This is for the anniversary of rast's A Shift In Priorities. It turns 4 years old on the 17th. But I figured I'd have it out early. But it's for those of you who haven't been reading it or for those beloved fans who would like to re-read it. There is no discussion only updates in this thread. If you would like to see any recent or future updates also to discuss the TL head over to this link....A Shift In Priorities Anyway thank you rast for having such an awesome and ongoing TL. But here you go.....
A Shift in Priorities Retread
A Shift In Priorities
After Generals von Hindenburg and Ludendorff had already scorned the demonstration of the so-called “Bremer-Wagen”, an early but very flawed German attempt in tank construction, in March 1917, the failed Entente tank actions near Arras and Juvincourt in April 1917 did mislead the German high command to the believe that the tank was not a decisive weapon and should be neglected.
The prospect of success for the German tank designs that were to be demonstrated and tested near Mainz in mid-May 1917 thus was rather gloomy. The high command was represented by Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer, originally the specialist for heavy artillery, but now also responsible for resource allocation and cooperation with the home industries. Above all, Bauer had Ludendorff’s ear and was usually able to influence Ludendorff towards the way Bauer saw things. Regarding tanks, Bauer had a negative stance from the start. He knew that the horse supply was going down and was very much interested to get lorries and tractors built that could replace horses as means of traction for the artillery. Tanks would only drain resources away from this, therefore tank construction had to be limited to the minimum, if not to be stifled at all.
Tests on the sandy training ground near Mainz soon showed that the only project that promised some success was the A7V, but even the A7V was not really convincing. The Chief of Field Motor Transport, Colonel Hermann Meyer, was in the meanwhile propagating a far more ambitious project: The Kolossal-Kampfwagen (short: K-Wagen), a monster in the class of 150 metric tons.
To Bauer, all this amounted to waste of resources. The War Ministry was favouring their A7V design, Meyer wanted his K-Wagen. He would have to concede some further design and construction to both, just to placate them. But generally he had already decided to cut this waste as short as possible. Let the specialists toy along with their favourites, but direct almost all resources to really important goals.
This was the state of affairs, when – by chance, during a coffee break – Bauer came into conversation with Joseph Vollmer, the chief constructor of the A7V vehicle.
Vollmer freely admitted that the A7V had been his first attempt in tank construction, and that with the knowledge he had today, he could design far better armoured assault vehicles. He also thought that the K-Wagen was a waste of time, effort and resources and expressed his conviction that small fighting vehicles were best suited for actual combat and the meagre German resource basis.
On this Bauer replied that armoured fighting vehicles must not get in the way of mobility for the field artillery. The field artillery was the most important companion of the infantry, if their guns became immobile for lack of horses, the armoured fighting vehicles alone could decide nothing. Therefore it was better to allocate resources to lorries and tractors instead of tanks.
Vollmer pondered this for some seconds, then he asked: “So, why not put the guns on tracks? Instead of towing them along, let’s install them on the tracked chassis and protect the gun crew by armour plates. – Wouldn’t that be far better then mere traction?”
“And how many of these could be built with the few resources we have? – Consider: The are many thousands of artillery pieces.”
“If we skip K-Wagen and A7V and concentrate on small vehicles that just carry a 7,7 cm cannon with crew and ammunition, several hundreds. We could use the engines of existing passenger cars that have been mothballed for lack of tyres and petrol.”
Bauer hesitated. He had always sought a way to tow the guns into combat. This now was different – not applicable to all field guns in the German inventory, there were just too many of them – but certainly promising for an offensive, which always would have a rather small point of main effort… He also saw the advantage of not having to unlimber the guns under enemy fire; they would be combat ready and protected all the time.
“Let me have your ideas on short notice, with a sketch of a possible vehicle, the resources required and the time to come up with a prototype.”
Vollmer’s new design received the name “Kanonen-Mobil”, short “Kanobil”. It was a 18 metric tons tracked vehicle carrying the proven 7,7 cm canon FK 96 n.A., which was smaller and lighter than the more modern FK 16. The first prototype became ready in August 1917 – and it did convince Bauer, who in turn convinced Ludendorff…
So, when by the end of November 1917, the British ruptured the German front line west of Cambrai with hundreds of their rhomboid tanks, they did not shake the German high command out of a complacency regarding tanks. The news only made Ludendorff nod. Yes, Bauer had been right again. Good that 800 Kanobils were already under construction for the planned German spring offensive. Perhaps another batch should be ordered?
“Have Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer come over.” Ludendorff tasked an aide. “I need to talk to him.”
Trial and Experiment
Not without regret did Captain Willy Rohr, commanding officer of the elite Assault Battalion No. 5, watch how the Kanobils churned his former fine assault infantry training ground near Doncourt into a muddy mess. He had been charged with the task to find procedures and tactics for this new weapon. Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer knew that he, Rohr, was the most competent evaluator for technical equipment to be used in combat with the German Army, and he had no qualms to task him with developing this new arm into something useful.
30 Kanobils and their crews had arrived at Pierrepont rail station five weeks ago, accompanied by a technical echelon and a bunch of mechanical engineers, headed by Joseph Vollmer himself.
The Kanobil looked like a coffin fitted with tracks on both sides, the cannon sticking out front and the exhaust at rear. There was a small fixed turret on top, the observation post of the vehicle commander. The maximum velocity was about 15 km/h on hard surface and 9 to 10 km/h on soft ground. The Kanobil could travel approximately 40 to 50 kilometres if required to return to base, or 80 to 90 kilometres if fuel supply did follow up. It carried 120 rounds for the 7,7 cm cannon, in a mix of 40% grapeshot, 50% explosive and 10% massive shells. Technical reliability was still an issue: About one third of the vehicles didn’t start at all or went out of action before even commencing the mission, and more than half of the rest didn’t finish any given mission for technical reasons. But Vollmer was confident that serviceablity could be raised so that two thirds of the Kanobils sent out would successfully complete their task.
Bauer had only outlined that the Kanobils should accompany the infantry and act like conventional accompanying artillerie batteries. But Rohr had soon realised that the potential of the Kanobils was much higher. They were a weapon that could push forward the attack, so why waste them lingering around? Fire and movement was the key to success, the Kanobils had fire power and they could move fast even over difficult terrain. Shell holes were no real problem, but very wide trenches might stop them. This was a problem of reconnaisance before the mission. If there were wide trenches, the Kanobils could be equipped with fascines, like the English had done with their „Tanks“ at Cambrai five weeks ago.
The Kanobil could fire while moving, but tests quickly reveiled that this wouldn’t result in any hits. So, for aiming and shooting, the vehicle had to stop in order to be able to destroy the target. That meant one portion of the vehicles would move forward, while another portion covered them with fire. The artillerists, which formed the major part of the crews, suggested platoons of two vehicles, just like their two gun platoons in the artillery regiments. But that was of course nonsense, a platoon must be able to have two covering guns, two moving guns, plus the platoon commander, thus five Kanobils in total. That led to a company of three plattons with 15 vehicles plus the one for the company commander and two as his reserve, adding up to a total of 18 Kanobils in one company. That was exactly the fire power of one complete artillery battalion. It would be used in support of an attacking infantry battalion on front of 500 to 600 metres. That really would be a „Schwerpunkt“ (point of gravity).
But the Kanobils could do more, they could flatten wire obstacles by simply rolling over them. They could eliminate enemy strong points – and they could speed ahead and destroy the enemy artillery.
There also were shortcomings: The vehicles didn’t carry a single machine gun. They couldn’t straddle trenches and use machine guns to suppress the trench garrison.
Rohr had already proposed that the second lot of Kanobils should also encompass machine gun armed vehicles, and that those already completed as gun carriers should receive an aperture on each long side to operate a machine gun if required.
He also had proposed to construct some vehicles without guns, these could carry supplies and be used for recovery. A Kanobil battalion should have three companies of combat vehicles and one echelon of supply carriers and recovery crafts. Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer had already agreed to these changes.
Now, Lieutenant Krug, one of Rohr’s training supervisors, had come up with the idea to use gunless vehicles to carry along infantry squads, so that the Kanobils could have infantry protection when they tackled the enemy artillery.
Rohr sighed, he very clearly saw where this all was leading to. Thank Goodness that Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer was behind all this, otherwise the established brotherhood of those who rejected change in general and this revolution in special would already have thoroughly sabotaged the effort for a new kind of warfare. But the Bauer – Ludendorff connection warranted that all negative interference would be coldly suppressed. Rohr had spent three years attempting to optimise infantry attacks by close coordination of fire and movement. He had created the assault infantry. And now he had found something that was far more effective – and he was determined to bring this new arm to success. He would create the assault artillery! It was high time that this bloody war came to a positive end!
Getting Ready
Max Bauer very much enjoyed the struggle to integrate assault artillery – his assault artillery! – into the German tactic of all arms attack. General Ludendorff had been won over when inspecting the Leaders‘ and General Staff Training Course Sedan, where a whole division had demonstrated an attack, supported by two battalions of Kanobils. But others had still been entrenched in resistance to change. The mulish Chief of Operations Ia, Wetzell, had almost driven him to frenzy. The Ic, Major Vollard-Bockelberg, responsible for military hardware, was hardly better. Finally, Bauer had dragged both away from the supreme command staff and given them a free ride on some Kanobils, including a life fire exercise. That had done the job.
