How We Define Paradise or Desolation - An Alternate History of the Cold War

Now I might receive some flak over this just because The Red Baron's Mitteleuropa is still active and Thunder over the Danube still needs an update, but as of now I am kinda stuck on the Red Baron TL with regards to the Second World War analogue, so updates for that will be scaled down in order to do this new TL, which will be about a different Cold War that may either be better or worse.


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Turn One: What Omen Will This Bring Us All?




Excerpts from the Memoirs of Anastas Mikoyan:


Chapter Two: The Sign of Troubles


October of 1945 was yet like many months that had gone by, dull and boring. Sure, the Great Patriotic War had finally ended and the great Comrade Stalin was at the top of the world with his huge contribution to the defeat of the German fascists. Where was I during the war? I was sitting at the second most important position in the Soviet Union as Deputy Premier and in charge of logistics for the Red Army. Basically, I organized the arrangements of supplies that various Red Army officers needed to get the job done. Comrade Stalin took a shine on me for my great contributions to the point where I was decorated with the medal of “Hero of Socialist Labor” and I felt really relieved at how he praised me for my efforts. Yet deep inside, I harbored a secret grudge against the very same man who was responsible for hacking off Nakhchivan to the Azeris, as well as condemning the fate of my people that lived in the Nagorno-Karabagh region, also a part of the Azerbaijani SSR. Don’t get me wrong; I am a good communist, but it’s just that during the early days of the Bolshevik Revolution our leadership was trying to court the very same people responsible for the genocide that was unleashed upon us. Little did I know, October of 1945 was not going to be the same month as any other ever again.

I just minded my business in that fateful October, going about with the casual routines of working inside the Kremlin. I was on my way to see comrade Stalin for some problems that I had with the question on German reparations and how we’ll carry them out when Lavrenti Beria ran up to me as if he was deathly afraid of something. Soon enough, two NKVD guardsmen also came up to me but they didn’t look stern as if they were going to haul me off to the gulag on a series of false charges. Whatever it is, I could tell that this was not going to end well.


“Comrade Mikoyan? We need your help. Comrade Stalin’s having a heart attack,” Beria told me.

“Right, I’ll come with you.” I let Beria take the lead to Stalin’s office where he worked, and sure enough, his eyes were wide as he clutched at his chest. “Is he having a heart attack?”

“Da, and it’s not like the first time he’s had a health problem. He had that stroke on Victory Day, but I’m not sure if this is just mild or not.” He turned to the NKVD guards. “Check his pulse!”

“Yes, Comrade Beria.” One of the guards tried to calm Stalin down, but at the last moment he gasped and choked on just thin air. After that horrific scene, it was then that the great dictator had finally kicked the bucket…..for good.


Later that evening I gathered all the Party’s leadership inside the Kremlin to formally hear the news of Stalin’s untimely demise. Comrade Beria had his inner circle on one end while comrades Molotov, Malenkov and Zhdanov (who would also die within a couple months after Stalin’s death) were on the other side. I stood between the two groups and began to glance around the room. Sure enough, there was Beria who looked nervous and kept on glancing at the men beside him before looking at the faces of the comrades across from him. Now I don’t know if it’s just plain coincidence, but I had some theories on why Beria felt nervous, now that he had no boss from whom he can suck up to. Was it the fact that he felt worried at who would he have to suck up to next? Or was it the fact that he laid low while Stalin was still alive and only until after his death does he have to make a power play and assume the leadership?

It was also rather surprising that I had a survival instinct of a cockroach, or for that matter, of Nikita Sergeyevich Khruschev (who also showed up at the secret funeral), since I was virtually left alone during the Purges of the 1930s. I was among the last surviving Old Bolsheviks who survived the purges and became powerful in the process. Thus when Beria looked at me, his expression changed from being nervous to being desperate. That was when I realized that Beria needed to gain some allies in his bid to take the leadership and I was in a position to either support him or not. Not long after, Molotov also looked at me with the same expression, as well as Zhdanov and Malenkov. It was then that I decided to break the calm and begin this eulogy.


“We have gathered here today to pay our respects and say goodbye to the man who led the great Soviet Union into the world. From merely a shadow of its former self to a superpower, Comrade Stalin has also led this nation in times of war. We shall never forget his inspiration as the Soviet people had triumphed over the jackals that led the former German Reich. For this, we say thank you to Comrade Stalin for his services.” I knew too well that this was just a lie, but like any other Communist Party official in the Soviet Union, deception was necessary in order to conceal one’s true feelings. Being open about your true feelings could easily give you a one-way trip to the gulag, all expenses cancelled and lives forfeited.

“To Comrade Stalin!” Everyone chanted back.


