Res Novae Romanae: A Revolution of the Third Century TL

So, I´ve decided to use the ideas some people came up with in the thread on Roman universities and libraries and whether they could bring forth a critical educated elite and where that might lead the Roman Empire...
to rewrite a timeline I´ve done on althist.wikia.com.


It´s going to be a timeline centered around an anti-Principate, anti-oligarchic, egalitarian revolution in the midst of so-called "military anarchy" or "crisis of the third century", with some Christian, Jewish and regional / ethnic components thrown in, too, which will repalce the Roman Empire with something, well, quite different.


So, here comes my first attempt at a timeline on this forum:


Res Novae Romanae

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Comments will be appreciated and reflected in the timeline. I`ll experiment with a variety of text types (fake "sources"). Please excuse any linguistic deficiencies - I am not a native speaker of English.

roman flag new cut.jpg
 
First Installment

academia martiana singidunensis new cut.jpg

Tour guide: We´re standing right in front of the oldest part of the Academy here. This wall has been rebuilt twice, but the marble plaque is still original and gives evidence to the long history of this institution. As you may already know, Singidunum Academy was founded in 878 AUC, and it was only one among fourteen academies founded by Emperor Hadrian on what where, back then, the frontiers of our civilization. From among this generation of academies, only Eboriacum has also survived into the present as an institutionally uninterrupted place of excellent higher education.

Today, this building houses the Academic Senate, a handful of offices and a museum. But when the Academy was founded, almost all of the research and teaching took place here. The Academy of Singidunum, like all the other ones founded by Hadrian, was a part of the armed forces, in our case, the Legio IV Flavia Felix, and the subjects were mostly Engineering, Architecture and Strategics. Among its first scholars were eleves of Apollodore of Damascus, who had taught a few decades earlier in the Academia Martiana founded by Traian in Rome, and who were responsible for designing a great part of the city`s old fortification works, which have been preserved pretty well and are definitely worth paying a visit. As the Academy grew under Marcus Aurelius and more subjects from Medicine to Law were included, more and more classes were held in light barracks, over there, where the Department of Mathematics and the Refectory stand today. The Academy of Singidunum played an important role in the Revolution of the Third Century, but, luckily, was spared from destruction due to an early local understanding between the legion`s leadership and the local Isonomists and their Plebeian Council, as the Comitium was called back then.

Over the centuries, the Academy was transferred unto civil authority and administrated by the Civitas Singidunensis; it grew in size, and included more and more subjects. This building, however, remained intact until the earthquake of 1281. By then, the campus had quadrupled its size and stretched into some of the quarters now known as our city`s entertainment districts. After the earthquake, much of the campus was relocated and many buildings rebuilt in different and presumably safer locations, but it was decided that this building, the historical core of this institution, be rebuilt as authentically as possible. It suffered its second destruction in the Global War, so the façade and interior you can see now mostly stem from the 24th century AUC.

Tourist: Back then, were there Gothic students, or foreign students in general, too?

Tour guide: No. The Goths appeared a century later here anyway, but let us not forget that the first Academy here was a Martian Academy, that means, it was devoted to Mars, the god of war, and it was a part of the Legio IV Flavia Felix. Here, military engineers, architects and the like were trained. They were not just students, they were soldiers, too, and not any soldiers, but legionaries. Back then, foreigners served in auxiliary units, but these were not trained here. The Academy gained some autonomy under Marcus Aurelius, who entrusted the Magister Fabrorum with choosing and promoting students and scholars, but it was still a part of the legion. And after the revolution, you still had to be a Roman citizen to study here for a very long time, although a few foreign scholars were invited, mostly mathematicians from countries in the Far East. I believe the first peregrini to study in Singidunum will have appeared no sooner than the 12th century…

But let us now move on to what is today the Faculty of Natural Philosophy…

academia martiana singidunensis new cut.jpg
 
That's extremely intriguing! If you manage to make it plausible, it will be a great TL! In any case count me as subscribed!

I find the dates a bit confusing: are they all AVC? So we can infer that 1) Christianity is not a thing in this world.
2) the Roman empire possibly survives in some form to the present day.
 
:)
Yes, the dates are all in AUC. I intend to have Christians play an important role, but not become the dominant religion. I know AUC makes reading / understanding difficult; I´ll try to use CE when giving authorial descriptions ("textbook chapters"), but for authenticity`s sake, I´d stick with AUC for "sources".
 
Second Installment

Singidunum, pr. Non. Ianuarii anno CMLXXVIII AVC*​


My dearest brother,

please hand the good Carinus another As upon deliverance, as I am presently a little short on cash. Sorry!

Your message has filled my heart with gladness, I am so happy for Iulia! The Timachiani are decent folk who obey our Lord and Saviour. Do not worry at all, you are right that June is difficult in the legion, what with all the work we have at our hands with fortifying every little vicus and every mile of the Istros (almost a century and Antonine`s salutary Apollodorian Plan still hasn`t been finished!), and if I were still a tiro, I certainly couldn`t make it. But luckily, the Academy`s calendar is somewhat different, so I´ll make sure to be there when our little sister is wearing the orange.

Quite generally, the Lord has blessed me with a merciful fate, the days in the students` barracks and the lectures are by far more worth living than the days of other sandal-wearers, who are not exempt from the general duties, even though our reduced student stipends only cover the food deduction. I am still struggling with the weird Greek of the books, but, thanked be the Lord, I passed all my first exams, even Aristarchic Geometry, of which I still haven`t got a clue what it`s good for. How much better to spend all winter reading by the library`s frog lamp light, than to spend all summer shoveling dirt! The Saturnalia were a much more pleasant and less raucous thing in the Academy, too. Most comrades here are decent and responsible fellows, the likes of which you`d wish to see more in all the places where it matters who you put in charge of something. As for the others, well, let´s say that the ever-rising beer prices have their good side, too. If only there was a 100 % safe way to make sure you`d become immune and allowed to join the Academy, too, I´d encourage you to join the Flavia Felix, too – but, alas, there isn`t. Perhaps the only bad thing about the Academy is that even here, you`re not safe from the pranks of all the wannabe world leaders, who start as centurions right away, born with silver spoons in their mouths as they were, mocking us for copying books, calling us slaves for going on a practicum on Water-proof Cement with Magister Bacchalus, and challenging our immunity at every step. Luckily, Silvanus, our Magister Fabrorum, puts up with them and protects us. Honestly, if airheads like this Pacatianus, the worst bully in our castrum, are going to lead Rome`s armies in the future, well that`s nice prospects…

But I have ranted more than your nerves deserve. I must stop writing and move my limbs a little. The temperature in the barracks is unbearable at this time of year. I have recently heard of experiments with faster-growing trees in another department of the Academy (or was it at Brigetio?), I surely hope they are successful and we get more heat here.

Please tell our old man that I haven`t transgressed from the Lord`s path and that I still intend on making him proud. If I had a horse, I´d gladly come by for the Parentalia, but as it is, we`ll all be seeing each other in June at our little sister`s wedding!

May the Lord bless you all!