The younger officers of the supreme command staff (Oberste Heeresleitung – OHL) had quickly grasped the advantage that the Kanobils offered. Especially Captain Geyer, who had composed the original manual „Attack in Position Warfare“, was a great help in adapting the manual to incorporate Kanobil use.
But the paper lions of the War Ministry in Berlin were the worst of all. Still sullying that he had overridden them in Kanobil production, they had really done everything to throw sticks between his spokes. The Kanobils were motor vehicles, so they must go the motor transport branch! – Nonsense, the motor transport branch was a rear area service, the members of which were famous for their black market deals, not for their braveness in battle. It had cost him three weeks to get this imbecile idea revoked. The artillery had the right offensive spirit, the Kanobils would remain with the artillery. The motor transport branch proved even unable to provide a sufficient number of drivers, but the artillerists were eager enough to train drivers of their own.
Another problem had been to find the right kind of artillerists. His original idea had been to convert whole regiments coming from the eastern front into Kanobil units. But Captain Rohr had convinced him that this was not the best solution. Eastern front units weren’t used to western front conditions, they needed some time to customise. It was better to replace western front regiments by eastern front regiments and use the former for Kanobil crews.
Bauer had not lingered along and asked for volunteers for the new arm, transformation to Kanobil had been ordered. 25 field artillery regiments each had supplied one of their battalions.
21 Kanobil battalions were ready for the offensive, each counting 70 Kanobils. More were under formation, but would not become ready for „Michael“, which was scheduled to start next week, on March 21st.
Fifteen battalions would go to 17th Army and six to 18th Army. It had been another struggle to achieve this distribution, but it was pointless to scatter the Kanobils evenly all over the front. The vehicles were designed for use at the „Schwerpunkt“ (point of gravity), there were a breakthrough was intended. Bauer was very confident that the Britsh front lines at Arras and St.Quentin would be ruptured and British 3rd and 5th armies would be caught in a big cauldron.
Into Combat
Unteroffizier Hermann Schultz, commander of the Kanobil „Dagmar“ of 2nd Company, 7th Kanobil-Battalion, peered suspiciously in direction enemy. The artillery was still raging, and would continue to do so until 09:40 hours, still more than one hour...
Paulsen, the driver, was sleeping in his seat to the right side of the gun. Gräbner, the gunner, Velten, the loader, and Rothmann, the machine gunner, were playing Skat, while Kottmeier, the flashlight operator, was writing a letter. They all knew their task, they had exercised on three different training grounds, had been inspected twice and received the label „combat ready with excellence“. Nevertheless, the prospect of attacking a very strong enemy position left Schultz with a itching feeling of uncertainty. He looked again on his small scale map, produced from most recent arial photographs. This was not going to be easy...
„Dagmar“ was a Kanobil of most recent production, which Schultz and his crew had only received one week ago, handing in their old „Doris“. „Dagmar“ had a coaxial machine gun in an armoured cover besides the gun and apertures left and right to mount another machine gun. Gräbner was an excellent gunner, only rivalled by Sammy Katz of the „Frederike“ crew.
The 2nd Company would advance ahead of the infantry, their task was, together with 1st Company, to attain the enemy artillery positions as fast as possible and to destroy as many enemy guns as possible. While the 1st would turn right, 2nd would turn left once they were upon the enemy artillery. Their task was not to conquer ground but to subdue the enemy artillery so that the infantry was enabled to advance. 3rd Company would support the advancing infantry.
09:10 hours. Time to start the engine. „All right, fellows, put away your cards. Time to wake Dagmar! – And Paulsen!“
It took two men to turn the starting crank. „Dagmar“ today was uncapricious, the engine started at once. Vollmer’s initial idea to use engines of mothballed passenger cars for the Kanobils had soon been overtaken by reality. The Kanobils needed more powerful traction, the 160 hp Mercedes DIII engine of the obsolete Albatros D.II fighter had finally been chosen.
09:20 hours. „Combat stations! – Get ready, men.“
Damned fog! Schultz cast a distrustful glance at the compass that was installed in the turret top.
„Driver ready for action!“ Paulsen reported.
„Gun loaded and combat ready!“ That was Gräbner.
„Front machine gun loaded and combat ready!“ shouted Rothmann while checking the side apertures.
„L-Blink ready.“ Kottmeier shared the turret with Schultz, there was no need to shout.
09:40 hours. „Kanobil forward march!“
Schultz observed „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde““ move ahead of „Dagmar“ and „Erna“ while the platoon leader‘s „Clara“ sped forward to catch up with the vanguard.
The Kanobils crossed the German wire obstacles, then „Dagmar“ and „Erna“ went into a surveilling position while „Anneliese“, „Brunhilde“ and „Clara“ approached the first British trench.
„Damned fog! – Paulsen, move forward!“
Schultz noticed that „Erna“ did not move forward. Had Warnicke better eyes than himself? – This was going to be a mess! An uncoordinated mob of Kanobils speeding forward...
Now „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ were blasting away at something. Something that Schultz couldn’t see. Shells were raining down around them.
„Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ moved on, into the British wire obstacles, still firing at something.
Schultz checked his map and his compass. Yes, they still were on track.
Gräbner fired. 250 metres ahead, an enemy machine gun position went into oblivition.
„Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ now dropped their fascines into the first enemy trench and went into surveilling position.
„Go ahead!“
Paulsen hit the speed pedal. „Gudrun“ jumped forward. Reaching the trench, Paulsen reduced velocity and smoothly traversed the fascine filled trench.
While Schultz laboured to determine where „Gudrun“ really was, Gräbner and Velten had a big time shooting at every Englishman they could see.
„Gun crew! Save ammunition! – Machine gunner, Take over!“
Schultz saw how shells errupted around „Anneliese“. But the Kanobil moved on, her cannon blasting.
„Go ahead! – Machine Gunner! Machine gun position at ten hundred hours, distance 400 metres, annihilate!“
Rothmann hammered along with the coaxial machine gun. Yes, another trench.
„Slowly, we need to drop our fascine here!“
Gräbner and Velten retracted the cannon, Paulsen stopped the Kanobil at the right position, Schultz unblocked the fascine. It dropped exactly where he wanted it to come down.
Battling it out
Unteroffizier Schultz checked his watch. 10:12 hours, they were in battle for just half an hour...
„Anneliese“, „Brunhilde“, „Clara“ and his „Dagmar“ were still together, while „Erna“ was lost. And where was the rest of the company?
„Clara“ and „Dagmar“ pressed forward, with „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ following slowly. Visibility still was bad, so was the chance of observation.
There was another Kanobil at right. Schultz used his binoculars. „Dietlinde“, written in white, 1st Company.
Gun blasts ahead. They had reached the enemy artillery. „Clara“ was hit and jolted but kept moving. The front armour of the Kanobils had a thickness of 40 millimetres, proof against field cannons.
„Paulsen, stop! - Gräbner, get them!“
But Gräbner had already taken aim and fired just when Schultz was shouting. The British gun rocked back, bodies were thrown into the air.
„Ten o’clock, another one!“
Paulsen took a slight curve to the left. This was the great drawback of the Kanobils, the limited traverse of their gun, only good between ten o’clock and 14 o’clock.
„Got him!“ shouted Gräbner. „Paulsen, stop her!“
Gräbner fired again, after Paulsen had arrested movement.
The platoon turned to the left now, following the line of the enemy guns.
Then „Anneliese“ was hit in the engine compartment and burst into flames. – There was a second line of enemy guns!
„Paulsen, swing to 15 o’clock! – Rothmann, machine gun on port side, see that they can’t turn their guns!“
„I see one!“ cried Gräbner. „Paulsen, stop her!“
The gun barked.
„Shit!“
But already two more shells found the British cannon.
Schultz watched how „Anneliese’s“ crew bailed out of the burning vehicle and took cover in a shell hole. At least there was no enemy infantry around with rifles and machine guns.
Rothmann engaged a British gun crew at „Dagmar’s“ left flank. These Tommies had grit. Working in the open, trying to pull their gun out of its emplacement and to swing around. Schultz saw them stagger and fall. Brave bastards!
Gräbner had espied another cannon and directed Paulsen to swing slightly to the right.
„Got it!“
Suddenly, a giant gong sounded, „Dagmar“ rocked, Schultz tumbled into Kottmeier and both went down.
Paulsen winced, holding his head. Gräbner looked up, his nose was broken and just starting to bleed. Velten and Rothmann seemed to be alright. Kottmeier kicked against the broken L-Blink 17.
„Paulsen! Reverse gear! Get us out of here!“
Rothmann opened fire with the coaxial machine gun, spraying the British gun positions ahead.
While „Dagmar“ edged slowly to the rear, Velten directing Paulsen, Schultz saw several bulky shapes closing in from behind. „Fredericke“ and „Gudrun“ he could make out. II. Platoon was arriving.
„About time...“ he muttered.