Soon after the eulogy, comrade Beria approached me once again. This time, comrade Molotov also approached me and I knew where this was going. I had to get Pravda to announce Stalin’s death, as well as to make a radio announcement too. The one thing I also noticed was that the entire Red Army leadership was mission. I can understand; Comrade Marshal Zhukov was busy in Germany, so he had to send General Chuikov as his emissary to Moscow. At this point, I felt that I needed to choose who to support, but to my surprise, both men were asking for my support in forming a troika with them.


“You’ve been a powerful figure since the Great Patriotic War, and in its aftermath you’ve accumulated enough power to lead the Soviet Union. Yet you are still hesitant as to who you’ll throw your support behind. As heirs to comrade Stalin, it would be prudent to work together,” Beria told me. Although I chose to ignore it, I could sense Molotov’s disgust towards him. I can safely say that the stories about Beria’s sexual perversion would have made me nervous too. “If you and I can work together in rebuilding the USSR, we can overtake the United States-“

“You’re better off supporting me, comrade Mikoyan.” Molotov began to glare at Beria. I realized that after this is over, every single potential candidate will literally beg me to support their claims. Although I did not harbor any ambitions to rule as the undisputed leader, I knew that if I remained a deputy, I’ll end up having to suck up to potentially incompetent or psychopathic rulers who would screw up worse than Stalin did. I made a fake smile and nodded.

“Comrades, I will let you know whom I’ll support.” With that, I took my leave. It was time for me to get the radio announcer to reveal the news.



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“This is Radio Moscow speaking with a very important and somber message. Earlier yesterday, our brave and wise leader, Comrade Stalin, died of a fatal heart attack. Rumors of his failing health have now been confirmed by the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Comrade Anastas Mikoyan. As of October 10th, 1945, comrade Stalin died while working hard to maintain the unity of the Soviet state. Across the world, democratic socialist leaders who are fighting for the establishment of their respective socialist paradise mourned and gave eulogies to the man credited with bringing the Great Patriotic War to a triumphant end with the capture of Berlin, the capital of the German Reich and the lair of the fascist beast. Since then, a temporary collective leadership consisting of comrades Mikoyan, Beria and Molotov are running the Soviet government until a more suitable leader can be chosen.” – Radio Moscow broadcast, October 11, 1945.


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Excerpts from “Yet Again, Conflict Calls”
by: George Patton
Bloomberg Press


Chapter Five: The Unknown Enemy



I wasn’t surprised when I heard that Stalin had finally kicked the bucket. Rather, I was stunned at how the Soviet Union would end up with a power struggle just months after the war against both Hitler and the Japanese Empire had ended. Originally, I was supposed to command the 15th US Army Division in Bad Nauheim but it appears that I was cashiered out of Europe for the Pacific. According to General Eisenhower, I was deemed to be a bad influence on the German population because I kept the competent German officials in Bavaria who unfortunately joined the Nazi Party. By November 9th, I arrived in Tokyo for a secret assignment as a way to, as President Truman quoted, help me ‘change my behavior for the better’. I saw this as Truman’s way to use me as a scapegoat in case things go bad in the Pacific.

In reality though, I was right in saying that we had defeated the wrong enemy. Many other US officers berated me just because I had some negative feelings about the Soviets. I’m not a big fan of communism to be honest, and what the United States should be doing is to curtail any possible Soviet expansionist plans. With the death of Stalin, I’m nervous as to how the occupied territories of Eastern Europe will react, especially since the Red Army cracked down hard on the protesters there. Unfortunately, I would be tarred with the brush and painted as “crypto-Nazi” or some other label that most of the generals wanted to label me. I warned the Allied leadership that the possible succession crisis in the Soviet Union will not have a good result for the entire world, regardless of whoever succeeded Stalin. Just three years after my relocation to the Pacific, my warnings could come true after all, and guess how my prophecy will come true? Over some foolish thing in the Balkans, and one should be familiar with this phrase. It's how we got the Great War going in the first place. Unfortunately, the United States needed more time to build those atom bombs that devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
 
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So, uncle Joe kicks the bucket early? I'll by watching this with great interest; consider me subscribed!:)
 
So, uncle Joe kicks the bucket early? I'll by watching this with great interest; consider me subscribed!:)

There was a thread on how Stalin can die earlier, and it was mentioned that he had a major heart attack on October of 1945. Believe me, this could go either way, and possibly a lot worse or a lot better than the Red Baron TL.
 
So Patton either didn't die from his wreck or get into I see. Wonder what my favorite WW2 general will get up to.

Well Patton does not actually go to that hunting trip that led to the crash that killed him. I can safely say that he would live out the rest of his days saying "I knew it! I warned people about the Soviet menace and nobody listened! Now who's the smart one?" I did mention that he's in the Pacific, and it could also have to do with MacArthur.
 
