom, he now marched south in January 1153. Siege towers were constructed and only numerous and bloody assaults on the walls finally succeeded in taking the city. Baldwin was next forced to campaign in the north, after the Emir of Mosul sought to attack Edessa and once again take the city for the Moslems. With Byzantine reinforcements, the united Christian force succeeded in defeating the Saracens and lifting the siege of the city. Baldwin and the Latins were unwilling to continue campaigning in the north and the Byzantines were unwilling to do so alone, leaving Mosul once again free from retaliation. However, investment in fortifications in the beleaguered County of Edessa now began, with various castles being constructed in the region to act as a safeguard against further aggression from the east. Baldwin next began clearing up the various smaller cities and fortresses in Syria that had yet to fall into crusader hands. From 1153-1155 he marched with Guy Brisebarre through the remains of what had once been the Emirate of Damascus, taking the Saracen strongholds that had continued to hold out one by one, until the Kingdom of Jerusalem was master of the area.

With the borders of the Kingdom of Jerusalem secured, Baldwin took this chance to rest and work on improving his Kingdom. Defences were constructed in preparation for future wars and plans made. In 1157 Baldwin married Theodora in a lavish ceremony performed by the Patriarch of Jerusalem himself. Following this, interest in a Latin-Byzantine alliance was renewed and a campaign was launched in the north, where troops from across the crusader states and Byzantium battled against the Turks in Anatolia. Although Baldwin himself did not participate, he allowed many of the Latins to go, leading to their presence at the Battle of Myriokephalon, where the Byzantine force was badly mauled, but ultimately remained intact, during a Turkish ambush. The Turkish ambush was repelled and the Christians continued onwards, eventually reaching Iconium, where a great battle was fought outside the walls. The Turks lost the battle but succeeded in greatly weakening their enemy, causing the siege to drag on for months, the city only falling in 1159, whilst skirmishes and battles were fought in the surrounding area. With the fall of Iconium, the Turkish threat to the Eastern Roman Empire was all but destroyed and the gradual process of re-establishing Byzantine dominance in Anatolia could now begin, although their authority over the region remained tenuous at best and non-existent at the worst of times for years to come. Whilst Manuel was campaigning in Anatolia with support from the crusaders, Baldwin had been busy in Syria, seeking to drive further into Moslem held lands. In 1158 he had marched with a small army against Tadmor, but was forced to abandon the siege because of lack of supplies and the approach of a relief force from Rakka. Nevertheless, the crusader state were now stronger than ever.

Changed a previous chapter so that Byzantine's suzerainty is only recognised in Cyprus, not Antioch and Edessa.

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Chapter Six
Death Comes to us All

Since the assassination of Raymond II of Tripoli at the hands of the assassins in 1154, they had become a growing concern to the King. However, Baldwin had been preoccupied with cementing his control over Syria and securing his borders and it was only in 1160 that he felt ready to march against them, especially as a group of English crusaders numbering in the hundreds had recently arrived from Europe. Marshalling his forces, Baldwin advanced north toward assassin territory, moving along the coast and marching inland, swiftly reaching the first of the assassin fortresses, Khawabi, in June. During the journey assassination attempts had been made on a number of high-ranking Latins, including a successful attempt on Humphrey of Toron. When the Christians arrived, a long siege began, which would prove itself characteristic of the campaign, as the often fanatical assassins fought virtually to the last. The psychological impact of having to fight an enemy so well-known and fear also played its part in reducing the efficiency of the Latins. It would be four months before the fortress finally fell and King could move on to the second, al-Kahf. The Christians, suffering heavy losses in the process, were eventually able to take the castle as the English crusaders proved their worth by forcing a way in at the head of the attacking army, although the assassins had succeeded in holding out until January 1161.