They found a small scrape where „Dagmar“ went into cover. Gräbner was out of action, nose broken, eyes swelling.
„Velten, can you do it?“
„Sure, I’m not Old Shatterhand Gräbner, but I’ll do what I can.“ Schultz motioned Kottmeier to take over Velten’s old position.
Schultz looked at his watch: 11:15 hours.
„Dagmar“ advanced again, joined „Brunhilde“. „Clara“ had been hit in the track, Vizefeldwebel Klein had relocated to „Brunhilde“.
Schultz saw Klein waving.
„Bring her alongside „Brunhilde““ he told Paulsen.
„II. and III. Platoon will roll up the artillery to the left. We two go straight. There must be some heavy guns ahead.“ Klein shouted over. „Let’s go!“
Hope and Confidence
Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer was seething with impatience. Nobody seemed to know anything, and nobody seemed to be worried because of that.
He had paced the floor at Avesenes-les-Sec, where the Operational Division of the OHL had taken quarter, waiting for news from the battlefield. The battle was raging for ten hours now. And what did OHL know about it? – „Oh, it’s going well.“ – „What is going on in your sector?“ – „Yes, we’ve breached the first enemy line.“ – „Where are your forward units now?“ – „No idea, we’ve lost contact.“ – It was utterly frustating.
There had been no point to drive to Mons, to the HQ of Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht, but the HQ of 17th Army was right in the next village, Saint Amand.
But did 17th Army know more than OHL? No, they did not.
The Chief of Staff, General Lieutenant Krafft von Delmensingen, wasn’t worried at all.
„Bauer, what do you want? – That’s normal. All orders have been given. – And the men are now out fighting, fighting for their life. – Do you think the divisional commanders know where their units are?“
„But how can you control the battle?“
„By the orders His Royal Highness is issuing and by the trust that our soldiers will follow these orders.“
Bauer had gone ahead and visited the aerodrome near-by. Perhaps the flyers did know something?
Schlasta 36 had had a busy day.
„Until the fog lifted, we could do little. But afterwards, it became a great day. – We’ve lost five planes, but we’ve also shown the Tommies who’s ahead. The Hannover is a fine aircraft for strafing.“
Yes, there was a huge gap in the British lines, into which the German infantry divsions were now marching. Kanobils? O Yes, they had done the job. On the map? Yes, sure.
„Willy and Oskar, come over please, I need some help with the map!“
To expect exact unit designations from the airmen was – of course – hopeless. But they could supply a general picture: South of Arras, a corridor about ten kilometres wide had been breached, approximately 15 kilometres deep by nightfall, own units were moving in, a lot of infantry and a lot of Kanobils, also guns and engineers about.
This sounded as if things really were going as planned...
The Bapaume – Peronne Pocket
During the night, the picture became clearer as reports were now coming in great number. 17th Army had broken through the British lines south of Arras and was advancing on Albert. 18th Army had broken through at St.Quentin and was heading for Chaulnes. 2nd Army kept up the pressure on the British lines between Moeuvres and Belleglise. A pocket was forming around British 3rd and 5th Armies.
It had been Lieutenant-Colonel Wetzell’s idea to avoid the „Somme Desert“ and most of the „Alberich Solitude“ by cutting along the Sensée towards the Ancre and along the land bridge between Omignon and Somme. There were some good roads that could be used to shuttle forwards supplies, but the masses of troops and trains nevertheless led to unbelievable congestions. This, however, had been anticipated, military police and special cavalry patrols were trying to sort out things.
The Kanobil Battalions did not suffer from major supply problems. The unarmed supply vehicles could drive cross country and all units were using the dark hours to re-stock ammunition and fuel, while the sergeant majors were struggling hard to bring the field kitchens forward.
The Germans expected British 3rd Army to try to break out to the northwest. This was the best way to link up again with the rest of the BEF, which could support the breakout by attacks from the north and northwest. For this reason the bulk of the Kanobil battalions had been given to 17th Army. It was hoped to succeed in closing the ring around the Brits between Albert and Chaulnes while these were attacking south of Arras.
There was a British tank battalion to the southwest of Arras, near Wailly, outside the pocket and belonging to British 1st Army. It was thought that this unit would attack in the early morning of March 22nd. If the Brits coordinated well, 3rd Army‘s three tank battalions around Bapaume might join the effort from inside the pocket.
British 5th Army’s reaction was more difficult to predict. They had three options: Joining 3rd Army in the drive to the northwest, try to break out in direction west or go southeast in order to link up with the French. The move to the west was the most dangerous variant, as this might spoil the closing of the cauldron. 5th Army’s three tank battalions could bring some unpleasant surprise here. Therefore, the numerous battle aircraft squadrons of 18th German Army had been tasked to especially strafe these tank battalions tomorrow.
Max Bauer finally decided to catch some sleep. Not much, only two or three hours, that ought to suffice. He was now confident that the two British armies could be annihilated. Once this had been accomplished, it was time to deal with the rest of the BEF.
Tanks versus Kanobils
Unteroffizier Hermann Schultz, commander of the Kanobil „Dagmar“ of 2nd Company, 7th Kanobil-Battalion, scratched his bald head.
Already during the night, they had transshipped ammunition and fuel from damaged „Clara“ to „Brunhilde“ and „Dagmar“. Unfortunately, „Anneliese“ had burned out completely, and „Erna“ still hadn’t turned up. Gräbner was still out of action, but Hofmann from the „Clara“ crew had now taken his place.
Gräbner and the others from the „Clara“ and „Anneliese“ crews had found shelter in a British dugout for the time being, armed with „Clara’s“ machine guns and what ammunition remained.
Some infantry had arrived at least. Two platoons, led by a lieutenant, were digging in two hundred metres south of the Kanobils. The II. and III. Platoons of 2nd Company were in position to their right, both hardly in better shape than I. Platoon. Schultz had no idea who was on their left side, he had heard Kanobil noise but seen nothing.
No supply had reached them yet. And it was dawning.
There was a noise coming from the left. Schultz grabbed his binoculars.
Yes, it was a Naschobil, an unarmed supply vehicle, and... – it was dragging a field kitchen...
„Hey, boys, look up! Soup is coming!“
On top of the Naschobil sat Grabowsky, the company sergeant major.
Another Kanobil followed behind: „Erna“! – Trust a sergeant major to find his men...
„I hope you don’t mind stew for breakfast!“ Grabowsky shouted.
„Do you have coffee?“
„Always!“
„Stew and coffee will be fine for breakfast.“
While the „Erna“ crew, who already had had breakfast, bunkered ammunition and fuel into „Brunhilde“ and „Dagmar“, Öffner, the cook, who had come with Grabowsky, ladled out pork and beans stew and coffee to the crews of the latter Kanobils.
Vizefeldwebel Klein scanned the sky, while he spooned his stew. A lot of planes already up there, at first light...
„Schultz, use your binoculars. – Which enterprise is that up there?“
Schultz scanned upwards.
„Some of ours, but most are Englishmen... – Yes, a lot of English!“
„Not good... – Let’s get ready! – Grabowsky, thank you much, but you should move on, II. and III. Platoons are that way.“
Ten minutes later, a runner from the infantry arrived.
„English tanks are coming! – Twelve to fifteen of them, right over there!“
Dark shapes slowly appeared on a distant ripple.
„First Platoon, get ready for combat! English tanks at 13 o’clock!“
Moving targets! They never had practised that. And now, it was Hofmann at the gun, whom he didn’t know, and not Gräbner, the marksman. Schultz sighed. At least they had enough ammunition and fuel.
„Brunhilde“ opened fire.
A fountain of mud arose in front of the English tanks.
More fountains arose around the Kanobils. British artillery! They had destroyed quite a number of guns yesterday, but there must still be a lot of them left. These Englishmen were quick at regrouping... But their shells rained down between the Kanobils and spared the German infantry.
„Hofmann, don’t fire – let them come closer.“
Smaller dots appeared behind the British tanks. Infantry, at least a battalion.
„Paulsen, move left, one hundred metres.“
„Dagmar“ jerked, turned, sped ahead, finally turned again.
„Okay, Hofmann, let’s have a first attempt!“
The cannon barked, the shell exploded close to one of the tanks. And already the second shell went out. Hit! The English tank stopped moving. Hofmann sent another projectile into it.
„He’s done. – Aim at the next one!“
Machine gun bullets hammered against the front armour.
„Dagmar“ accounted for four tanks, „Brunhilde“ claimed five kills, „Erna“ for another three. The remaining British tanks, not more than two or three, retired to the rear. The enemy infantry, strafed by the coaxial machine guns, quickly dispersed and fell back.
„Pooh, that went better than expected...“
Crisis
The first indication came from a reconnaissance flight: „Strong enemy elements moving westwards in direction Combles, no own forces observed between Bapaume and Combles.“
This was British 5th Army, apparently choosing the most unfavourable option, i.e. moving west.