I don't think Khruschev could come to power unless he heads Stalin's funeral, which can be seen a very influential. Beria practically controlled the secret police, and I believe wanted Marshall Plan aid. Molotov by a quick glace was also pro-Stalin. Am I assuming that Anastas Mikoyan, is going to be some odd third wheel between the two.
 
Compelling story, but I'm not sure either Mikoyan or Patton are going to write so informally in their memoirs. They still tend to be very dry reads.

As the story progresses, they my eventually switch to a more, formal language. But keep in mind that ITTL Mikoyan can be a bit pessimistic and Patton is frustrated. There will be more people that will make a debut here, from the Nazi war criminals to even Tito.

BBadolato said:
I don't think Khruschev could come to power unless he heads Stalin's funeral, which can be seen a very influential. Beria practically controlled the secret police, and I believe wanted Marshall Plan aid. Molotov by a quick glace was also pro-Stalin. Am I assuming that Anastas Mikoyan, is going to be some odd third wheel between the two.

Well keep in mind that Khruschev in 1945 was still overseeing some collectivisation work in Ukraine and Mikoyan was the First Deputy Chairman. Yet Mikoyan's position is very valuable to both Molotov and Beria who are fighting for the top spot and will want Mikoyan's support. There's also Zhukov who would want to make his move for the top job as well, so that will definitely complicate things.
 
Turn Two: In the Pinnacle of Power




Excerpts from the Memoirs of Vladimir Dapčević



Chapter Two: Turmoil


Like our brethren in the Soviet Union, our comrades here in newly liberated Yugoslavia had been stunned by the sudden death of Stalin. Although I was skeptical about the troika consisting of Beria (whom I've only known through the conversations that comrade Marshal Tito had with his inner circle), Molotov (everyone knows who the Soviet Foreign Minister was at that time) and a prominent man with the position as First Deputy Chairman named Anastas Mikoyan. Of course, comrade Djilas gave the speech about how comrade Stalin helped defeat the fascist jackals who destroyed the Soviet Union but to us, we liberated our country without the help of the Red Army, so we were fortunate to not be stuck under Soviet vassalage as much as the rest of the Eastern European countries that were occupied by Red Army troops. However, we had some troubles with the Macedonians who were in favor of joining Yugoslavia because there was a tiny minority who did not want to be reintegrated into our nation-state once again. Most of these leftist minded Macedonians still had some attachment to Bulgaria, which was of course, a Soviet satellite.

When it became apparent that comrade Tito was simply interested in figuring out how to win the upcoming elections that will happen on November 11th and the communist movement is quickly gaining popularity here. With Tito, he wanted to expand Yugoslavia's influence around the Balkans and even made an ambitious goal of getting Trieste from Italy, which the Western Allies had of course, opposed. Then there was some talk of incorporating Albania and Bulgaria into the Yugoslav state, but I realized that bringing the Bulgarians into Yugoslavia will only cause additional resentment among the Bulgarian population, especially with that very same Macedonian issue.

As the elections finally arrived, I knew too well that the people would vote for the communists because we sacrificed so much in our war against the Germans and their collaborators. The monarchy had become unpopular among some Yugoslav citizens (especially the Croats and Slovenes) but still popular among some Serbs. When the results of the election arrived, comrade Tito glowed at how we won the elections. In the following months, he moved to establish a republic and banned the monarchy from ever taking power again and I was among the devoted communists who was glad to see King Peter II leave the country for good. However, Yugoslavia (and many other Eastern European satellite states) was about to witness a terrifying power struggle within the Soviet leadership when Marshal Zhukov arrived in Moscow by December 8th.


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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Anastas Mikoyan:


Chapter Three: Add the Ingredients in an Unstable Cauldron


Marshal Zhukov's arrival in Moscow signaled to the Soviet leadership of his potential role in the growing power struggle that soon became evident when Beria and I began to argue about how we will administer the Soviet portion of Germany. I know too well that the Soviet war hero would not tolerate the interference of the NKVD in his administration of the Soviet sector, and as Zhukov himself personally detested Beria, I was glad to know that the old war hero would side with the much more saner Molotov and myself. However, I still needed Beria's services in running the NKVD (as I had no idea as to who should replace Beria should be step down as leader of the NKVD).

Since Molotov was the Foreign Minister, I allowed him to retain his post for a while but sooner or later if I were to launch my bid to gain power at the expense of Beria and Molotov, I had to build up my own inner circle that will consist of younger people who have yet to gain experience from working within the Soviet government. Long before Stalin's death, I had my eye on Ivan Serov as the man who could replace Beria as the head of the NKVD, as well as Aleksander Shelepin. Both men were excellent NKVD agents, but Serov had gained a brutal reputation as the man responsible for inflicting much suffering to the people of Ukraine. I therefore chose to select Shelepin instead as my candidate for the leadership of the NKVD.