Fulcus Antoninus


* They haven`t told us yet who were elected Consuls. Has the crazy Syrian boy gone for it again?
 
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Third Installment

[FONT=&quot]A watchtower in Singidunum. A warm night in late August, 246 CE.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
Two third-year immunes studentes whisper to each other while keeping an eye on the black waters of the Danube below and another eye on the horizon, where fire signs from burgi along the river would mean a nightly alert for the few detachments of the Legio Flavia [FONT=&quot]Felix tasked with defending [/FONT]Singidunum and the corresponding [FONT=&quot]portion of the Danube, while [FONT=&quot]the [FONT=&quot]l[FONT=&quot]arger part was conducting [FONT=&quot]a punitive campaign against the Carpi[/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT].[/FONT]


[FONT=&quot]Lucas Antoninus: Laevinus has asked if I wanted to become comes fabri on his research project. I´m really considering saying yes. I mean, I`d have to rely on the Confraternitas Apollodoriana for another, what, two years maybe, while leaving the Academy and going back would make me a sesquiplicanus, but his project is really so cool…[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus Quercus: What is it about?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: “Tack as a determining factor in armory weight / flexibility relations in Eastern cavalries.”[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: Really? Where is he going with that?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: He has found descriptions in battlefield accounts from Lucius Verus` war with the Parthians and even older sources about Sarmatian raids which he thinks indicate that the barbarians can mount and dismount their horses quite all right although they shouldn`t be, considering how they`re armored. He thinks they may have something in the horse-tack that helps them to do this.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: So you`d be burying your nose in parchment, or are you actually going to spy on the Sasanians or someone?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: I don`t know yet…[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: What does Fulcus say about all this?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: I haven`t told him yet. I suppose he has banked on the support I could give them as sesquiplicanus, but on the other hand this was his dream: doing research, becoming a comes fabri, perhaps even a magister one day… I`ll have to sell it to him soon, though, because his word as founding members weighs a lot within the Confraternitas.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: You`re really expecting things to go on for so long?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: What the hell are you talking about? The apocalypse?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: Of course. A Christian like you should think about that, too. And you shouldn`t swear like that, either.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: Oh man. So what are you planning on doing before the Lord returns – fold your hands? And fight for arrogant heathens who consider themselves half-gods?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: Quite the opposite. [/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: Now you got me thrown off the tracks completely. What do you mean to say? You`re trying to spend the time until Christ returns fighting against Roman oppression? Wasn`t joining the legion quite a weird choice then..?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: I hope I haven`t said too much already…[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: Come on, you can`t leave me hanging on like that, you know me, I´m not betraying a brother![/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: If you can keep your mouth shut: You know there are a lot of people both in this legion and in others and outside, too, who think like you? [/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: I suppose[FONT=&quot] there might be some, [/FONT]yes, although I´m afraid those who believe that only a divine princep[FONT=&quot]s [FONT=&quot]can deliver them [FONT=&quot]from the Carpi and [FONT=&quot]all those other Scythians, [/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT]far outnumber us.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: I wouldn`t be so sure about that. You need to trust people to [FONT=&quot]be able to follow the right path if you want them to leave the [FONT=&quot]wrong path.[/FONT][/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: You mean you`re a member of some secret conspiracy that wants to install one of them as Princeps?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: No! Fuck Princeps. [/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: So, what then, are you an Isonomist?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: You could call me that. Got a problem with that?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: No, but… You seriously want illiterate peasants to rule the Empire?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: Could it be any worse than the shit we have to put up with now?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: I guess it could. I mean, they have no idea how to defend ourselves against the barbarians. They know nothing about how to make a city work, let alone a province or the Empire, where would they learn that from?[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: That`s why we see the Church as the vanguard…[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: If I look at what our diacon is preaching, I don`t see that happening.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: That diacon does not stand for my Church.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: Shit, if you´re telling me that you`re a heretic, too, I really think I´m losing my mind.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Sextus: Calm down. I´m not saying any of that. I´m just inviting you to celebrate mass with us in the Matthian Catacombs next time, and you might meet some people who can explain things to you much better…[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Lucas: Shhh, there`s footsteps on the stairs…[/FONT]
 
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I am liking it! Don't take it badly if I say that the plausibility might not be the strongest point of this TL, but it makes for great reading: I like this sort of crossover between legionary and campus life and between early Christianity and Leninism ("the church is our vanguard "...)
Keep it up!
 
Perhaps I´ll need to throw in a little textbook snippet with an overview of the developments and events I have in mind, so that we can better discuss plausibility issues...
I´m currently trying to grapple with the relations between various usurpations (Pacatianus, Decius, Priscus) and barbarian incursions in the Lower Danube region, attempting to sort out what the changes alluded to so far - greater efforts at fortification, formation of a military-academic functional elite - would change here - and what that would entail for the circumstances under which radical groups and sects would operate.
Any thoughts?
 

Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
I like this sort of crossover between legionary and campus life and between early Christianity and Leninism ("the church is our vanguard "...)
Keep it up!

Code:
CARMEN INTERNATIONALE

Consurgite, damnati mundi!
    Consurgite, famelici!
Ratione orta moribundi
    Pereunt status relici.
Ecce, saeculum vetustum nutat—
    Turba servorum, surgite!—
Nam mundus iam penitus mutat:
    Qui estis nil, omnia fite!

        Hoc est proelium finale;
            Congregemur ut cras
        Sit Internationale
            Unā humanitas. 
 Hoc est proelium finale;
            Congregemur ut cras
        Sit Internationale
            Unā humanitas.
 
Fourth Installment

Moesia, 248 CE:



Quick! Sulpicinus forced himself to speed up his paces along the lines of barracks on one side and workshops on the other, to the Academy`s reading room, where he expected to find the largest number of students and comites around during this time of day. He had to get there early enough to explain to them what was happening and how they must behave now. Some would cheer naturally, he didn´t worry about them. But there was quite a number of young fellows, the ones he liked most, who would ask questions or be skeptical. While he usually liked them for doing just that, this was no time for asking questions or being skeptical!

He reached the entrance of the Academy. He would be there in time.


Lucas Antoninus laid the lexicon of the Pahlavi language aside and looked up at Magister Sulpicinus, who had obviously been speaking for a few seconds already; the murmur of his commilites had died off.
“..dius Marinus Pacatianus, our brothers have defeated the Carpi and managed to kill enough of them to make the rest of them hurry back Northwards across the Danube.”
Cheers and shouts of joy erupted in the hall, but became quiet again when Sulpicinus raised his hand.
“After their triumph, our brothers have declared Pacatianus as Imperator Augustus.”
The reactions to this news were less uniform. While some shouted out their agreement with this measure, quite a few frightened voices were heard, too, and murmurs: “That`s the last thing we need”… or “by Jove, Philipp will come and butcher us all for this!” … or simply “Why?”
Sulpicinus had known that this would happen. He had chosen his next words carefully on the way back from the meeting with the messenger. He raised his voice:
“No-one must question the loyalty of the milites fabri. We are proud legionaries of the victorious Flavia Felix. There may be dangerous times ahead, but I know that every one of you will choose their steps wisely and know where a responsible man`s place is right now. There will come a time again, and quite soon, I believe, when we can return to our studies, our questions, and our disputes, and it will come for the sooner if we bring glory upon ourselves with our deeds.”
During the last words, loud cheers and chants had already been heard from outside. Now, the doors were flung open, and chanting groups poured into the hall.
Sulpicinus watched with a mixture of relief and well-hidden resignation as more and more of the immunes studentes he felt responsible for joined in the chorus:
HAIL PACATIANUS AUGUSTUS!