The second indication was an attack on the forward elements of 17th Army. „Unkown fast British (?) tanks advancing northeastwards, attack repulsed, but high casualties of own infantry. – Ammunition of 12th Kanobil Battalion spent 90%.“
The next information came from the aviators again. „Approximately 100 enemy tanks approaching Albert from direction Combles.“
17th Army reported that they had no forces to counter this threat. 12th Kanobil Bn couldn’t be resupplied before March 23rd, 17:00 hours.
18th Army had 8th Kanobil Bn at Cappy at the Somme and could send them north, reinforced by infantry riding on the vehicles.
It was a trap. 8th Kanobils were caught in the flank by numerous British guns while attacking the enemy tank force. Losses were heavy, only 20 vehicles rallied at Bray-sur-Somme. The losses of the infantry were even more grave. The unprotected Kanobil riders were mowed down by British machine guns.
No own forces were now left to stop 5th British Army from breaking out of the pocket.
Closing the bag
The night from March 22nd, 1918, to March 23rd was one of extreme bustle at the OHL. The impending breakout of 5th British Army had to be prevented by all means. More convential artillery had to take over fire support for the infantry, thus releasing some Kanobil formations for another strike. The Kanobils had to manoeuvre to favourable positions. Air support had to be organised, a difficult task because the airfields still all were located on former „German“ ground, far away from the projected battlefield near Albert.
General Otto von Below’s 17th Army was responsible for the execution. For the task, they had been given Jastas 20, 23, 25, 27, 32, Bavarian 35, 49, 58 and 59; plus Schlastas 28, 29, 31, 34, 36, 37 and 38. Assault Battalion No.3 from 2nd Army was to reinforce their Assault Battalion No.8.
At 06:35 hours in the morning, they reported that Kanobil Battalions 1, 2, 3, 7, 14 and 17 would be tasked and that the attack was scheduled to commence at 14:25 hours, striking right through the „Somme Desert“ down to the Somme, where 18th Army held some bridgeheads north of the river.
The 7th Kanobils were gathering. The three combat companies together numbered 34 vehicles. Two days ago there had been 52.
The 2nd Company still had eleven Kanobils. First Lieutenant Pfeifer, the CO, was dead. Lieutenant Kubrich was now in charge. He had convened a commanders‘ meeting for 09:30 hours.
„Yesterday, the English have trapped our comrades by drawing them on their tanks and catching them in the flank with artillery. Therefore, we will follow behind 3rd Battalion and cover their flank. Behind us will be 14th Battalion with the task of covering our flank. – Our company will be in lead, behind us will come 3rd company, 1st company will follow on our right side. – Signal to develop will be the green flag. II. and III. Platoons will go in line, I. Platoon will follow centrally, ready to extend the front to the left.“
At 10:00 hours, the 7th Kanobils marched southwards to an assembly area north of Bapaume. At 11:30 hours, Grabowsky arrived with lunch. He also had some „Schnaps“ (booze), a bottle for each Kanobil crew, and tabacco, the good stuff from a conquered English quartermaster’s store. Schultz managed to talk two bottles of booze out of Grabowsky.
At 14:00 hours, everything was ready. To the right, there was an ad-hoc formation of about 30 Naschobils, carrying assault infantry squads. They had the task to take Bapaume, together with 17th Kanobils.
Above them, the sky was filled with aircraft. Great circus, this. Fortunately, the flyers were busy with their opposing colleagues and had no time to badger the men on the ground.
14:25 hours: Advance!
Schultz was thankful that there was no dust. The Kanobils threw up mud but visibility remained good. No fog today, good for the gunners.
They passed by Bapaume. Some guns fired on them but in turn were engaged by the 17th Kanobils. Then the Naschobils arrived and spat out assault troopers and flame thrower crews.
Gun fire from nine o’clock! One of 3rd Bn’s vehicles burst into flames. Green flag! Schultz passed the signal on.
„Gudrun“ veered to the left, „Erna“ and „Brunhilde“ beside her.
Schultz scanned the ground.
There they were!
„Gun emplacement at 11 o’clock, 500 metres!“
„Seen!“ shouted Gräbner who had taken his old position again. „Paulsen, stop!“
Another enemy battery opened fire in their flank. But already 3rd Company had attained their left side and engaged the English guns.
At about 17:30 hours it was over. The British enfilading positions were eliminated, the British tanks destroyed, the British infantry dead or in full retreat. The cauldron around British 3rd and 5th Armies had been closed. How many enemy formations had managed to escape during the night was not known. But the reconnaissance flyers reported only supply columns, no artillery, infantry or cavalry west of the Ancre.
Victory in Sight
Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer had ample reason to be pleased. His creation, the assault artillery, had earned Germany a dazzling success: Two British armies, approximately 15 divisions strong, had been caught in a huge cauldron. All attemps at breakout had been smashed. The number of British defectors from the cauldron was rising by the hour. 2nd German Army was now slowly but steadily advancing while the British were evacuating their old positions.
Own losses were admissible. In total, the infantry had not suffered much. Kanobil losses were around one third, but crew losses were far less. Replacements were under way. It had already been decided not to rise new formations but to replenish the existing battalions.
The air service had suffered most, being forced to fight far away from their bases and over enemy territory. This was unpleasant as skilled pilots were not in ample supply. Now more peaceful sectors of the front and the home defense forces were scanned for replacement pilots.
Technically, the Kanobils had stood the test. Their reliability was good with only 25 percent of the losses a result of technical failure. They had come out of combat clearly on top of the British tanks.
Vollmer and his gang of engineers had done an excellent job. At present, they were examining the new fast British tank type that had been met and knocked out in combat between Courcelette and Flers.
All Kanobil units had been relieved from infantry support by conventional artillery and were currently replenishing and resting.
To the south, three divisions of the III. British corps had not been stricken by 18th Army’s attack. It was believed that these divisions were now under French control while French forces were starting to arrive in numbers. Their attacks had all been repulsed so far.
To the west of the cauldron, there were about four British divisions, providing a weak veil but clearly incapable of offensive action.
To the north, arrival of first elements of the elite Canadian Corps had been detected around Arras.
General Ludendorff intended to strike at Arras and to advance in direction northwest into „the soft belly of the BEF“. In order to pin down the British forces, Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht was to conduct a diversionary attack west of Lille.
All Kanobil battalions would be relocated to the Arras sector. The plan was to strike on March 26th. The Kanobils had proven to be ideal for combat in urban environment. Their cannons could demolish even large buildings with a couple of shells.
The use of Naschobils as troops carriers had been a great idea by 17th Army. An order for more unarmed vehicles had already been placed.
Max Bauer thought that one more big battle would be fought around Arras. Thereafter, the British would be done. The Belgian King seemed to have the same impression. Secret negotiations between German and Belgian diplomats were already going on in Switzerland.
Preparing the Battle of Arras
Lieutenant General Konrad Krafft von Delmensingen, Chief of Staff 17th German Army, did not believe that the Canadian Corps had been deployed for the defense of Arras. The Canadians were renowned for their offensive spirit. Their task certainly was to open the cauldron and link with 3rd British Army.
For an attack, one thing was imperatively needed: Artillery. Aerial reconnaissance had already detected some new batteries, there might be a lot more yet undetected.
Another ingredient were tanks. The British tank force had been badly mauled: 2nd Tank Brigade almost annihilated in 3rd Army’s attempt to break out in direction Arras. 3rd and 4th Tank Brigades perished in the battle between Peronne and Albert. 4th Tank Battalion and the English Guards Division destroyed when they attacked in support of 3rd Army’s breakout attempt.
What remained was 1st Tank Brigade, found by the airmen northwest of Arras now, in an excellent dislocation to support the Canadians.
Krafft had little doubt that the Canadians were hastily preparing an attack. But he hoped that the German attack could be launched while the Canadians were still in the preparation phase.
Krafft knew that new methods, like the use of the Kanobils, could score some nice initial successes, but that the enemy eventually would come up with an own new way to counter one’s new method. Therefore he thought that the „conventional“ use of the Kanobils would run into difficulties this time.
He had convinced General von Below that the counter artillery Kanobil battalions would not precede the infantry attack from the south towards Arras, but would be launched from the east, from the old front line. They would advance north of the Scarpe and attack the British guns, which were aligned to fire southwards, from the side.
The bulk of the Kanobil force would of course advance from south to north in direct support of the attacking infantry, but the death blow for the British artillery was to be delivered by a dash from east to west.
As it happened, General Arthur W. Currie, the CO of the Canadian Corps, had realised that the Germans were preparing to attack his forces – and that he could not hope to beat them to it. So, he decided to serve them some nasty surprises.
Then, aerial reconnaissance reported that more than one hundred Kanobils had been seen moving north of the Scarpe. Now, this really was interesting...
No Quarter
„The Battle of Arras is remarkable for several reasons:
a. It brought about the destruction of the Canadian Corps, which in consequence led to the annihilation of the British Army in France.
b. It convinced King Albert and the Belgian Government to ask Germany for terms.
c. It was fought with unparalleled ferocity. The number of Canadian prisoners of war was the lowest of all western front battles in 1918.
d. It saw the introduction of effective anti-Kanobil measures, which formed the basis for post war developments in all countries.
e. It triggered the construction of turreted Kanobils by the Germans.