Now to expand on my own inner circle, I was interested as to how the careers of the unofficial junior troika that consisted of comrades Kosygin, Kuznetsov (not Admiral Nikolai Kuznetsov, Aleksey) and Voznesensky have turned out. It was at this point that I decided to set up a meeting with the three of them on November 15th to see if they are interested in working for me. In addition, I would set up a meeting with comrade Rodionov a day after I've interviewed the other three. Although Molotov did not like to admit it, he grew worried that I was building bridges with the Leningrad faction in my bid to seize power, forcing Beria to reconsider his position since I became a threat to his bid for power. I had other plans involving the revival of the Soviet economy that would require the complete overhaul of the Five Year Plans. Now on this day, I would decide if those three candidates would be interested in becoming a part of my inner circle.


"Thank you for coming to this meeting on such a short notice. You will all realize that we do not have much time for idle chit chat because the Soviet state needs our constant attention," I began. At first glance they seemed to be an odd sort of bunch since they were relatively young and they were very young when the Bolshevik Revolution just started. "I would like to know your backgrounds and to see if you're all interested in a higher position within the Party."

"Thank you, Comrade Mikoyan. We're all from Leningrad and because of the siege that killed millions of our people, we were interested in giving our ideas about the Leningrad Trade Affair," This was Comrade Kuznetsov speaking.

Comrade Kosygin then spoke up, "Comrade Stalin never trusted the people of Leningrad due to the fact that two of its mayors were assassinated, but one of them is thankfully gone. I'm speaking about that fool Trotsky."

"Da, I agree. Now then, to the main issue at hand. You see, since comrade Stalin's death, there are many candidates who want to take over the Soviet Union. The most prominent candidates are comrades Beria, Molotov, and myself, with comrade Marshal Zhukov being nominated by his emissary General Chuikov. I've worked the hardest during the war, and I'm more interested in working with people who are competent and better at what they can do," I replied back. "What are your opinions of the other three candidates?"

Comrade Voznesensky answered first, "Beria as the leader of the Soviet Union will not end well, if those lewd rumors are true. Molotov, while he was excellent in dealing with foreign affairs, he's too much connected to comrade Stalin, just like yourself. Comrade Marshal Zhukov may be popular, but we're all worried about the Bonaparte syndrome that would infect the Soviet Union should a Red Army leader take charge. The Trotskyites are whining about comrade Stalin's so-called ideological travesty, but they're either exiled or killed."

"I agree with comrade Voznesensky. You seem to hold the second biggest position in the Soviet Union after comrade Stalin. Why don't you take charge? At least we could learn something from you," Kosygin spoke soon after.

I nodded. "I've also arranged for interviews with comrades Shelepin, Rodionov and some Soviet Navy admirals like Admiral Nikolay Gerasimovich and Admiral Yumashev. I do believe that I have to hear their output on whether or not they should support me, Zhukov or Molotov."

"There's also the idea that we should move the capital of the Soviet Union to somewhere where even the Allies cannot expect to reach. Leningrad and Moscow are already the two centers of political power, so why not somewhere in Central Asia or Siberia?" I started to think that comrade Kosygin might be of great value to my inner circle.

"To where?"

"If we are to give more priority to the east, how about Akmolinsk? That city in the Kazakh SSR would be a good place to set up the capital, but there will be serious opposition from conservatives who liked Moscow," Kosygin added.

Comrade Kuznetsov nodded. "Leningrad could support your claims, but you'll have to try and win the Moscow faction over to your side if you would succeed. Moscow is Molotov's domain as well."

"Then it's settled. Once I become the new Premier of the USSR, you three will be placed in positions of great importance." I shook hands with the comrades inside the room and left.


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"This is Radio Free Europe speaking from Frankfurt. Earlier today, Vyacheslav Molotov was found dead inside his home in the town of Kirov and while the cause of his death was sketchy, the death of Molotov proved to be the starting point of the greatly feared power struggle that has now taken place between Lavrenti Beria, the head of the NKVD and one of the remaining candidates, and Anastas Mikoyan, the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR. The Red Army forces that continued to terrorize the freedom loving peoples of Eastern Europe are not protesting because they were too nervous at whoever will emerge on top, but the communist movements around the world pray for a clever and not so insane maniac who will continue to spread the Red menace."

Radio Free Europe broadcast, January 16th, 1946.
 
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I mean that, at the very least, this would have been edited out by 'Bloomberg Press.' Publishers of that era wouldn't have been willing to print political memoirs with that sort of language.

I got it. I do imagine Patton being the guy who would swear a lot.
 
Mikoyan Premier?

An Armenian Premier after than one Georgian?

Probable third world war in the forties?

Attainment catch my attention. I'm looking forward to developing this timeline.
 