HAIL PACATIANUS AUGUSTUS!

HAIL…
Lucas Antoninus, Comes Fabri, had understood what the situation demanded from him. He stood up, raised his fist and shouted along with the (mostly younger) crowd – although he was not in the slightest convinced that Pacatianus, whom his father had mentioned – and ridiculed – several times, would enjoy or bring much hail.
Beside him, Gratianus Marianus, a first-year student, kept quiet. He would not be fooled, like the others, he told himself. He felt incredulity, and the urge to shout, and anger, and disgust, and fear. He turned to the One he trusted his life with, and began to murmur under his breath: “Pater noster, qui es in caelis…”
 
Fifth Installment

Here comes a little alternate "textbook chapter", for a bit of background information and proportions, so we can discuss plausibility issues, consequences etc. in more detail.

The tyranny of Decius
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Chapter 31 from: Eduardu Ilobatidu: The Rise and Fall of the Principate. Londiniu: Seletini, 2429 AUC, pp. 577-580.
Usurper against his will?
In 1001 AUC, Pannonia, Moesia and Dacia had come under assault by Goths, Carpi and Vandals. Having scored a victory in battle over a larger group of Carpi, the military tribune of the Legio II Flavia Felix, Pacatianus, was proclaimed Emperor by his soldiers. Emperor Philip the Arab, on the advice of his close ally, Decius, decided to “let the rebellion collapse under its own weight”. Indeed, Pacatianus was faced with both continuing barbarian incursions and a lack of funds, which he attempted to counter by minting more Vimniacan coins, which in turn sped up the devaluation of the currency and drowned the regional economy, creating unrest in the large towns of Sirmium and Naissus.. In 1002, Decius marched towards Moesia with a small force, on Philip`s behest. As soon as word of Decius` arrival at the Istros spread, a group of high-ranking officers and local nobles conspired against Pacatianus and killed him.
In the conspirational alliance against Pacatianus, conflicts over the further course of action erupted almost instantaneously. One group preferred to proclaim Decius as the new Emperor, trusting him to take the threat of Carpian and Gothic invasions seriously and cope with it, while another group feared that further instability in another Roman civil war would expose their lands to barbarian attacks and thus opposed the proclamation.
The “Decian” party prevailed, and Decius was proclaimed Emperor almost immediately upon arrival. Some sources state that Decius protested and refused three times to accept the proclamation. In the light of later events, this appears either unlikely, or a mere show of modesty which had almost become commonplace since the days of Gordian.
Again whether compelled by circumstances or driven by ambition is unclear, Decius or his supporters had a number of those executed who had been purported to him as opponents of his proclamation. Then, he marched towards Italy with the Istrian legions loyal to him.
Decius` and Philips armies met in a valley of the Eastern Alps. The battle was exceedingly bloody, claiming the lives of many thousands of soldiers. But Decius had prevailed and was proclaimed Princeps Augustus and endowed with potestas tribunicia and imperium proconsulare by the Senate in Rome.
Sacrifices, Purges, Plagues and Triumphs: The early reign
Decius knew that his position was unstable. Philip had had a large number of loyal followers among the upper tiers of the Roman oligarchy, only few of whom had fallen in battle. The fate of another usurper, Iotapianus, was unclear so far. It was in this context that Decius issued the fateful decree that everyone in the Empire must sacrifice to the Roman gods, praying for the Emperor to be able to protect the Empire from the barbarians and restitute its order, power, and glory.
Decius started two other initiatives in 1002, too, which are historically overshadowed by his Sacrificing Decree: he began comprehensive repair works of Rome`s infrastructure, and he attempted to reintroduce the office of a Censor, a position in which he hoped to see his associate Valerian. The latter was stalled in 1002 and 1003, though.
The Sacrificing Order led to the largest wave of religious persecution ever occurring in the Roman Empire. Mostly Christians, but also adherents of a number of other small monotheistic religions especially in Syria, were forbidden by the rules of their cults to sacrifice to other deities. Decius` imperial administration executed tens of thousands of citizens in this first wave of persecution (see table below) – among them the loyal and moderate Bishop of Rome, Fabian. Many more Christians fled from the persecution.
Then, a smallpox epidemics broke out, killing people by the thousands every month and causing economic activities and public order to break down. Decius tasked a group of six outstanding medical doctors and high-ranking administrators to deal with this problem – the Sexviri. Based on recommendations from the medical academies of several legions, the Sexviri soon came up with a plan of isolating the infected both within certain quarters of towns, and within quarantined regions. Massive protests from the local administration of various towns prevented the implementation of their plans, though.
Decius himself gathered five legions and confronted an invading army of Goths, Carpi, Vandals and Bastarnae at Nicopolis ad Istrum. The Apollodorian improvements in the defensive structures along the Danube had proven important in decimating the invaders, a task jointly undertaken by the Legio VII Claudia and border auxiliaries before Decius arrived. Nicopolis withstood the siege by the barbarians long enough for Decius to arrive and obtain a decisive victory. Then, Decius set with four legions across the Danube and conducted a punitive campaign against the Carpi, Bastarnae and Goths, killing and enslaving tens of thousands of them at victorious battles at Acidava, on the Oak Plains and at Carsium.
Decius returned to Rome triumphantly. From his strengthened position, he installed Valerian as a very powerful Censor, tasked with reforming fiscal administration and gathering information about the local implementation of quarantine measures and other decrees as well as about who followed which cults and the like.
What may have been intended as “restitutio rei publicae” ended up as tyranny. 1004 AUC was a peaceful year but also one haunted by the smallpox epidemics, and Decius` / Valerian`s structural reforms, which undermined local autonomy, were implemented in many provinces.
They perpetuated the persecution of nonconformist religious groups like Christians and Nazarenes. Though having been dominated by non-aggressive doctrines for centuries, radical groups gained strength within these confessions. Among the Christians, the influential Bishop of Rome, Fabius, had been put to death in the first wave of Decian persecutions already, in late 1002 or early 1003. Under permanent pressure of persecution, the election of new Bishop of Rome, who enjoyed a leading role among Christians, was made impossible throughout 1003 and 1004.