The Battle in fact started far north, on the Lys River, where the German barrage started at 04:00 hours on March 26th, 1918. The attack of units of the 6th German Army brought some important initial successes, which persuaded the British High Command to stop the transport of the Australian Corps to the Arras front.
Only at 10:00 hours, after the infantry attack at the Lys had already started, did the barrage around Arras commence. Shells started to rain from two directions: East and south. The Germans had concentrated more than 2,500 guns, orchestrated by the capable Colonel Georg Bruchmüller.
After four hours, German infantry and Kanobils advanced from the south, while a force of five Kanobils battalions pierced the British front line north of the Scarpe River. These latter units had been tasked to destroy the British-Canadian field artillery in their positions north of the river.
But because the Canadians had been warned about this force, all guns had been moved to the south bank of the Scarpe, quite a number of them now facing north. Consequently, the Kanobils suffered substantially from flanking fire but were hardly able to silence the enemy guns. Only in four places did Kanobil units manage to ford the Scarpe, but all vehicles were eventually destroyed. But the Kanobils nevertheless sealed off the north side of the battle ground and prevented reinforcements from getting in as well as retreating Canadians from getting out.
This left the decision to the infantry – Kanobil force that advanced from the south.
While above them German aeroplanes slowly eked out the upper hand over their British and French opponents, the German soldiers and their armoured support guns methodically annihilated their Canadian adversaries. The Canadians truly fought like lions. German veterans still today remember this battle as the fiercest one they ever were in. Land mines and hidden enfilading guns reduced the Kanobils as did bundled charges wielded by the Canadian infantry. But in revenge, the Kanobils destroyed machine gun emplacements, dug outs, field guns and command posts.
The street and house-to-house fighting in Arras was an epic battle inside the battle. Bavarian, Württemberg and Hessian regiments demonstrated that they were absolutely equal in ferocity and fighting spirit to the Canadian volunteers. They paid a high price, but they overwhelmed their foes.
On the morning of March 27th, it was over. The Canadian Corps had ceased to exist. General Arthur Currie was dead, killed at Saint-Catherine north of the Scarpe, where he had tried to organise a break out of his last battalions.
German casualties were heavy, very heavy in deed. Much heavier than on March 21st, almost as heavy as those of the Meuse passage in 1914. But while the Meuse passage had been fought only against relatively weak French rear guards, this one had been fought against the most elite formation of the enemy.
Kanobil losses were at 65 percent. But of these, only one fifth were total losses, the remainder could be repaired. Crew casualties were about 15 percent.
In the air, the German flyers had broken their British adversaries. The Royal Flying Corps had lost all offensive capacity. The prominent location of Arras in a triangle between the German lines had clearly favoured the Germans. But the Germans did not go unharmed: Richthofen, Udet, Loerzer and Goering were dead, as were too many of their co-pilots.
But despite all these losses, the Germans were the masters of Northern France. The end of the British Forces in France now only was a matter of time.“
from:
„Epic Battles of the Great War“ by Carl Koetsman, Amsterdam & Köln, 1935
Rest and Refit
Finishing the British Army in France was seen as a „normal“ operation now that could be executed by the „normal“ field army without Kanobil support. 17th Army was given the task of leading the march northwards into the „soft belly“ of the Brits.
The Kanobil force was concentrated around Cambrai for rest and refit.
„Dagmar“ had survived the Battle of Arras, as had her crew. But „Erna“ had been destroyed by a bundled charge thrown under her belly, and „Brunhilde“ had run on a land mine, shearing her left track. That meant that Vizefeldwebel Klein was now riding on „Dagmar“ too, something Unteroffizier Schultz did not appreciate very much.
The company was billeted at Awoingt, east of Cambrai. Right at the moment, there were only six Kanobils – but another eight were either already under repair or still awaiting salvage. Three complete Army Motor Transportation Depots had been dedicated to work for the Kanobil force.
Maintenance and small repairs on „Dagmar“ took three days. Then the whole crew was sent on leave for one week. Going home...
On April 10th, they were back at Awoingt. „Brunhilde“ was there now too, as was „Clara“, salvaged from the old breakthrough battlefield of March 21st. „Anneliese 2“ and „Erna 2“ had joined the platoon from the factory.
Lieutenant Kubrich had called for another commanders‘ conference.
„All right, gentlemen, we’re at 100 percent again. – And already have been given a new assignment. – We’ll entrain tomorrow here at Awoingt and travel to the Argonne!“
„The Argonne? – But that‘s no ideal battle ground for Kanobils!“
„You’re right, it isn’t. But it is ideal for concealing Kanobils. – My personal guess is that we will have to pince off the Verdun Salient by attacking from the Argonne in direction of St.Mihiel. But that is only a guess. – Although it would mean a heavy blow for French morale...“
A Prize of Glory
It was not without utter surprise that Colonel Edgar von Wolf had accepted his appointment as „Kommandeur der Kanobil Bataillone“ (commanding officer of the Kanobil battalions). He had been even more surprised when he learned that he would have two professional general staff officers on his staff. Himself being a Saxon field artillery man, his Ia was the Württemberg Major Friedrich Muff, who came from the Chefkraft (chief of motor transport) staff, and his Ib the Bavarian Major Hugo Baur, who had been a staff officer in the railway section of HQ Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht.
A Saxon, a Württemberger and a Bavarian. Well, it almost seemed as if the Prussians were shy to get involved with the Kanobils. But, on the other hand, almost all his battalion commanders were Prussians.
While during the initial operations at the Arras – St.Quentin front, his staff had only been seen as a provider, and tactical employment had been executed in accordance to Assault Battalion No.5‘s manual on tactical use of the Kanobils and the intentions of 17th and 18th Army Commands, here in 3rd Army sector, they were seen as the specialists, which in deed they had become, for optimal usage of the Kanobil force.
From the original 21 battalions, two had been dissolved after Arras in order to allow the remainder to gain full strength again, and five were retained in vicinity of Cambrai as OHL reserve. That left 14 battalions for „Operation Roland“, the bold stroke to St.Mihiel via St.Menehould and Chaumont-sur-Aire.
At St.Mihiel, Armee Abteilung C would also mount an attack, of the conventional kind and with limited objective, while 5th Army would exercise some pressure north of Verdun.
The trick was to very rapidly rupture the enemy‘s front line, disable a sizeable portion of his artillery and thus to allow the own infantry to advance quickly. The seizure of St.Menehould would bring the rail line to Verdun under German control and thus effectively impede any French attempt to shuttle in reinforcements.
The weather was very bad, constant rain, ideal to get the Kanobils and the artillery into position without being detected by enemy aerial reconnaissance. The start of „Roland“ was now set for April 16th, 07:00 hours.
On April 13th, the encircled 3rd and 5th British Armies capitulated for lack of food and ammunition. On April 15th, 18th German Army finally took Amiens from the French, after more than one week of bitter street fighting. On the same day, 17th German Army took St.Omer and Hazebrouck.
„Roland“ took the French by complete surprise. They had expected the Germans to finish rounding up the BEF before they turned to the next enemy. Within few hours, the front line between Tahure and Apremont was breached, the artillery positions destroyed and command posts annihilated. German infantry, supported by Kanobils poured through the gap. Once the gap had been created, there was nothing to stop the Germans. French reserves had all gone to Picardy and the protection of Paris.
German losses were relatively light. Especially the anti-Kanobil measures of the Arras battle had apparently not yet been digested by the French in Lorraine. The famous French 75 mm field cannons proved to be as unable to penetrate the frontal armour of the Kanobils as previously had their British 18 pounder counterpieces.
And again, the logistic support provided by the Naschobils was an important contribution to victory.
On April 17th, 14:25 hours, the vanguard of the advancing „Roland“ force linked up with the vanguard of the „Olifant“ as the Army Detachment C attack had been duped. Now, the fortress of Verdun and the French part of the Argonne had become another huge cauldron.
At 19:30 hours, General Karl von Einem, CO of 3rd German Army, had the pleasure to put the decoration „Pour le Merite“ around Colonel von Wolf’s neck and to confide to him that his rank was now Major General.
On the same day, German 17th Army made contact with the Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque Line, where the last battle worthy units of the BEF, including the crack Australian Corps, were preparing to deliver a last ditch defense.
News of the British last stand resulted in an immediate order to deploy the OHL reserve Kanobils. At the same time, Major General von Wolf received a warning order that his „Roland“ battalions were urgently needed up north and that they should prepare for entrainement on April 18th.
War Council
While fresh infantry divisions, the Kanobil battalions and Georg Bruchmüller’s battering train moved towards the Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque Line, the German political and military leaders met at Spa on April 20th, 1918. The question was how to proceed after the BEF had been eliminated.
That it had to be eliminated was not in doubt. It could not be allowed to ship out to Britain. Every single British PoW was needed for the expected negotiations with Britain.
But how to handle France? Stage another offensive? Or offer peace? And if peace, which one?
And what about the Americans?