So this is the new TL? I'll be following it with interest...but also let me be the first to ask what's up with Thunder Over the Danube.
 
Well Patton does not actually go to that hunting trip that led to the crash that killed him. I can safely say that he would live out the rest of his days saying "I knew it! I warned people about the Soviet menace and nobody listened! Now who's the smart one?" I did mention that he's in the Pacific, and it could also have to do with MacArthur.

Wait a minute. Patton and MacArthur are going to both be in Japan!? Can the Home Islands really support that much ego?(Though I love Patton i'll be the first to admit he had a quite big ego.)
 
Wait a minute. Patton and MacArthur are going to both be in Japan!? Can the Home Islands really support that much ego?(Though I love Patton i'll be the first to admit he had a quite big ego.)

Well it would be MacArthur who's not gonna be happy with Patton at all. However......

What if someone who is interested in preventing the potential conflict between MacArthur and Patton from escalating would give MacArthur an offer that he would be stupid to turn it down? An offer that has something to do with his ambitions for the top job?
 
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Turn Three: It Gets Worse From There



Excerpts from “Yet Again, Conflict Calls”
by: George Patton
Bloomberg Press



Chapter Six: Opportunity Awaits



Japan was anything but pleasant from the views that I’ve gotten used to in Germany. Sure enough, the landscape was terrible. Yep, this is the result of our handiwork in firebombing the Home Islands, and it certainly became worse when you realized that the houses that are built in Japan are made of wood, and therefore it’s easier for wood to burn than marble. The Japanese civilians are starving, and the lack of food here was worse than in Germany. However, the atom bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki added the number of civilian deaths that suffered from radiation poisoning, and any crops that grew around those cities are bound to be affected by the radiation.

When I arrived in Tokyo on November 9th, the Allied occupational authorities there were much stricter than their fellow officers in Germany. As Dugout Doug approached me, he scowled at me and turned to his aides. I can tell that he was not happy that someone is going to interfere with his personal pet project, and I could care less about it. The only hypocrisy that I see in MacArthur is that he’s practically allowed to make shady deals with certain Japanese figures who were connected to the wartime regime while I was chewed out for doing a similar thing, but with Nazis instead of Japanese zaibatsu men. Like Germany, there are a lot of Japanese war criminals that are waiting to be tried in a war crimes tribunal for their role during the war, but I could sense something will not go right.

“So why in the name of God did headquarters sent some brash cowboy like yourself in this miserable place?” MacArthur glared at me, and I glared back.

“On account of I was chewed out for keeping Nazis in the Bavarian administration, much like how you’re interested in how the zaibatsu would get rich once again after the occupation ends,” I retorted.

MacArthur snorted. “You know that I would eventually become the President of the United States, so I’m just making a positive image here in Japan to bolster my chances of victory.”

I could not stand his arrogant attitude at the moment. “Is there someone else who isn’t a complete jerk that I can talk to?”

“Bonner Fellers would be your guy.” MacArthur pointed at a man with a brigadier general’s stripes. “Brigadier General! Come over here for a sec.”

“Yes, sir?” Sure enough, I saw the name tag that said ‘Fellers’.

“You should get to know this guy. Apparently Ike thought this cowboy was too much of a troublemaker in Europe, so they shipped his sorry ass over here in the Land of the Rising Sun,” MacArthur said sarcastically.

“How do you do, sir? I’m Bonner Fellers, General MacArthur’s military attaché in Japan. I must say, you have attracted such a horrible reputation to end up here,” Fellers replied back. We shook hands as I nodded.

“Yep, and when the war is over, I have nothing else to do. I don’t know what to do,” I replied in a bitter tone.

Fellers chuckled. “General Patton, I told General MacArthur here that before the war, I had a Japanese girlfriend who lived somewhere here. I don’t know what happened to her.”

I was rather surprised at how Fellers admitted to falling in love with a Japanese woman. For all I know, the local Japanese population in the States were discouraged from dating young Americans (for example, a Japanese boy dating an American girl and vice versa, even if that American was either white or black) and our own Brigadier General Fellers just admitted to his romance as if he was caught cheating on his wife, which of course, he doesn’t have. Still, I didn’t know what I was supposed to do in Tokyo, but I hoped to just do what I can and prevent Dougout Doug from making a fool of himself. General MacArthur on the other hand, apparently doesn’t know that I slapped a soldier who suffered from shell shock.

“If you’re lucky, you can help retrain the Philippine Army while Admiral Nimitz could help rebuild the shipyards in Subic Bay. Or I could, if we can get the job done quickly in here and get back home to our folks,” MacArthur said. I could not understand his obsession with corn cob pipes, but then again I was a mean hunter too.