Figure 34: Estimated numbers of Christians fleeing from persecution 1002-1007 AUC (numbers of total Christian population 1000 AUC)
Iberia: 25,000 (600,000)
Gaul, Germania, Britain: 40,000 (700,000)
Italia: 30,000 (800,000)
Sicilia, Sardinia, Corsica: 2,000 (80,000)
Latin Africa: 50,000 (600,000)
Istros Region: 35,000 (450,000)
Aegyptus / Cyrenaica: 60,000 (600,000)
Anatolia & Cyprus: 100,000 (1,350,000)
Greater Syria: 120,000 (1,250,000)
Greek peninsula: 15,000 (300,000)
TOTAL: c. 475,000 (c. 6,750,000)
For figures of killed Christians, see table 35 “Victims of the revolutionary war”

The religious roots of the revolution
By the end of 1004 and the beginning of 1005, three factions had evolved among Christians over the question of how to react to the frequent waves of Decian persecutions:

  • a group labeled “Corneliani” supported a continuation of political abstention and non-aggression, rejected millenarian interpretations and posited the theological competence of bishops, deacons and presbyters to absolve penitent “lapsi”
  • a second group, which outsiders called “Novatiani” and members called “Cathari”, interpreted the persecutions as signs of a nearing Judgement Day, was neutral (or divided) on the question of political implication and rejected exculpation of lapsi, demanding a full re-baptism
  • while a third group, which outsiders called “Theleptians” and members called “Agonistici”, who saw themselves as Cathari, too, and shared the Novatians` millenarianism, openly embraced and organized armed resistance and terrorist attacks against the institutions which persecuted them.
Early in 2005, a secret synod elected Cornelius as Bishop of Rome and leader of the Christians, while a parallel and rivaling synod elected Novatian as Bishop of Rome and leader of the Christians. Upon a new wave of persecution, the Cathari movement broke into two separate groups. The Agonistici of Africa Proconsularis gathered in Thelepte, where they assumed control over the civitas and formed a Council of Saints, which ran both the administration of the town and claimed to represent the true Christendom empire-wide. The Council of Saints gained the support of thousands of rural coloni and slaves by annulling their landowners` rights and titles and conferring them upon councils of the former serfs and slaves. Some sources report about mass baptisms. The Council must also have begun preparations for the defense of the town and its latifundia. Close contacts with radical groups in other civitates were maintained, and soon, the model became widely known.
The African Proconsul had almost no troops at his disposal. Emperor Decius intended to come to his aid and march on Thelepte, when he was informed that the worsening diplomatic relations with Shahanshah Shapur on the Armenian question had finally led to a Sasanian attack on Roman positions in Mesopotamia in 1005 AUC.
Continuation of chapter will be posted soon.

decius bust.jpg
 
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Continuation

Cont. of Chapter 31 from: Eduardu Ilobatidu: The Rise and Fall of the Principate. Londiniu: Seletini, 2429 AUC, pp. 580ff.

Defeat at Zeugma

The Armenian King had been assassinated, and Shapur managed to install a Sasanian prince on the throne. Decius ordered legions from Samosata to intervene in Armenia. Soon, Shapur moved Northwards along the Euphrates with a sizable army to defend the Sasanian influence on Armenia.
To increase the strength of the Eastern legions, Decius lifted the immunity of roughly one thousand military scholars and students in the legions` academies, as he had done already on the Istros for a short period in his war against the Goths. This measure would prove rather counterproductive for the troops` esprit de corps – while some argue that the heterogeneity of Decius` Eastern armies effectively prevented him from being assassinated by his own troops and replaced by someone else after the Battle of Zeugma. There, the Roman and Sasanian armies met in the summer of 1005. The battle went exceedingly badly for Rome. Decius had to withdraw under serious losses, including his experienced general Trebonianus Gallus. Decius` hasty retreat left much of Syria unprotected, which was plundered by Shapur`s forces. A Roman army was able to defend Antiochia on the Orontes at least. After an inconclusive battle, Shapur decided to withdraw behind the Euphrates with some glory and copious amounts of loot.


Analyzing the disaster at Zeugma, Decius ordered to begin building up heavily iron-clad cavalry. This costly measure required him to raise taxes, which in turn cost him much of what was left of his popularity after Zeugma.



The Corrector Cracks Down

More opposition formed in towns all over the Empire – Smyrna, Syracuse, Leptis Magna, Baetis and many others – whose economy already suffered directly or indirectly from the quarantine measures imposed by the Sexviri. Decius` “corrector” Valerian removed several duumviri from their offices and replaced them with imperial legates. As the basis of the discontent was much broader, some of these legates attempted to break the opposition with dozens and hundreds of public executions of outspoken critics.


In the meantime, the Agonistic rebellion had spread to Capsa and Lambaesis in Africa, and it had gained followers in many other provinces, too. Ongoing persecutions of Christians, who were also the usual suspects when legates did not know where the opposition against them exactly came from, helped this radicalization a lot. The different fate of the defiant civitates of Capsa, Lambaesis and Thelepte vs. that of the mildly protesting civitates like Baetis or Leptis Magna was a clear, if unintended sign understood across the Empire: If you disagree with something Rome decrees, you had better gather your forces and defy the Emperor openly rather than let his men butcher you.



Open rebellion and secessionism became increasingly popular with non-Christians, too – but in most places, loyalists, who feared not only chaos and retribution, but also the loss of their social privilege and property, still prevailed throughout 1005 and 1006.


As these conflicts broke up in more and more cities, the reaction of the Decian administration continued to be relentlessly cruel, where no major military force was required to step in.


A town falls, but the idea lives on

A military offensive against the African rebel towns was long postponed for fear of exposing the Eastern border. In the spring of 1006, it finally came, though. With two legions, Decius marched against Thelepte, which withstood the siege for five days before it was stormed. The victorious army did not find as many defenders as it had expected, though. Rumours have it that several hundred or even a thousand Theleptians escaped through water tunnels and hid in the mountains. Whether there is any truth to this claim is uncertain, but one person who rose to prominence in the revolution later, the Nazarene Simon who had been born in Tiberias, was most likely among a group which escaped death at the hands of Decius` army and began his long and dangerous journey to his home town in the East.


After the fall of Thelepte, Capsa and Lambaesis would certainly have fallen, too, had it not been for an urgent double crisis: In Emesa, Uranius Antoninus had been proclaimed Emperor as yet another usurper, and in Raetia and Germania Superior, Alemannic hordes had crossed the Limes and plundered countless smaller Roman towns, moving Southwards and across the Rhine.


To be continued.
 
Cont. of Chapter 31 from: Eduardu Ilobatidu: The Rise and Fall of the Principate. Londiniu: Seletini, 2429 AUC, pp. 583ff.


Syria defiant

In 1006, Decius made his son Herennius co-emperor. Herennius focused on securing the Rhine border and confronted two Alemannic invasion armies which had broken through the border defenses and marched across the Alps. Herennius won both battles against the Alemanni, one North of Mediolanum, the other near Verona. The retreating remnants of the Alemannic hordes were confronted and butchered by Raetian militiamen on the way back North across the Alps.

Decius himself marched with an improvised force roughly equivalent to two legions and some auxiliaries against Uranius, but suffered another humiliating defeat at Hierapolis. Uranius had put together a local alliance, including archers from Palmyra`s local militia. His forces fought with greater courage and determination than Decius` dispirited army. Once again, Decius was forced to retreat.