The Latin force which Baldwin had assembled for the campaign numbered some 3,000 in total, with about 500 coming from the Country of Tripoli, 600 from the Principality of Antioch, 300 from England and the remaining 1,600 from the Kingdom of Jerusalem. It was not an especially large force and had taken serious casualties reducing only two of the assassin strongholds. Marching further north, the Latins were ambushed by a much smaller assassin force which was able to seriously disorganise and damage the invaders, forcing them to retreat. Baldwin of Ibelin was assassinated during this time, the latest in a growing list of those who had fallen to the assassins. Following these setbacks, the King decided to abandon the campaign for the time being and began the return home. A truce was signed with the assassins and the region once again grew quiet and prosperous, although Baldwin’s mother died in September. Unfortunately, Baldwin himself began to grow ill the next year, eventually growing close to death. He asked to be taken to Beirut, where he died in 1163. Baldwin was mourned by both his friends and enemies, becoming an example of the ideal ruler and held up as an inspiration to those who extolled knightly virtues. The King was only 33 years old when he died, left an enduring legacy, having expanded Christian control throughout Syria. However, despite the stability of his Kingdom, his family was far from so lucky. He had failed to sire an heir before his death, leaving Jerusalem to pass to his brother, Amalric.

Chapter Seven
The Land of Papyrus

When Amalric came to the throne after the death of his brother in February 1163, he was immediately faced with opposition and problems that needed to be dealt with. Even before he was able to ascend to the throne, the Latin nobles demanded the removal of his wife Agnes, as the two shared the same great-great-grandfather. Amalric acquiesced, their married annulled and he was crowned alone. The deaths of Melisende and the King had occurred only a short while after the end of the campaign against the assassins and in the eyes of much of the Latin populace, the they were the ones to blame. Many nobles cried out for assassin blood and vengeance, demanding that the small Moslem territory in the middle of the Holy Land be wiped out. However, many also feared what might happen should another war be started, considering how costly the last had been, arguing that it was hardly worth it for such a small prize. To many in Outremer, the assassins were a night invincible group of unstoppable killers from whom no one was safe. Amalric himself was hesitant to attack them, not only because of the fear which many now viewed them with, but because of new threats which had appeared at his borders. In the north, the last of Zangi’s sons, Qutb ad-Din, had once again marched against the Latins, seeking to regain territory lost to the old King, menacing the vulnerable eastern cities and fortresses. Amalric decided on a show of force to display his power, marching north to meet with the troops of the other Crusader States to aid them in driving back this threat.

Edessa had been placed under siege by the Saracens after Baldwin’s death, as they sought to take advantage of the death of the King. An army under Joscelin II had marched out to meet them, midway between Harran and the Christian city, but had withdrawn into the city after a small and rather indecisive battle in which the much smaller Latin army had fought rather poorly, most of the men preferring the idea of waiting behind the city walls for reinforcements from the rest of Outremer. Since then, the city had been under siege, until the King’s army finally arrived in May 1163, readying itself to face the invaders. The battle took place some distance from the city, the Moslem army having prepared an ambush for the Latins, leaving a portion of their force to watch for any attempt to sally from the city. When battle was joined, Amalric’s army was at first under great strain, but after recovering from the initial Saracen attack they were able to force back the enemy, although the Christians had once again failed to win a decisive victory. The next battle occurred closer to the city, with the troops within Edessa making a rather successful attempt to breakout at the same time, forcing back the Moslems left to guard the city. However, Amalric had withdrawn his forces by the time they succeeded in their endeavour, having failed to break the Moslem lines, allowing the enemy to regroup and defeat Joscelin with great loss to his men. Only the next day were the Moslems finally forced to retreat, using skirmishers to harry the Christians and screen their retreat as they fell back from Edessa. Although in truth he had failed to strike a decisive blow to the Saracens, Amalric claimed their retreat as a great victory, seeking to follow and destroy their force. Marching on Harran after being joined by Joscelin, the King fought a final battle against the forces of Qutb ad-Din, in which the Moslems suffered heavy casualties after their cavalry was caught and shattered by the Latin knights, leaving their army largely open to the devastating charges the knights were renowned for. However, Qutb was able to escape, fleeing to Harran although he was to remain in that city as Amalric approached. The Saracens attempted to open negotiations as the Latin prepared for a siege, Amalric hearing nothing of a truce now that he had the upper hand. The Moslems began to gather a second army whilst the siege dragged on, assaults on the city failing. Eventually Qutb decided to surrender the city in return for safe passage back to his lands, before Moslem reinforcements were able to arrive, a truce being declared as each side decided it was expedient to end the war. Amalric had won a quick victory which instantly gave a boost to his standing in Outremer, but in truth he had failed to win any truly great victories. For Qutb, the loss of yet another campaign against the Latins would prove disastrous and soon after his return to Mosul he was killed alongside his eldest son Saif ud-Din and eventually replaced by his youngest son, Izz ad-Din.