Foreign Secretary of State Richard von Kühlmann started by explaining the results of the negotiations with the Belgian and Luxemburg Governments:
The armistice with Belgium was already in effect and an agreement had been reached. Belgium would become an ally of the German Empire under its own king, its own laws and its own parliament. Belgium would be granted tariff union with the German Empire. Germany would recompense damages to personal health and private property caused by German Forces under a special agreement. There would be German Army garrisons at fortresses of Liège, Namur, and Antwerp, while the German Navy would have bases at Nieuwpoort, Oostende and Zeebrugge. A special treaty would regulate the size, rights and obligations of the German Forces in Belgium. The deployment of the German Forces in Belgium was currently limited until June 30th, 1928, but an option for extension existed if both parliaments agreed. Belgium would retain Belgian Congo as colony, but had pledged the intention to consider a colonial union with adjacent German colonies.
Luxemburg would become a state of the German Empire under Grand Duchess Marie Adelheid. The adjacent territory to the east and the north, ceeded to Prussia in 1815, would be returned to the Grand Duchy. Luxemburg would have one seat in the Bundesrat and elect two deputies for the Reichstag. Luxemburg would undertain one army regiment that would be part of the country’s peace time garrison of one division.
Then General Erich Ludendorff expounded the military situation:
The British Forces in France were already substantially beaten. 735,500 prisoners of war, English, Canadian, Australian, New Zealandian, Irish and Portuguese had been captured since March 21st. Almost more importantly, nearly 150,000 horses and huge quantities of fodder had been captured. This was a great boost for the mobility of the entire army.
There was little doubt that the position at Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque would be breached in short order. Although the British were known to frantically evacuate troops to England, they had to keep their fighting units in line, thus only less important rear area formations could so far have been evacuated.
The final attack was planned to start the day after tomorrow. He was certain that the British pocket could be eliminated within two days.
The situation at the Verdun cauldron was calm and stable. The French forces were currently concentrated above Paris and no relief operation for Verdun seemed likely within the next fortnight.
The American forces were still neglectible, only four or five divisions could be considered combat ready right now.
The question was now: Attack the French first, inflict another defeat on them and offer negotiations after this – Or offer negotiations right now, after the British Forces had been eliminated? He proposed negotiations first.
As next, Vice Chancellor Friedrich von Payer reported on the civil situation:
Public morale was still good, borne by the hope of imminent peace – not victory, just peace. Everything that could be seen as prolongation of the war would have a negative impact on morale. People generally wanted the war to end, if this could be done victorously it would be appreciated. But, he reiterated, peace was more important than anything else. – The civil government therefore proposed an offer to France and the US for negotiations, once the British had been expulsed from French soil.
Admiral Henning von Holtzendorff, Chief of the Admiral Staff, referred about the naval situation:
The British submarine crews in the Baltic had scuttled their vessels in early April, therefore the Baltic was now completely under German control. – But apart from that, the general situation was unfavourable. The submarine war was not a complete failure but failed to produce decisive results, even the troop transports from the USA ran almost without being contested. The British had effectively mined the Dover Straights, this meant that the submarines in Flanders could no longer attack cross Channel traffic. The supremacy of the Royal Navy in terms of capital ships was compelling. Britain might be beaten in France, but Britannia still ruled the waves.
The meeting closed with the decision to offer negotiations to France and the US. Terms were to be worked out between General Ludendorff and State Secretary von Kühlmann.
Invitation to the Mouse Trap
On April 26th, 1918, at London, a thoroughly beaten Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig went into retirement and ignominy after having lost his army.
Initial counts established that only 545,800 men, of which about two thirds were wounded, had been evacuated to Britain. This meant a loss of almost 1,260,000 men since March 21st, 1918.
As the Germans admitted for 840,000 British and Commonwealth prisoners of war as a result of their „Great Battle in France“, that implied 420,000 dead and missing since March 21st. The debacle was acerbated by the fact that the unharmed evacuees consisted mainly of rear area scribes, rail and supply workers and non combatant Chinese and Negroe laborers, while the fighting units had perished in Northern France.
For all practical reasons, the British Expeditionary Force had ceased to exist.
It was therefore with rather subdued sentiments that the French leaders met at Paris to discuss the German note in the evening of April 26th.
Before the meeting started, General Philippe Pétain, Commander-in-Chief of the French Army, took Georges Clemenceau, the Prime Minister, aside. „I told you that the Germans would beat the British in open battle! – You didn’t believe me. – Well, they have been crushed and their debris swept from the continent. – And now it’s our turn to be beaten!“
The German note was rather short:
„In the light of recent events in Northern France, the Government of His Imperial Highness, Emperor Willhelm II, has come to the belief that further bloodshed will only prolongate human suffering without changing the outcome of the war. A request by the High Governments of the French Republic and the United States of America for an armistice therefore would be positively received.
Negotiations without preconditions for a peace settlement could be entered immediately after the terms of the armistice have been met.
Should an armistice not be requested until May 2nd, 18:00 hours Berlin time, the German Armed Forces will act according to the situation.“
President of State Raymond Poincaré posed the decisive question: „Do we have any prospect of checking them until the Americans are ready?“
At this, Pétain shook his head, but looked at General Ferdinant Foch, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Armies, to provide an answer.
Foch rose and explained: „Monsieur le Président, forget the Americans. – They cannot be ready in any sufficient number before September. The question thus is: Can we, the French alone, defeat les Boches? – And the answer is: No, we can’t. – They have the initiative right now and their strategy is to pinch off a portion of our strength, like at Verdun, digest it and thereafter isolate the next bit and munch it away. – Unfortunately, we do not have the means to stop them from doing that. They have wrecked the British Army in less than one month. They can and will do the same to us, if we do not ask for peace.“
„We should continue to fight!“ shouted Clemenceau. „We will fight in front of Paris, we will fight in Paris, we will fight behind Paris!“
„After fighting in front of Paris, there will be little left of our army.“ Foch replied.
„Then we’ll raise improvised armies, like in 1871!“
„That will work as badly as in 1871, devastate the country and provide the Boches an excuse to execute our men as Franc Tireurs. – Remember, we lost the war in 1871.“
„But perhaps we can delay them until the Americans are ready!“
„Perhaps, but it would require both armies, our’s and the Americans, to beat the Boches. Your proposal calls for the remainder of France turned into a desert – where the Boches then will beat the Americans after our army is long gone. – No, it’s hopeless. The Germans are right, we can prolong human suffering and utterly ruin our country, but we cannot change the outcome of this war.“
Now General Pétain took the word.
„I thank General Foch for his explanations. – Let me provide some annotations. As long as we are not beaten, our army remains an important factor in the bargain. The Boches know that we are no easy prey. They generally have more respect for us than they had for the British. If we allow them to cut us into pieces, this respect will vanish quickly. – Their new assault artillery, the Kanobils, are something for which we have no answer. We will have some hundred new Chars Renault combat ready in May, but they are no match for the German Kanobils, even less than the British tanks were. – Our men are tired of this war. If we do not accept the German offer, we risk mutinies like in 1917.“
„But as soon as we start negotiations, it will be impossible to bring our men to an offensive again!“ Clemenceau interrupted.
„As soon as we start negotiations, the same will most probably be true for the Boches. – By talking we can possibly get better results than by fighting.“
Armistice
Once the French leaders had arrived at the conclusion that a request for an armistice was inevitable, they still faced the task to arrange with their allies.
In Britain, Prime Minister David Lloyd George and his war cabinet were totally opposed to even talking with the Germans right now. This was a moment of maximum weakness, entering into pourparlers must be avoided, otherwise the Germans would get everything – and Britain would see happening all that for the prevention of which she had gone to war in 1914.
But the British were safe on their island, guarded by the mighty Royal Navy. The French had to face a very superior German Army on their own soil.
On the other hand, the Germans hadn’t even mentioned the British in their note. And diplomatic channels susurrated that the Germans had no intention to invite Lloyd George to negotiations. They waited for his downfall.
The Americans weren’t easy either. Although they had only a handful of divisions combat ready, the number of American troops in France approached one million. Neither President Wilson nor Secretary of State Robert Lansing were pleased by the French intention to ask for terms. The Creel Commission had done a good job in putting the nation in mood for this war to end all wars, and now this...
But General John Pershing, the commander of the American Expeditionary Force, as a professional soldier arrived at the same conclusions as Generals Pétain, Foch and Ludendorff. There was no chance to win or even hang on with this war right now, and the Germans would not wait until a sizeable portion of the AEF became operational.
Things accelerated when the fortress of Verdun surrendered.
The Germans had slowly reduced the cauldron until they attained the perimeter of the fortress. They had no intention of starting a costly dogfight, but they still had quite a number of their famous 42 cm siege guns, the Fat Berthas. When they started shelling Fort Dugny and Fort de Landrecour on April 29th, both forts quickly surrendered after the first few shells had made the earth tremble. The Germans quickly arrived at the impression that the French garrison of Verdun was battle weary and ready to give up. They pointed their Fat Berthas at Fort de Regret – and got another white flag after three shells. On April 30th, they repeated the exercise at Forts des Sartelles, de Choisel, du Chana and de la Chaume – and now the whole French force started waving white flags. – Interrogations soon reveiled that the French soldiers – and even a number of officers, mostly reservists – believed that the war was lost and that there was no use in risking their lifes for a lost cause. That the French forts to the south and southeast of Verdun were old, had never been modernised, and thus could not withstand the 42 cm shells, certainly had supported this decision.