He needed more soldiers, he was convinced. Decius set out to build up a new legion and, to this end, drafted conscripts for the first time since the days of Augustus. Of all regions, the draft focused on Anatolia and the Levante, which were near the battleground, but which had also suffered most severely both from the Decian religious persecutions and the smallpox epidemics and quarantines. Dissatisfaction brewed and turned into unrest.

New martyrs, new leaders


While the West under Herennius remained relatively calm, increasing chaos and disobedience in the South and East were countered by Decius and his correctores with more purges. Once again, members of all sorts of suspicious groups were made examples of. Cornelius, the moderate Bishop of Rome, was killed, and so was his Catharian counterpart Novatian.
Those Christians who stayed behind instead of emigrating, in spite of repeated persecution, leaned more and more towards the uncompromising Catharian position and the millenarian expectation of a nearing Judgement Day, while especially among impoverished coloni and slaves working in mines and on latifundia, the Agonistic message found more and more supporters.
Charismatic leading figures of Christianity in the South and East attempted to save Christianity from breaking apart under the twin pressure of state persecution and internal discord: Firmilian, Bishop of Caesaraea, and Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, attempted to reign in both the trend towards Catharian rigorism and towards an Agonistic political radicalization by reflecting on the dilemma of a Christian`s loyalties to God and to one`s neighbours, formulating the moderate, yet political, morally firm and critical, but not apocalyptical vision of Roman society transformed by Christian examples (res publica pia).

This did not stop the revolutionary momentum among the lower classes, though. Rural revolt had begun to spread to Egypt, where free peasants protested against taxation and coloni protested against increasing rent payments, and the first latifundia were forcibly taken over by mobs of the dispossessed just like in Africa. In Syria Palaestina, revolting peasants and/or Neo-Sicarii gained control of the towns of Tarichea / Magdala and Nicopolis Emmaus.

In Africa Proconsularis, the latifundian elite strikes back from the coastal towns. Because the province lacks a legion of its own, Proconsul Aspasius Paternus gathers an improvised army, materially supplied and commanded by the threatened land-owning aristocracy. They march against Capsa, but although they are numerically superior and better equipped, they cannot break into the fiercely defended town. Similar, smaller attacks are conducted against other strongholds of the Agonistic rebels, who react by establishing a messenger network which alerts communities of impending aggressions.

Even the Church of Rome and the Corneliani felt compelled to develop such clandestine networks to protect themselves against recurring persecutions. All these networks, which grew very quickly throughout 1006 and 1007 AUC, were a prerequisite for the inter-provincial coordination which would be of tantamount importance in the Revolutionary War.

The tyrant`s end and the gap left behind


In the large towns – from Rome over Alexandria and Antiochia to Ephesos and Pergamon – the situation seemed to stabilize itself in 1007, the last year of Decius` reign. Even though quarantine measures had not been able to be fully implemented empire-wide, the smallpox epidemics subsided. High taxes and the new drafts were unpopular, and the public opinion in many cities denounced the internal warfare and demanded a return to concordia et pax romana, but violent revolts and brutal counter-measures had both subsided somewhat. Rebellious groups, as far as they had not been exterminated, operated more covertly – but also with more determination than ever.

In the spring of 1007, Decius had finally mustered sufficient new troops and brought in reinforcements from the Ister for a new attack on Uranius. Decius` forces, estimated at 25,000, and those of Uranius, estimated between 15,000 and 20,000, approached at each other near Apameia. In the night before the battle was to take place, a politically motivated conspiracy of soldiers from both camps, many of whom had martian academic backgrounds, succeeded with suicide commandos who assassinated both Decius and Uranius and their respective close personal guards before a single horn was blown. Every single one of the assassins was slain in these attacks or killed themselves to prevent captivity, torture and betraying their brethren. Only few of them wore fish symbols or ChiRo signs betraying a Christian background, but with all of them, little emblems inscribed “agathoi politai" (good citizens) were found.

On the course of events as they had been planned by the Good Citizens can only be speculated. In all likelihood, the conspirers in the background sensed that they did not yet enjoy sufficient support among their comrades to enable them to step forward and propose their course of action vis-a-vis higher-ranking commanders on both sides. What did happen was that a battle was averted at Apameia, and hasty negotiations took place, with Odaenathus of Palmyra representing the former usurper`s forces and the praetorian prefect, Successianus, representing the forces formerly commanded by Decius. It was agreed that both forces would jointly march East to retake Roman positions on the Euphrates from under Sasanian control. But given the situation that both leaders were dead, those who had triumphed over them did not (manage to) claim the leadership for themselves, and the heterogeneous troops could not agree on somebody else to proclaim as emperor, the campaign would be jointly led by a “tetrarchy”, a supreme council of four leaders, two from each side.

While 40,000 Roman soldiers marched against Shapur, the Senate in Rome quickly decided to proclaim Valerian as princeps Senatus and invest him, Decius` most trusted and powerful associate, with potestas tribunicia and imperium proconsulare. Some weeks later in Augusta Treverorum, when Decius` heir, Herennius, found out about this course of events, he gathered the legions of the Rhine and marched against Rome.

In Egypt, a neo-Bucolic rebel army controlled over a third of the Nile Valley and stood at the gates of Alexandria.

More dark clouds thus gathered on the horizon of the Eternal City on the Tiber, as grain imports from Africa and Egypt had continually dropped, and the reserves of the Cura Annonae were running low so that the grain dole for the urban poor was about to be reduced.



______
OK, so I think the next installment is going to be an excerpt from an alternate (neo-)Platonist political philosophy, and then things should become really messy.

What do you think so far? What makes sense, what is obviously flawed, what could or should be altered? Where do you think all of this is going to end? etc.
I`ll be back in a couple of weeks with some more dramatic dialogues in the style of the first installments, but I`d be glad to hear some comments on the historical alterations explicitly described in the last postings, too.
 