Amalric now returned to Jerusalem and set about preparing for another campaign, this time setting his sights on Egypt. The Fatimid Caliphate had grown increasingly weak, rent apart by political strife and civil war, leaving it open to attack and unable to properly defend itself. And so in 1164 Amalric invaded his southern neighbour, met their army at Pelusium and succeeded in defeating them, but by cutting dykes along the Nile the Egyptians forced him to retreat. The King was to return the next year, once again driving into Egypt and this time laying siege to Bilbeis, the city falling after four months of siege. After this great success, Amalric sought to make his position in Egypt more tenable by marching on Cairo. After two months of siege the city was growing desperate, but Amalric had troubles of his own, having suffered serious losses during the campaign. A truce was called and the Christians abandoned the siege. Although they had succeeded in opening up Egypt, their position was surrounded and would be untenable if they failed to open up supply routes back to Jerusalem. Hostilities would once again resume in 1166 when an Egyptian force sought to retake the city. The city was in dire straits and fell whilst Amalric was marching to its aid, much to his anger. He launched attacks on various Egyptian cities, but eventually retreated, deciding to take a more cautious approach to ensure a successful campaign, deciding now on the complete conquest of Egypt rather than the continued enforcement of tribute. Despite some small battles in the north, the next few years of his reign were quiet and in the end it was not until 1169 that he launched his next full campaign, this time with Byzantine help.

The Byzantine-Latin alliance which had been created by the marriage of Baldwin and Theodora had needed to be reinstated under the new King. Amalric, having lost his wife to the demands of the nobles, was open to following in his brother’s footsteps, but Cyprus remained a key stumbling block in the negotiations. Manuel was unwilling to surrender suzerainty of the island back to the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Amalric was unwilling to let it go. It was not until 1168 that Amalric dropped the issue and took Maria, great-grandniece of the Emperor, as his wife. Following this Amalric was eager to launch yet another invasion of Egypt, retaking his lost city after they surrendered to him, seeing that their position was untenable and hoping to avoid the slaughter which had followed the last Latin capture of the city. Amalric next attacked Cairo, where the inhabitants decided to fight to the last to avoid their slaughter, although after three months they realised the city would soon fall and agreed to a peaceful surrender to avoid just such a fate. The Latins now had to face a Moslem army which had gathered to halt their advance, fighting a great battle south of Cairo. Amalric came away victorious, but it proved to be a pyrrhic victory as Latin casualties were so great that he was forced to halt his advance to gather more troops from Cairo and Bilbeis. Amalric was so desperate for men that he sought to recruit the native Coptic Christians into his army, but they proved unreceptive to his requests, especially in Bilbeis where many of them had suffered at Latin hands during the sack of the city. Nevertheless, a sizeable Coptic contingent was raised and Amalric once again set out. The Christian army now besieged Damietta, with the help of the Byzantine fleet which sailed to join them. After three months the Byzantines were ready to leave, but Amalric decided to make an assault on the city, mostly using the Copts as it matter comparatively little to him if they suffered casualties. This finally assault succeeded in breaching the walls of the city and Damietta was taken. Much of the glory for this success was given to the Byzantines and the Latins, but it was the Copts who had truly proven themselves.