Three months into my role as MacArthur’s foil in Japan, I learned to deal with the Japanese war criminals by watching Fellers interrogate them. To me, I’ve seen this kind of work from when I was back in Germany but the only difference was that when it was time to interrogate Emperor Hirohito, the Emperor was hesitant to answer Fellers’ questions. That was when MacArthur threatened to force him to testify at the war crimes trial, or even worse, to hand over the entire Japanese royal family to be executed by Soviet Red Army soldiers (though I don’t know if the Soviets had occupied a portion of Japanese territory). If anything, MacArthur was far from being the shiny hero who brought liberation to the Japanese people from their tyrannical government, as he himself would like to portray.

One time on a fine April afternoon in 1946, MacArthur and I were inside an office at a Tokyo building when Fellers arrived inside with some papers inside a bulging folder. For some odd reason, he was not happy with the contents of the file, though thankfully he wasn’t mad at me. He was probably mad with himself and MacArthur kept on working. Only three minutes later, three Japanese civilians in suits arrived as I looked at them. Sure enough, these civilians turned out to be members of a minor zaibatsu group that MacArthur was also obsessed with and I know from my experiences when I dealt with Nazi businessmen that whatever connections they had to their dictator, it is sure to be huge.

“These men offered to testify in the war crimes trial about their role in the economic management of the occupied territories,” Fellers told us. “In addition, there’s that secret Japanese lost treasure that should be worth investigating.”

“I’ll take up on the offer,” I told Fellers. It was then that MacArthur drafted a letter that I should give to President Osmena because he knew that if I was sent away, then he can concentrate on running the occupation of Japan in his own little way.

By May 12th, I was on my way to the Philippines for a secret mission, as MacArthur mentioned in his letter. The local American commander in the Philippines who succeeded MacArthur was none other than Walter Krueger, who subsequently became the temporary commander of the USAFFE. I could not divulge my true nature of my visit to the Philippines, but MacArthur added that “Patton is here to advise General Krueger on military matters” or some other excuse. When I arrived in the Philippines, it was hell on earth, just like Japan. Well, the Philippines were already an urbanized society when the Japanese invaded, and it was basically the Eastern Front replayed in our own turf. Too many Filipinos had died in the war, while starvation was not as rampant as in Japan. Perhaps I could get used to a different environment where I wouldn’t have to deal with idiots who are either egotistical or just stuffed up.

I followed a group of Filipino locals around the country when they heard about the legend of Yamashita’s gold. I realized that the gold Fellers talked about a couple of months ago were indeed the real deal. Although I did not want to get in trouble once again for colluding with war criminals, the nature of the loot that the Japanese left behind was so important that I had to write a letter to Fellers in order to find the people who were in charge of this loot. It did not take long until I received a response from Fellers and mentioned that a Japanese Army officer who took part in hiding the loot wanted to give me information about the whereabouts of the gold. One such location was in a place called Bacolod, but he warned that the maps and other artifacts that will be present are often covered with Japanese writing, so in exchange for exemption from testifying, he will agree to help me locate the gold. One problem though: what to do with the gold.


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Excerpts from the documentary “Post War Chaos”
by: BBC Documentaries, made in the year 2010



“Europe in the aftermath of the Second World War was a dangerous place for anyone, whether it was a German, Jew, or any other former Axis collaborator. The Soviet Union was stunned by the sudden death of Joseph Stalin and the ensuing power struggle between Molotov, Beria and Mikoyan made it worse when Molotov was assassinated on orders from the head of the NKVD. It was down to just the two of them, and when Marshal Zhukov backed Mikoyan, it was only a matter of time before Beria himself faced the firing squad. On March 9th, 1946, Beria himself was hauled off from his dacha and was interrogated, tried and executed on Zhukov’s orders. Zhukov then pledged his allegiance to Mikoyan, paving the way for the rise of Mikoyan’s leadership in the Soviet Union.

In Germany, the Nuremberg War Crimes trial commenced with the trial of senior Nazi officials implicated in war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Holocaust was also of great importance as 6 to 7 million Jews died in the concentration camps set up by the Nazis, through either the gas chambers or by starvation. A lot of Europeans from nations that were occupied by the German Army began to leave their old homelands and immigrated to nations like Canada, the United States, Australia and South Africa. However, some Nazis managed to escape justice through the infamous ODESSA network that helped them make a new life in Latin America. However, with the onset of the Cold War about to occur, one area in a distant region of the Pacific was about to become the safe haven for Europeans living in Asia: the Philippines.

Before we can explain as to how the Philippines suddenly emerged as an unlikely place for refugees, it is worth noting that the Philippine government had at one point taken in the Jewish refugees who fled from Nazi Germany but they ended up migrating to the United States. Though it wasn’t exactly an attractive place to settle in, events in Europe that happened between 1946 and 1948 will give a more detailed explanation of why so many Europeans fled in large numbers. Latin America was relatively untouched by the war, but over time it became notorious because Nazi war criminals and other former Axis collaborators made their homes there, most notably Dinko Sakic and his wife who fled to Argentina, as well as Ante Pavelic who also fled to Argentina in disguise."