On May 1st, 1918, the governments of France and the USA asked Germany for an armistice, which was granted on the same day, 18:00 hours Berlin time.
The German terms were rather straight:
1. All French and American forces currently manning the front line to a depth of 35 km will retreat 35 km to the rear. This move must be complete by May 3rd, 18:00 hours Berlin time.
2. All guns with a calibre greater than 105 mm will remain in position as will their ammunition and ancillary equipment and will not be moved to the rear.
3. No French or American forces additional to those which are present in France on May 1st, 24:00 hours Berlin time, will enter the country. French forces from other theatres of war, such as Italy and Greece/Bulgaria, will be garrisoned in Algeria.
4. All German prisoners of war and internees in French or US custody will be released and repatriated immediately. This also applies to prisoners of war and internees from other Central Power states.
5. The Government of the United States of America will repatriate its troops in France as fast as possible. Infantry units shall be shipped to the USA in first priority.
6. The Government of the French Republic will immediately start to demobilise the French Army to the peace time level of 1914. Demobilisation must be complete on June 15th, 1918.
7. The Governments of the French Republic and the United States of America agree to enter negotiations for a permanent peace treaty with the Governments of the Central Powers. The negotiations will be hosted by the Royal Dutch Government and will commence at Eindhoven on May 15th.
8. This Armistice is in effect until June 16th, 1918, and may be prolongated if the French and US governments have complied with the terms listed above.
Another Armistice
For their renegade former ally, Italy, the armistice terms of the Central Powers were rather austere. The Italians had asked for terms on May 1st – after several new German divisions had been detected in Friuli and Tyrolia.
1. All Italian forces must be withdrawn to the south bank of the Po river until May 14th, 1918.
2. All British, French, US and other former Entente forces must leave Italy until May 14th, 1918.
3. All guns with a calibre above 105 mm must immediately be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 8th, 1918.
4. 2,000 trucks of two to five ton cargo capacity must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 10th, 1918.
5. All tanks and armoured cars in Italy must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 7th, 1918.
6. 1,500 airplanes, especially all SPAD, Niewport and Hanriot fighters and Caproni bombers, must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers until May5th, 1918.
7. The Dodecanes Islands must be handed back to the Ottoman Empire immediately. All Italian subjects on these island will become prisoners of war or civil internees of the Ottoman Empire.
8. All Italian forces in Lybia, Albania, Greece and Bulgaria must return to Italy immediately.
9. All Italian ships of war must be handed over to the naval authorities of the Central Powers in Triest, Pola or Cattaro until May 18th, 1918.
10. All Central Power prisoners of war and internees in Italian custody must at once be released and repatriated.
11. Italy will immediately start demobilisation of its forces to the peace time strength of July 1914. This strength must be attained on May 18th, 1918.
12. The Italian Government agrees to enter negotiations about a permanent peace treaty with the Central Powers. The negotiations will be hosted by the Swiss Government and start at Zürich on May 20th, 1918.
13. This armistice is effective until May 19th, 1918, and may be prolongated if the Italian Government meets the above terms.
The Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman governments had had a prominent part in formulating these terms. The Italian government had great pains to accept them, and only did so after Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando had resigned and been replaced by Giovanni Giolitti.
The future didn’t seem to look too bright for Italy. But Giolitti took hope from the fact that the Central Powers had invited for negotiations. Apparently, they were not planning to dictate a peace treaty. One could talk... May be that the Turks had bad feelings because of Lybia and the Dodecanes, but the Germans knew that he had been against abandoning the Central Powers and joining the Entente.
Armistice in the Balkans?
Matters on the Balkans were rather complicated: While the French and Italian units were ordered to evacuate the area without further fighting, the British and Serbians were determined to fight on. In Greece, civil war between Eleftherios Venizelos‘ followers and the royalists was imminent, now that the case of the Western Powers obviously was lost. The Greek divisions quickly broke apart, while units, sub units or individuals joined the rivalling factions.
French General Adolphe Guillaumat, the CO of the Armee d’Orient, had received orders to withdraw his divisions to Salonika and to embark for Oran and Algiers, while the Italian forces were to be withdrawn to the Albanian coast for transport to Italy.
Right then, on May 2nd, 1918, seven British and six Serbian divisions, together with two Russian brigades, now under the command of British General George Milne and Serb General Živojin Mišić respectively, started to move for Salonika because the British War Council had decided to evacuate them to Limnos Island.
Learning that the British and the Serbs were heading for Salonika, where open street fighting between the Greek factions had already started, Guillaumat asked the opposing Army Group Scholtz for an armistice and told them his intention to have his six divisions stay put.
This armistice was granted without further conditions. The Bulgarian and few German forces opposite the French were paralysed by their desperate supply situation and happy to stay just where they were. In consequence, a jolly fraternisation soon developed in the Ochrid – Bitola area between the French, Bulgarian and German soldiers.
The Serbs, after having reached Salonika, sided with Venizelos’s followers, who were just about to lose control of the city. The Serb support made the difference and the royalists were bloodily expulsed.
The British did not care for the internal Greek strife. They quickly embarked their ships and headed for Limnos. General Mišić, after the fighting was finally finished, had to disregard the orders he had received from his government and to stay in the Salonika area for some more days, the British had taken all available ships...
The Central Powers supreme commander on the Macedonian Front, General Jekow, on May 4th, gave a warning order to Bulgarian 1st and 2nd Armies to prepare for a move to Salonika, after the German Ambassador had conveyed a message from the German government to King Ferdinand. The message was quite short: „Take what you can, we’ll back you. – But leave Mount Olympus to the Greeks!“
Peace Aims
At Luxemburg, the new location of the OHL, Vice Chancellor Friedrich von Payer, Foreign Secretary Richard von Kühlmann, General Erich Ludendorff, the factual commander of the German Army, and Admiral Henning von Holtzendorff, Chief of the Admiral Staff, met on May 5th, 1918, in order to discuss the German peace aims for the upcoming negotiations with France, the US and Italy.
Ludendorff had disliked Kühlmann’s attitude at the peace talks at Brest-Litowsk, but the Brussels Treaty with Belgium had fully restored his confidence in the foreign secretary of state. To achieve the German maximum goals with full and unsolicited consent of the Belgians was no mean feat!
„Your victory over the English, General, makes Germany the master of the continent. But England is not beaten, they only lost a battle.“ Kühlmann argued. „It certainly was the worst defeat they ever have experienced, but their navy is still the strongest and largest in the world. – Our situation, therefore, is very much simular to that of Napoleon one hundred years ago, with one big difference: We have already vanquished Russia! – We should now try to separate France and the United States of America from England. This we can achieve by generous peace conditions. Once we have peace in the west, we can concentrate on consolidating our position in the east – and eventually eliminate Bolshevism. – So, what do you want from France?“
Kühlmann knew only too well that Ludendorff was – mainly via Max Bauer – completely under the spell of the Pangermanists and the big industrialists.
„We need the ore of the Longwy – Briey deposits!“
„What else?“
Ludendorff hesitated, then he shrugged. „I don’t know... – Reparations? Colonies? – What do you suggest?“
„I think we should take the right of exploitation of the ore deposits for 25 years without annexation of any French territory. And we should get the most-favoured-nation clause in our trade with France. In terms of colonies I’m going to demand French Congo, Dahomey and some minor adjustments to the north of Togo. – Together with Belgian Congo, we then have achieved Mittelafrika!“
Ludendorff contemplated this for a while.
„Shouldn’t we ask for more?“
Now von Payer intervened. „Look at the colonies we had before the war: Only 24,000 whites lived there, some of them Englishmen or Boers. The climate is so that Germans don’t go there, our emigrants went to North and South America, but not to our colonies. The colonies only required resources but never produced anything that compensated the costs. – Why should we burden us with huge territories that we neither can administer nor make profitable? Let’s take some small parts, just to prove to the French that they lost the war. But otherwise, let’s stay away from the white man’s burden. England did not become the dominant world power because she owned India but because she led the industrial revolution. India will be the millstone around England neck! Just wait and see! Our true colonies lie in Eastern Europe!“
With that he had Ludendorff’s full consent.
„Does the Navy have any wishes?“ Kühlmann addressed Holtzendorff.
„No, we’ve already got the Flanders bases. That’s all we need for the war with England.“
„Which war? – We’ll make peace with England sooner or later. They lost the war and they know it. The blockade is dead for all practical purposes since we started buying foodstuffs via France. They tried to encircle us and suffocate us, they failed. We will not accept any restrictions of our navy, but what can we gain from another war with England if we agree that we don’t need and want more colonies?“
„The Royal Navy still is a serious threat!“
„Agreed. But they lost the war, nobody will give them money before they have paid back their debts to the US banks. Germany now for all practical purposes owns Europe. We’ll outgrow them completely. Forget England, they were yesterday’s rival. Look at the US! – Do you have any demands on the US?“
Neither the general nor the admiral had.