Here's the new chapter, showing the start of some serious problems coming up for the crusaders Hope you all enjoy!

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Chapter Eight
Blood and Sand

Following the capture of Damietta, Amalric decided to halt the war to allow him to reorganise his troops and gather more men and resources from the Levant. The Copts he had recruited were dismissed from service, although Amalric rewarded them well for their part in the campaign. The Byzantines were initially unhappy that the King decided against a march against Alexandria, a prize they coveted, so their fleet sailed against the city alone, despite the trade and financial concessions given to them in Damietta in return for their services during the siege. Hearing that the Byzantine were attempting to take the city for themselves, Amalric send a detachment under the Hospitaller Grandmaster Gilbert of Assailley to enforce his own desires on the city. However, the remains of the Moslem army in Egypt ambushed Gilbert and the crusader force en route to the city, capturing him and defeating his small force. The Byzantines still attempted to attack the city, but were eventually driven off after a series of actions around the walls saw the defenders succeed in preventing them from cutting off supplies. Gilbert’s ransom was paid remarkably quickly thanks to the spoils from the conquest of much of Egypt, which also bloated Jerusalem’s coffers, and he was back at his post in late 1170. Despite this fiasco, Amalric took Pelusium and al-Arish and began to fortify them greatly, using them as way stations for the journey from Egypt to the Holy Land. With the increase in trade along this route, both cities began to grow and with investment from the spoils of war they were quickly developed into formidable strongholds. The new territories gained were organised into the Principality of Egypt and the County of Damietta, although both owed suzerainty to the Kingdom of Jerusalem and were kept far more under the control of the King than the northern states.

Despite their successes in Egypt, the Latins were now faced with a serious threat, in the form of the new ruler of Mosul, Salah ad-Din, known as Saladin to the Jerusalemites. The Emirate had for the years since the death of Qutb been destabilised as different factions attempted to gain power, often supporting a Zengid claimant in order to do so. Few of the rulers had lasted any real length of time, until the Kurdish commander had set up his own puppet after a particularly bloody coup attempt which had convinced him he needed to intervene. By now he had gained the support of much of the army and populace for his participation in the various campaigns against the Latins and through the deaths of many of the other higher political figures during this anarchic period, leaving their supporters to fall to him. Having now instated himself ruler of Mosul in all but name and driven by a deep religious conviction, Saladin decided to launch a campaign against the Christians. His forces were unable to link up with the remaining Moslems in Egypt and the Levant was now a firmly Latin territory, so he decided to wait until Jerusalem was preoccupied so that he could strike. So in 1172 when Amalric launch yet another campaign in Egypt, hoping to finally capture Alexandria, Saladin launched an invasion of his own, marching on the County of Edessa. Harran was quickly placed under siege and the Moslems fought off Joscelin II’s army, killing the old knight in the process, leaving his son Joscelin III, only 13 years old, to defend the territory. It is no surprise then that the Moslems were able to capture Harran and Edessa within three months, as well as defeat a force from Antioch and Aleppo which sought to drive them back. In Egypt, Amalric had laid siege to Alexandria but now accepted their offer of tribute in lieu of conquest, quickly marching back to defend the northern borders which he had thought secure. Amalric gathered his forces in the Kingdom of Jerusalem and marched north, where he fought Saladin to the west of Edessa in a bloody battle that saw the smaller Saracen army fight the Latins to a standstill. A second day of battle saw Amalric once against fail to break the Moslem lines, whilst a group of Latin infantry were cut off from the main army and slaughtered before they could be reached. With casualties mounting and Saladin holding back the Latin army, Amalric decided to sign a truce. The Christians that had been captured during the fall of Edessa and Harran would be freed and Christians remaining in the lost cities would be allowed freedom of worship and be left in peace. Saladin agreed to the terms, promising to release the prisoners as soon as small ransoms were paid. The young Joscelin III was released shortly after and returned to the rump state over which he now ruled.