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Sixth Installment

De reconditione rei publicae

[FONT=&quot]by Eugenios of Alexandria (255 CE / 1008 AUC)
[/FONT]​
[…]
We live, it appears, in a permanent celebration of the Saturnalia. The rustic peasant imitates the legionary, and the shepherd the cavalryman. But absent is the mirth of the feast, for citizen points knife against citizen, foreigner against foreigner, and many have already fled from their towns and abandoned their houses. Such disunity of the political body and soul cannot fail to cause the former to wither away and the latter to suffer. It must not be blamed on the plebs, though. They are merely imitating their betters, who have been excellent examples to them in reversing all roles and confusing all rules. How often has the guardian betrayed his duty to protect the commonwealth and assumed the position of the ruler for himself, only to be stabbed in the back by the likes of himself? And how shamefully have the philosophers shied away from their duty to lead the way! Who of us has dared to stand in the footsteps of the immortal Socrates, who did not hide his advice even at the cost of his own life? Who could not understand that simple and even less simple minds turn to the men of the Christian sects for guidance, of whom at least some show the strength to speak up even when faced with torture and death.
Our commonwealth lies in ruins because our minds are in confusion and our society has lost its consonance and order. City has been pitted against city, tribe against tribe, class against class, and kingdom against kingdom. Many attempt to escape from the frustrations and perils of the street into the supposedly safe havens of their contemplative mind, of a basilica, or a cave in the desert. But no soul will find its way back home on these paths. Just like no man can lead a good life in an unshapeful society, no higher virtue can be achieved as long as the most basic virtues of the social man are neglected.
[…]
Socrates` advice, which partook of the unblemished truth when it was given, no longer provides guidance in our times if taken by its literal sense. No map, old or new, shows his Kallipolis, and now we have become utterly unable to grope our way there. We have lost the sense Socrates` compatriots still enjoyed, which revelates to us what metal we are made of. We appear to be all rusted iron, claiming to be of gold or silver.
[…]
All the paths leading from our current quagmire into a good life and a harmonious society require all men to jointly partake fully and equally, with energy and conviction, of the social and political duties of their polis. Bringing in the harvest, saving your town from the flood, studying, carrying stones for walls and bridges and roads, standing on guard against intruders, deciding upon a law and a punishment, must not be viewed as something best done by someone else, for universal partaking in it is not only the building block of a just, shapely and harmonious society, but also the prerequisite for our souls` elevation. Wherever a significant group of people does not partake of the common duties, they are bound to lose all virtues; cut loose from the strings which pull them towards a healthy centre, they are bound to disrupt the social order. Many professions require diligent learning, but from the common duties which I have laid out nobody can justifiably excuse himself.
[…]
Our commonwealth, from the arches of Hercules to the distant shores of Colchis, shall perish, be ruled by insane superstitions and fall into the hands of barbarians, and rightfully so, if we do not start to work, fight and rule as a unity. Do not call yourself a philosopher if you do not set out to rebuild your city, your town, and your farm in accordance with this principle. Every man can sacrifice to whichever deity he chooses, as long as he prays and works for the res publica. Piety and learning must not be misunderstood as reasons to withdraw from the battlefield, the assembly, the marital bed, or the tribunal; he who possesses them has the utmost duty to serve and fulfill all of these responsibilities, for he is best suited to provide his neighbours with guidance in resolving their conflicts and inspire them in their endeavours, just like his neighbours may appear better prepared for swinging the sword or building a wall.
[…]
None of the principles laid out above are restricted by language, birth, geography or any other circumstance. The barbarian is just as capable of living in Kallipolis as the Hellene, and when he does, he ceases to be the barbarian, just like the Gallic and Hispanic barbarians have ceased to be such when they served in the military of the mighty republic and dwelt in the towns of Romans. As long as your neighbor lives in a state of disharmony and disorder, how can there be peace between you and him? It is our duty to build a peaceful union of harmonious poleis which stretches across the entire inhabited world, for no sooner shall the chaos we dwell in be relieved.
[…]
The errors and perceived inadequacies of your neighbor are no excuse to look for a distant Kallipolis where following these plain and universal principles is easy to accomplish. There is no way to reach Kallipolis but to build it from the rubble amidst which we stand. The plain and universal principles of isonomia, koiné and areté must apply today and to all, and we must let them take shape.
 
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Cont. of "De reconditione rei publicae"

Does philosophy demand from us insubordination, the rejection of the laws and disobedience to the imperator? Does it condemn us to participate in the general bloodshed?
Philosophy lends no justification to the reign of the endless chain of usurpers, so how could it justify each law and decision made by them? This truth is plain to see for everyone.
Does philosophy, then, require great courage and strength? It cannot ask what cannot be provided by the listener, for then it would be merely fiction and lies.
[...]
Look for those in your surroundings who seem most inclined to assume joint responsibility for the common good, regardless of descent or creed. Common work and public duty are the best opportunities to open other people`s eyes to the undeniable truth. Do not forget for one moment how easily a lifetime`s achievements are blown away; never cease to strive for a wider and a deeper communion.
[...]
The path of the true philosopher may be perilous, but never uncautious. Embarking on it, one sheds off the traits of the coward, but also those of the man who desires martyrdom.
 
Seventh Instalment - The Legend of a Catharian Saint

[FONT=&quot]St Terentius[/FONT]​

(from: Legenda Sanctorum Ecclesiae Christianae Catharae)

Terentius was born in Casae Nigrae sometime between 228 and 232 AD as the second son of one Apuleius, whose Berber kin had acquired Roman citizenship at least two generations prior to the Antonine reforms due to a forefather`s service in the Roman military, and among whom there were many skilled stonemasons. Terentius` grandfather had apparently served in the Legio III Augusta as a miles immunis academicus due to his skills and fulfilled important functions as an engineer in military constructions. Terentius` father, Apuleius, had acquired great amounts of knowledge as well as good connections and start-up capital from his father and operated a construction business. His family was known to be loyal, law-abiding, conscientious and active citizens. He also converted to Christianity as the first one among his kin.


Terentius was thus educated by his father in the spirit of the Lord, and there are accounts of the young Terentius showing outstanding virtue at a very young age already, defending weaker children and praising the Lord with words and charitable deeds.


As his elder brother inherited the family business, Terentius, upon coming of age, went to a distant relative in Carthage, who was old and had no sons, to learn his craft and follow in his footsteps.


In Carthage, Terentius attended the religious services of the Presbyter Novatus and witnessed the harassment and martyrdom of many members of his community because they refused to sacrifice to the pagan gods when Emperor Decius required proof of such action from every citizen of the empire. Terentius followed Novatus` view that Decian persecution and plague shortly after Rome`s 1000th birthday were signs of a nearing final battle between the forces of God and those of the devil and his worldly Roman puppets, which would bring the end of the Old Order and the erection of a Glorious New World ruled by the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost in communion with all the saints.


Terentius exhorted his fellow citizens to repent and be baptized, in spite of the imminent dangers, but his words mostly fell on deaf ears in Carthage. When Novatus went on a journey to a synod in Rome, Terentius led a group of several dozen of his relatives, friends, trusted acquaintances and fellow believers with him on a long march South-Westwards towards his small home town.


Their group came to comprise several hundred Carthaginians and other inhabitants of the African province, of all tongues and descents, in the end, growing at every small town along the way. More than once, Terentius excelled at organizing the refugee treck`s safety in the face of attacks by robbers and highwaymen, showing skills with the sword that rivaled those of his tongue and heart, which earned him the unquestioned position of group leader. Thus, they reached Thelepte safely, where the town`s duumviri Saloninus and Caecilius were Christians who welcomed the refugees and granted them asylum, forging certificates of sacrifices for all members of Terentius` group.


Showing their gratitude, the clean
[orig.: cathari] Christians immediately engaged in works envisioned by Saloninus and Caecilius concerning the town`s fortification, which had appeared a strict necessity after three Gaetulian raids on the town since the removal of the Legio III Augusta from Africa, but which no-one had been able to undertake so far.