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Excerpts from the Memoirs of Anastas Mikoyan:

Chapter Three: Hail to the Chief



I thought that it would have been impossible, but I had done it. I emerged as the leader of the Soviet Union, and I owed it to comrade Marshal Zhukov who not only took the initiative to kill Beria, but avenged comrade Molotov’s death as well. Surprisingly enough, comrade Marshal Zhukov ordered a thorough investigation on Molotov’s assassination and GRU intelligence agents managed to acquire enough evidence to put Beria on trial and executed him. I looked at the people who became a part of my inner circle: Kosygin, Kuznetsov, Rodionov, Shelepin (who took over the NKVD on my first orders as leader of the Soviet Union), Voznesentsky, Malenkov, and even Nikita Khruschev himself. We all started by singing the Soviet national anthem and once that was done, I sat down in the chair that comrade Stalin once sat on.

“Comrades, this is a new day. We have a lot of work to do if we want to rebuild our Rodina and catch up to the Western Allies. Our first task is to assess the Five Year Plans. I’ve also appointed Comrade Kosygin as the new Minister of Economy while Comrade Voznesentsky shall be my new Minister of Finance. Of course, other positions of great importance are given to each one of you as my thanks for supporting my bid for power, and comrade Marshal Zhukov here will retain his post as the Commander in Chief of the Red Army. Now, Andrei Vyshinsky will be my new Foreign Minister while Nikita Sergeyevich will become the new Minister of Economic Foreign Relations. What is in the first agenda?” I grew excited at the chance of leading the Soviet Union, but that excitement evaporated rather quickly when Vyshinsky spoke up.


“President Inonu of the Turkish Republic has sent his own foreign minister, Hasan Saka to talk to us about possible Turkish relations with the Soviet Union,” Vyshinsky spoke back. I was crestfallen because as an Armenian who is leading the most powerful socialist nation in the world, a meeting with Turkish officials can be both a blessing and a curse.

“Well, send him in then!” I barked.

“Of course, Comrade Mikoyan.” The Turkish Foreign Minister looked nervous as he looked around the Soviet leadership that gathered here today, and I could not blame him. After all, the Soviet Union still has some territorial claims against Turkey, especially the ones that were lost in the Treaty of Kars.

“I welcome you into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Mr. Saka.” I shook hands with this Turk, but he was still nervous. Surprisingly, he spoke first.

“Thank you, Mr. Mikoyan. I came here on behalf of His Excellency President Inonu to formally ask if the Soviet Union will maintain the terms of the Treaty of Kars,” he spoke back with growing confidence.

I made that fake smile again. “As of now, we would like to repair our relations with your nation and Persia as well. I do believe that exchanging territory for friendship is a better method of making permanent friendships.”

“Of course. There’s also the Greek Civil War which threatens to spill into our borders, which is aided by the Yugoslavs. Unfortunately, your presence in Bulgaria makes our government nervous about your true intentions. Do you speak here today as a Soviet leader? Or as a vengeful Armenian nationalist whose families were tragically killed by the previous Osmanli sultan?” I tried hard to not punch this bastard, but Vyshinsky beat me to the punch when he growled.

“I would advise you to not provoke Comrade Mikoyan here. He’s very touchy about the genocide,” he placed a heavy emphasis on the word ‘genocide’ to remind Saka of his country’s war crimes against my people.

“Of course not. I was merely testing him, that’s all. Especially because he is the kind of guy who would want to rectify the ‘mistakes’ that his predecessor did, especially in Nakhchivan and Nagorno-Karabagh, I do fear for the safety of our Azeri brothers who might be at the mercy of a vengeful Soviet state led by an Armenian closet nationalist,” Saka replied back. Unfortunately, what he has said was true.

“Perhaps you should tell President Inonu that I am willing to improve relations with Turkey, but on one condition: I want the Turks to confess to their crimes and to reconcile with my people,” I spoke back with harsh determination. “If the Greeks do end up with an anti-communist government and is backed by the Western Allies, what will you do then?”

“That’s a good point, Mr. Mikoyan. I’ll tell His Excellency to visit the Soviet Union for a much more, needed, discussion about this.” Comrade Viyshinsky showed Saka the door and I sat down, relieved at how this ordeal is over.