The war was disastrous for Amalric, showing that his northern border was not secure and highlighting the manpower shortages which were starting to become a real problem after his campaigns in Egypt. Although he had been able to rally a larger army than Saladin, he was becoming less and less able to replace those lost in battle and if things continued the way they were going soon he would be unable to defend his Kingdom. To this end, Amalric decided to elevate some of the Copts who had fought for him in Egypt to various minor noble positions, preparing them for an active role in the defence of their lands. This was to be met with outright hostility among some of the Latin nobles either though fear that their own influence would decline or through religious fervour that demanded no compromise with those they considered heretics. Due to this, such a scheme was unthinkable in the Levant, but in Egypt which was virtually devoid of Latins it could work. Although much of the Coptic population was still mistrustful or hostile to the Latins, for many this was the turning point which showed the two Christian denominations could work together and that there was a place in Latin Egypt for those Copts that chose to support the new regime. Nevertheless, this was taken as a sign of weakness by many and would result in many Latin nobles becoming far less supportive of their King. For Saladin the war had been a great success, cementing his position in Mosul as a champion of the Moslem faith and allowing him to set himself up as Emir upon his return without the need for a puppet. It also allowed him to launch campaigns aimed at uniting the neighbouring Moslem powers under his control, the first was Baghdad and the surrounding area which was firmly his by 1174 and this was followed by a campaign against the Turks in eastern Anatolia. They had been fighting a losing war against the Byzantines since the loss of Iconium and many were happy to be brought into a stronger Moslem state which they hoped would see their survival as a political force. The next region into which he expanded was to the north in 1175, into Armenia, and was to become the most costly of these wars of conquest. The Armenians proved hostile to his advance and the mountainous terrain compounded the problem, resulting in high casualties among his forces. Additionally, Amalric, who had been smarting since the loss of Edessa, used this chance to launch an attack on the city, whilst Saladin was campaigning far to the north. A Moslem force attempted to see off the Latin force, but was defeated and scattered, leaving the city to fall. Harran was next, whilst Saladin rushed south having left a portion of his troops in Armenia. He reached Harran just as the city was growing desperate, his arrival prompting Amalric to ask for peace now that Edessa was once again the Christian hands. Saladin, to save the city and avoid what would be a costly battle for both sides agreed and allowed Amalric to fall back to Edessa which was placed back in the hands of Joscelin. It was the last campaign Amalric was to personally take part in during his rule, as he sought to strengthen the Kingdom in preparation for future wars and replenish the depleted manpower of the Latins, although his vassals did spend some time establishing his rule over Lower Egypt in his name, taking the last few remaining cities and holds still in Moslem hands at his order.

In 1177 a son was finally born to Amalric and Maria who they named Godfrey after the first ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, a great relief considering Amalric’s elder son, Baldwin, had leprosy and could not be expected to produce heirs or to rule the Kingdom for long. In the same year a Byzantine fleet also sailed for Alexandria once again, pausing at Acre to gather support from the Latins. Although Amalric refused to personally participate, he gave them support and a small contingent of troops to aid in the siege, resulting in the fall of the city later that year. The city itself was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire, but much of the spoils went to the Latins who participated and were brought back to Jerusalem. The next war would come in 1179 when a Latin force notable for a large number of Copts among its ranks, marched up the Nile and took Minya. Lower Egypt was now completely in Christian hands, whilst Upper Egypt remain outside of their control. Regrettably, in the same year Amalric passed away, followed the next by his ally Emperor Manuel.

Here's a map of the Holy Land, so you guys can see where the major cities, fortresses and states are OTL, sorry I can't give you an ATL map