One year later, Decius tasked Valerian the corrector with setting straight unruly towns, enforcing quarantines, double-checking suspicious sacrificing reports and wiping out those who withstood the Empire`s might by the strength of their faith. Like many other civitates, Thelepte was divided with regards to the appropriate reaction to this measure. Many curiales were frightened and wished to comply with Rome`s orders, extraditing the refugees to the Proconsul. But more and more people listened to Terentius, who warned them against sinning in the light of the nearing Judgement. Around this time, Terentius left the town many times to speak to the people working on nearby farms. He was very appalled by the conditions under which his contemporaries worked as coloni on the latifundia established by the Romans, and he had a great gift in conversing with them, explaining to them God`s abhorrence of the injustices they suffered, and bringing many hundreds of them onto the Lord`s side, baptizing them, as Novatus had preached every living Christian saint could, with water and holy ghost. Many simple men in the countryside then refused to follow the ungodly orders of the lords of their manors, and overcame them, and lived and worked together according to the Lord`s teachings from then on.


Likewise, Terentius opened the eyes of many men and women of the town to the futility and dangers of submitting to the will of the Roman tyrant Decius, and the curiales and landowners who sought to betray them and bring them unto the Proconsul were expelled from the town. New baptisteria were dug and built, for so many Theleptians wanted to change their ways and lead their lives in the name of our savior.


When the army of the Roman tyrant arrived, the Community defended Thelepte for more than a week. When he saw that the town would fall to the iron fist of the tyrant, Terentius led a thousand men, women, and children out through the town`s water tunnels and into the mountains, where the Roman soldiers could not find them. They marched Westwards day and night for almost a week until they reached Ubaza, where the Nattabutae dwelt. They found the place much more populous than expected, full of men from all Gaetulian tribes, who, they found out, were planning raids on Theveste and perhaps farther North, up to the rich towns of Cirta and Hippo near or on the coast.


Terentius appealed to these men of the South, and they were impressed by his words and counseled with him, and changed their plans. The two groups joined, and they marched into town after town, Theveste, Mascula, Lambaesis, Sigus and Cirta, liberating those who were held in bondage, chasing away the rich, the curiales and the praefecti and everyone who held on to the ungodly laws and mores of the tyranny, bringing the gospel into every house and baptizing the people with the word and the spirit until Gaetuli, Massylii, Punics and Romans shared the bounties of God`s creation alike. When they left Cirte, Terentius was among a crowd of forty thousand people, some on foot, some on horseback, some on camels.


But the servants of the tyranny in Hippo Regia, Utica, Carthage and elsewhere were not willing to give up their adjudicated powers over their neighbours. Months and years of fights came upon these proud cities, and they were consumed by fire, and the blood of thousands of martyrs was spilt, and diseases and hunger struck them. Godfearing men among the Romans had begun to rise against the tyranny, too, and they continued to fight when Terentius and most of his followers left, for they did not seek martyrdom for its own sake. And they sailed on the sea in the largest ships and the smallest boats until they reached the Coast of Numidia, where they were welcomed.


Terentius built up the Community of Our Church at Sitifis, where the oldest basilica, public school and hospital owe their existence to his initiatives in the four years in which he consecutively served as First Presbyter of the civitas. Sitifis had withstood the first of two assaults by pagan tyrants, by an army sent from Rome, but Terentius had no longer implied himself on the battlefield and focused on his presbyterial and social duties for his new community. When the second army arrived three years later, this time sent from Lugdunum, Sitifis was conquered, and although the civitas was later liberated, Terentius fell to a Gallo-Roman arrow as he was giving funeral service to the fellow martyrs of the town who had gone before him.


At hundreds of occasions, miracles and revelations of Saint Terentius have been attested during the War of Independence, the Gao Wars and also throughout the more recent anti-colonial resistance.


Terentius was declared a Saint by the Catharian Synod of Theveste in 451 AD.
 
Eigth Instalment - A Confoederatio secedes in the South

The Foundation of the Confoederatio Civitatum Liberorum
(Chapter 32 from Eduardu Ilobatidu: The Rise and Fall of the Principate. Londiniu: Seletini, 2429 AUC, pp. 587f.)

Valerian`s reign lasted less than three months. Alerted to Herennius` usurpation, he gathered all the troops he could muster in the little time that remained, but they were far outnumbered by those of Herennius, who had left only one legion each behind in Britannia and along the Rhine, and marched with over 50,000 experienced soldiers on Rome. Both armies clashed at Cremona. Herennius triumphed, and Valerian was killed in the course of the battle, whether by Herennius` soldiers or by his own remains unclear.

While Herennius celebrated his triumph in Rome and had the Senate endow him with the usual prerogatives, the Tetrarchy of generals managed to inflict serious damage on the Sasanians, razing many of their Mesopotamian fortifications and defeating Shapur`s retreating forces twice at Dura Europos and at Nisbis. Ironically, the heavy cavalry units freshly installed by Decius proved a key factor in the success of the army whose soldiers had slain him. The shahanshah was prone to negotiations now, but the tetrarchs felt they had neither the jurisdiction to conclude a peace treaty with Shapur, nor sufficient authority to keep their soldiers from sacking the exposed "treasure chambre" of the Sasanian Empire. What ensued, thus, went down into history as the Second Sack of Ctesiphon.

Like so many others in the quick succession of the last Emperors, Herennius was not blessed with a long reign, either. In the South, the revolt had taken on very serious dimensions by now:

  • In Africa, the Agonistic revolution was no longer limited to a few towns in the hinterland. The Christian zealots and their sizable army of former coloni and slaves had joined forces with a confederacy of Berber tribes, and they were present across the entire province and began spreading Westwards into Mauritania. They controlled dozens of towns, where they redistributed land and conducted mass-baptisms, while the landowning Roman elites fled to the large cities on the coast. Carthage, Oea, Saldae and a few other towns still held out, with wealthy Roman senators and equestrians maintaining militias who fought both against the rebel armies outside the cities` walls and against rabble-rousers within their cities, but they had been severely damaged by fire, and new diseases broke out in the misery of the beleaguered cities. If Herennius wanted to regain functioning African and Mauritanian provinces, he would have to act soon.
  • In Aegyptus, which was even more important for Rome, things had gone from bad to worse for the Empire. In its besieged capital, the "Good Citizens" had taken over the Boule and concluded a pact with the peasant army which stood before its gates, averting an uncontrolled sack of the city, but also molding the second pillar of the revolution. Egypt, although still productive and undevastated, no longer sent any taxes in kind or money to Rome.
  • In towns and villages across Iudaea, Samaria and the Galillee, various Jewish and Christian factions had driven out the thinly spread Roman presence and established their own little statelets, Samaria being the largest bloc among them. They were already turning against each other and could probably be dealt with easily by the legions currently engaged against the Sasanians, but if nothing was done, the sparks of revolution could easily fly from here to all of Syria, Asia and who knows where else...
What should Herennius do? Knowing whom he owed his position (and from whence the next usurper could easily come), he sent half his army back for the protection of the North against Germanic and Pictish raiders. With the other half, he embarked for Africa, leaving Titus Magnus Crescinianus and his Legio II Traiana fortis to deal with the problems in Egypt on their own for the moment. Herennius half hoped, half feared that the victorious Four Generals would be able to restore order in Egypt later, too.

To be continued.
 