Starting on April of 1946, I began to direct the plans for the Five Year Plan by consulting with Comrade Kosygin. For a man who also had a survival instinct of a cockroach in Soviet politics, comrade Kosygin was surprisingly competent in the economic side, but comrade Malenkov had to act as comrade Kosygin’s mentor since he was more experienced. I told them that under no circumstances should we raise the quota on the key targets of the Five Year Plans and announced that this Five Year Plan will instead become a Ten Year Plan due to the need to recover from the war on such short notice. We had to create a huge demand among the Soviet population for basic consumer goods. To promote the population growth of the Soviet Union, I would go on and pass Order No. 360, encouraging Red Army soldiers stationed in Eastern Europe who are not married to find themselves some local women and marry them. The Western Allies had a term for women who married foreign soldiers: war brides.

More was yet to come under my reign, of course. In such an unprecedented action, I also decided to abolish Orders No. 227 and 270 that tore families of the Red Army soldiers who surrendered or taken prisoner by the German fascists and issued another order, this time it was Order No. 365, which granted amnesty to all soldiers who are inside the gulag and for them to be released from captivity. Their records would be wiped clean and they are free to settle in the Soviet Far East as my way of encouraging the development of such a barren region. There was another reason why I needed those soldiers in the Far East: it was rather barren, possibly vulnerable to the Chinese (unless the Chinese communists succeeded in making their own socialist state there) and we needed enough manpower to turn the Far East border regions into an economic powerhouse. However, it will take decades for this to complete, by which time I would already be dead and this book would be published.

In addition, I also issued Order No. 400, giving orders to release all political prisoners in the gulags who were incarcerated on comrade Stalin’s orders and were also granted general amnesty. Unlike the Red Army soldiers who ended up in the gulag, these ordinary Soviet citizens who worked in the gulags were allowed to come home. In effect, I was undoing the torturous lives that these people suffered at the hands of the late dictator. Well, I am merely undoing the worst excesses of Stalin’s regime but at the same time Saka was right on one thing: my vindication towards the memory of the Armenian Genocide would compel me to make some ‘readjustments’ in the territory of the Soviet Union itself, starting with the territories of Nakhichevan and Nagorno-Karabagh. Thus I would make a single decree that will result in my collision course with the Azerbaijani SSR, especially Mirza Ibrahimov. It is no secret that the Armenians and the Azeris hated each other because of what happened in that war during the early days of the Bolshevik Revolution.


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“This is Radio Moscow speaking from the capital city of the Soviet Union. Today on June 12th, 1946, by the decree drafted and signed by comrade Mikoyan, the Nakhchivan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast within the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic plus its surrounding areas have been assigned to the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Comrade Mikoyan states that the sufferings of the Armenian people at the hands of the old Ottoman imperialists in the Great War plus the duplicity of certain Soviet leaders in wishing to attach parts of Armenian lands to the Azeri controlled state in an effort to bring Turkey closer to the Soviet Union. With this act, comrade Mikoyan has also desired to repair relations with our Turkish neighbors and has also compensated the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic with the southern regions of the Dagestani Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.” Radio Moscow broadcast on June 12th, 1946.

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“This is Radio Beograd speaking from the Yugoslav capital. The news of the transfer of Nakhchivan ASSR and Nagorno-Karabagh Autonomous Oblast from the Azerbaijani SSR to the Armenian SSR is condemned by comrade Marshal Tito as an ‘act of rabid chauvinism’ and condemned comrade Mikoyan for acting like an unreconstructed ethnic Armenian nationalist. The Yugoslav people stand with the Azerbaijani people against this treacherous crime committed in the name of ‘territorial readjustment’ to suit one ethnic republic at the expense of another. In other news, our fraternal Albanian neighbors are worried about the fate of Kosovo and as a result, comrade Enver Hoxha arrives in Beograd to discuss the Kosovo Question. Comrade Tito assured him that Kosovo shall be partitioned, with the former Patriarchate of Pec and the sacred field of Kosovo Polje plus the Gazimestan monument will be handed over to the Socialist Republic of Serbia while the remaining Kosovar territories will be handed over to the People’s Republic of Albania. However, there are also talks of admitting Albania into Yugoslavia as a sign of demonstration to the Armeno-Russian chauvinist Mikoyan that his actions are intolerable.” Radio Beograd broadcast on June 19th, 1946.
 
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Wow, you really know how to make MacArthur and company look like some serious assholes.

Well Patton is becoming close to one, seeing as he's also egotistical.

Actually, TTL might even see Mikoyan become a complete asshole as well, and with Tito ratching up the rhetoric against Mikoyan's action, it won't end well.

One other thing that I am still wondering: since the death of Stalin probably butterflies the Iran Crisis of 1946 and the Turkish Straits Crisis, how could an independent Kurdish state still be established?
 
Yet another timeline that focuses on the Philippines?

Interesting.

How far are you going with this?

Until the 1990s or the modern era. It's not just the Philippines: it could also be North America as well, or a mix of Game of Thrones, Divergent and Hunger Games rolled into a single dystopia.
 
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