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[FONT=&quot]Cont. of ch. 32 from Eduardu Ilobatidu: The Rise and Fall of the Principate. Londiniu: Seletini, 2429 AUC, pp. 587f.[/FONT][FONT=&quot]

The African Campaign
Herennius` African campaign sealed not only his fate, but also that of the Old Empire and the Principate. His forces were better armed and better trained than those of his opponents. What Herennius failed to understand was that he could not reconquer Africa by winning battles and gaining ground. Success in this war depended on winning the hearts of the Africans, and on this front, Herennius failed disastrously.

Through their messenger network, the Agonstic revolutionaries, among whom a core group of spiritual and military leaders around Terentius and Adrian had begun to form, had quickly got wind of the landing of the Roman legions. Military historians have not been able to clarify what the Agonistics, who only moments before had been engaged in fighting against the oligarchy`s militia in Carthage, Utica or Hippo, exactly did in reaction. They may have marched West- and Southwards into mountainous terrain, they may have hidden in extensive networks of tunnels / catacombs, they may have disguised themselves, or any combination thereof, or something completely different. What was observable was only the result: Within a very short time, the Agonistici had entirely disappeared from the coastal towns.
Herennius and his legions were welcomed into Hippo, Carthage, Utica, Hadrumetum and other towns, where the old establishment had been able to prevent an all-out takeover by the Agonistici, often at the cost of massive destructions of the towns, ports, aquaeducts and other important infrastructure during the protracted fights.
Having encountered no resistance, Herennius left Marius Severinus behind as "Corrector Africae" in command of five detachments tasked to secure the coastal towns. Herennius had devised a two-pronged attack on the mountainous positions whither he assumed the rebels had retreated:[/FONT]

  • [FONT=&quot]the Legio I Flavia Minervia, with ample auxiliaries, was to march through the Ubus Valley from the North against Thagaste;[/FONT]
  • [FONT=&quot]the Legio II Augusta and XXII Primigenia wer to march Westwards from the Lakes against Theveste.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]The Roman troops found even the large agricultural complexes in the fertile valleys and gentle hills of the North and East abandoned, which had previously been captured and held by the revolutionaries. They encountered merely a handful of old people, who were interrogated as to the whereabouts of the rebels, but with contradicting and nearly useless results. They marched on through an eerie ghost country, securing the abandoned villae for their supply lines.
Their advance was incredibly easy - too easy.
As the Legio II Augusta and XXII Primigenia advanced into more mountainous terrain, they began to split, securing several valleys and joining forces later again. The summer sun burnt down relentlessly on the Roman soldiers. After a long march through a surprisingly barren landscape, they reached the first town which had apparently shut their gates to them – Cillium. Apparently, the town had just recently been surrounded by a wall. Scouts were sent out to have a closer look at it, while hundreds of legionaries dug out a second, outer perimeter as a protection against attacks from the open field so that they could assemble and prepare their siegecraft. The wall around Cillium was higher on the Western side facing the mountains, and lowest in the South, where it faced the dry bed of a seasonal river.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot][/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]To be continued. (Unfortunately, I don`t have as much time as I`d wish to, so progress will be kind of slow...)
[/FONT]
 
Continuation of previous post:

[FONT=&quot]A tower was assembled in the dry river bed to overcome the wall at its lowest point. When it was almost finished, the legionaries heard a thundering sound, which grew louder and louder. When they grasped what was going on, it was too late to flee. The dam had been destroyed, and the waters of Cillium`s reservoir washed into the valley, carrying with them stones, trees and all manner of other debris. Cillium`s Western wall withstood the floodwave, but the outer perimeter dug by the Romans was washed over and quickly filled with muddy water, drowning hundreds of soldiers, crushing the siege tower.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Although only a small part of the two legions was killed by the avalanche, the morale of the rest was crushed, too. Herennius and his general, Marcus Aemilius Aemilianus, were dumbfounded by the recklessness with which the rebels devastated their own land, just to kill a few Romans, and prepared to reconsider their strategies. Among the ordinary soldiers, though, the catastrophe was interpreted differently. Apocalyptic thinking had been on the surge in the military as well as civic population in the past decades of barbarian incursions, famines and political infights, and not few began to see the flood sent against them as a sign of divine wrath.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]There was not much time for gloomy discussions and strategic planning, though. Before the regroupment of the scattered army was accomplished, cavalry of Berbers allied with the Agonistic rebels arrived. Arrows rained on the legionaries and increased their disarray, claiming more Roman lives, while the attackers retreated without losses and disappeared after a first wave of attack.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Herennius and Aemilianus successfully appealed to the famed discipline of the Roman legions, and led them uphill into the valley pass towards Theveste in pursuit of the rebels who had, for the first time, shown themselves on the open field. The place of the final battlefield on the Eastern front in the African Campaign is roughly five miles into the valley. More mounted archers arrived over the tops of the hills. They seemed to know exactly where to charge, for they did not waste any efforts trying to dismember the quickly forming tortoises of the infantry and went straight for the Roman cavalry itself. They were suicide missions, for the attackers stood no chance to survive their frontal assault, but they achieved their supreme goal: Before the dust had settled and the legions had killed the few hundred attackers, it became clear that Quintus Herennius Etruscus Messius Augustus had died in the battle.[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]*[FONT=&quot] * *[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]After the Emperor`s death, Aemilianus stopped the march on Theveste, laid a second siege on Cillium, stormed the town, which had been held only by a few hundred Agonistici, and garrisoned there.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]On the Northern front, things didn`t look too bright for the imperial cause, either. Here, the valleys were narrow, and the imperial troops were repeatedly ambushed and bereft of parts of their baggage. A siege of Sicca was abandoned after seven weeks. As the army marched on across the plateau, news of Herennius` death reached them.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]More important than the relative failure of the abortive two-pronged campaign was what happened in the large cities on the coast. Marius Severinus had been tasked with restoring imperial order, and he searched the towns for Agonistic rebels. They had to be somewhere. Severinus was from a senatorial family of Carthage, many of whom had been killed by rebels in the conflict. He was determined to root the Agonistic rebels out. They hid from him. From the citizenry, thousands of denunciations arrived upon request, so many that Marius Severinus knew they were unlikely to comprise the culprits and only them. Marius Severinus` response was to find and kill people who wore symbols of the Christian faith, were seen in churches and religious gatherings etc. His provisional administration killed – or rather: martyred – thousands of Christians. When he left his function as Corrector Africae after a year, the coastal cities were as silent as graveyards, just as he had found them. But underneath the surface, something had dramatically changed. The surviving Christians, many of whom, like the victims of Marius Severinus` pogroms, had been theologically moderate and politically loyal before the persecutions, had mostly turned into angry secret Agonistics and potential rebels. When [FONT=&quot]an alliance of rebels would come from the East, the South, and the West, they would be [FONT=&quot]greeted as liberators in [/FONT][FONT=&quot][FONT=&quot][FONT=&quot][FONT=&quot][FONT=&quot][FONT=&quot] Hadrumetum, [FONT=&quot]Carthage, Hippo Regia[FONT=&quot], [FONT=&quot]Utica [FONT=&quot]and Oea[/FONT].[/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT][/FONT]

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]To be continued.
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