„That’s fine. – My intention is just to let them go home without any constraints from our side. I predict that they will turn to isolationism after this disappointing experience, or perhaps turn their attention to the Pacific Ocean, or both... – Any demands in respect to Italy?“
Again, general and admiral shook their heads.
„Good. – I intend to cushion Austrian greediness. Italy had some problems with Austria, not with us. It may become a useful ally again.“
„But they betrayed us!“ exclaimed Ludendorff. „They must be punished!“
„Betrayal or not, they lost the war. That’s punishment enough.Why alienate them completely? – Any demands on the Balkans? – No? – Well, we’ve already given green light to the Bulgarians, as you know. We’ll support their Greater Bulgaria, that will solve one half of the Serbian problem. The other half we may entrust to the Hungarians, they are good at suppressing minorities. – I’ll travel to Bucharest tomorrow. The peace treaty with Romania will be signed on the 7th of May. You’ve seen and agreed to the terms.“
With this the meeting ended.
The Treaty of Eindhoven
Article I.
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and France and the United States of America, for the other part, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.
Article II.
France cedes part of her colonial possessions in French Equatorial Africa and French West Africa to Germany. The territories to be ceded are marked on the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the areas will be established by a Franco-German commission. The territories shall be handed over to Germany immediately after the ratification of this treaty.
Article III.
The right of exploitation of the ore deposits in the Longwy – Briey area, as indicated on the second map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace, shall be granted to Germany for the duration of 20 years. The exact fixation of the area will be established by a Franco-German commission. The exploitation period will start on the day this treaty is ratified.
France refrains from all interference in the exploitation of these resources. After the end of the 20 years exploitation period, Germany will have the purchase option.
Article IV.
As soon as a general peace is concluded and French demobilisation is carried out completely, Germany will evacuate the French territory currently occupied by her forces.
Article V.
France will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army. Furthermore, France will either bring her warships into French ports and there detain them until the day of the conclusion of a general peace, or disarm them forthwith. Warships of the States which continue in the state of war with the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, in so far as they are within French sovereignty, will be treated as French warships.
The barred zone around Great Britain continues as such until the conclusion of a general peace. In the Mediterranean Sea, and, as far as French power extends within the Atlantic Ocean and the Channel, removal of sea mines will be proceeded with at once. Merchant navigation within these maritime regions is free and will be resumed at once. Mixed commissions will be organized to formulate the more detailed regulations, especially to inform merchant ships with regard to restricted lanes. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
Article VI.
The United States of America will transport those elements of their armed forces currently stationed in France back to the territory of the United States of America with highest priority. Germany agrees to the use for this purpose of German vessels confiscated by the United States of America. The United States of America will repair and renovate these vessels afterwards on their expense before they are handed back to Germany under the regulations of Article XII.
Article VII.
France and the United States of America recognise the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest. They will also recognise the Treaty of Zürich, once it had been concluded.
Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.
Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.
Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.
Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and France, the regulations contained in Appendices II-V are determinative.
Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with France and the United States of America, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.
Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and French texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and France; the German and English texts for the relations between Germany and the United States of America. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.
Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Berlin. The French Government obligates itself, upon the desire of one of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of two weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.
Executed in sixtuplicity at Eindhoven, 23 May, 1918.
The Treaty of Zürich
Article I.
Austria-Hungary, Germany, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and Italy, for the other part, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.
Article II.
Italy cedes the Dodecanes Islands to Turkey. The territories to be ceded are marked on the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the areas will be established by an Italo-Turkish commission. The territories in question have already been occupied by Turkey.
Article III.
Italy will cede Lybia to Turkey. The territories to be ceded are marked on the second map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the territory will be established by an Italo-Turkish commission. The territories shall be handed over to Turkey immediately after the ratification of this treaty.
Article IV.
The Italian province of Venetia shall be occupied by Austria-Hungary for 15 years. A plebiscite shall be held in 1933 whether the province or parts of it will return to Italy or remain with Austria-Hungary. The exact boundary of the province is marked on the third map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. A special treaty between Italy and Austria-Hungary will regulate the details of the plebiscite.
Article V.
As soon as a general peace is concluded and Italian demobilisation is carried out completely, Austria-Hungary will evacuate the Italian territory currently occupied by her forces, except for the territory mentioned in Article III.
Article VI.
Italy will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army. Furthermore, Italy will either bring her warships into Italian ports and there detain them until the day of the conclusion of a general peace, or disarm them forthwith. Warships of the States which continue in the state of war with the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, in so far as they are within Italian sovereignty, will be treated as Italian warships. Italy will immediately begin to remove sea mines in the Adriatic Sea and constantly inform the signatories of this treaty about her progress. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
The Italian warships and merchant vessels to be handed over to Austria-Hungary and Turkey are listed in Appendix I of this treaty.
Article VII.
Italy recognises the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Bucharest and Eindhoven.
Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.
Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.
Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.
Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and Italy, the regulations contained in Appendices II-V are determinative.
Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with Italy, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.
Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and Italian texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and Italy. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.
Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Vienna. The Italian Government obligates itself, upon the desire of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of four weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.
Executed in quintuplicate at Zürich, 3 June, 1918.
Fighting dies down
While continental Europe was slowly settling for peace, the situation in Great Britain and Ireland was gloomy at best.
After the initial trauma of the defeat in France had worn off, a series of strikes - escalating to open riots in Manchester and Liverpool - paralysed business and public transport.
In Ireland, loud voices called for independence, while in India there were discreet whispers about it.
American banks now refused further loans and forcefully asked for the repayment of old war credits.
On June 3rd, David Lloyd George resigned the office of prime minister. But it soon became apparent that his successor, Austin Chamberlain, could not move the nation ahead either. New elections were scheduled for mid-July.
In Palestine and Mesopotamia, local armistices came into effect in early June, after General Erich von Falkenhayn, the commander of the Central Powers forces in Palestine, had arranged a meeting with General Edmund Allenby, the commander of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force.
These were the only battlefields where Britain still proudly stood her ground, but Allenby sorely lacked reinforcements to exploit his successes of 1917 after 60 of his battalions had been sent to the front in France – and had just arrived in time to perish in the last ditch defence in front of Calais.
In Georgia in the Caucasus, the first units of a German expeditionary force arrived in early June. Their objective was Baku, which also was the designation of an Ottoman force headed by General Nuri Pasha, a brother of Enver Pasha. A British force that had been assembled to march to Baku too, but had been stopped by Russian Bolshevik troops at Enzeli in February and returned to Hamadan, now was ordered to stay at Hamadan.
At Salonika, the Bulgarian flag was hoisted on June 18th. This ended a fortnight of bitter fighting with the Serbs. The Serbian Army was now completely destroyed, the ongoing fighting had not allowed to evacuate them. Bulgarian artillery had set one troop transport ship aflame, after this, the other captains refused to enter Salonika’s port.
In Athens, royalists arrested King Alexandros and recalled King Konstantin I., while former prime minister Venizelos escaped to Crete where he formed a “Greek Republican Government”.
On June 15th, 1918, Admiral Ludwig von Schröder, the Commanding Admiral in Flanders, announced that submarine warfare against British ships would end on June 30th and that on the same day the war zone around the British Isles would be lifted.
On the same day, demobilisation of the German Landsturm and Landwehr commenced. Demobilisation of the Reserve soldiers was advertised to start after the ratification of the Treaty of Zürich.
...but not in Russia
With the defeat of the Western Allies, the Central Powers’ appreciation of the Bolsheviks quickly petered out. By mid-June 1918 the situation was as follows:
While fresh German troops arrived in the Ukraine to replace the old men, which had remained in the east while the younger soldiers had been sent to France and which were now earmarked for demobilisation, German emissaries arrived at the headquarters of Generals Alekseev and Denikin. They offered German support for the Volunteer Army.
In Estonia, General Yudenich had just arrived from France where he had been in exile. With massive German aid he now began forming his North-western Army.
At Cheliabinsk, the Czech Legion had just disarmed the Bolshevik forces and was now in train of taking control of the Trans-Siberian Railroad. The Czechs were in a bad situation. Most of them were former prisoners of war or deserters from the Austro-Hungarian Army. Their pledge for an independent Czechia as promised by the French and the Russians had come to nothing. Now they had received a proposition from the Austrian government, which offered them impunity and repatriation if they fought the Bolsheviks.
In Helsingfors, the German General Rüdiger von der Goltz, commander of the Ostsee Division, proposed to his Finnish comrade Carl Gustav Emil Mannerheim that Finland should take the whole Kola Peninsula and extend its territory to Lake Onega and the Onega Bay. German support for this move was warranted.
At Tiflis, now Tbilisi, the German General Georg Maercker, commander of the Kaukasus Division, was impatiently waiting for the arrival of two infantry regiments. He had been tasked by Ludendorff to take Baku before the Turkish force arrived there, but he needed more than the one regiment he already had. The Georgians were unable to provide assistance and constantly required his soldiers to protect them from Bolshevik bandits. Maercker knew that the Turkish speaking Azeris would eventually fall into the Ottoman sphere of influence, but right now, the town was under Bolshevik control and “liberating” it would certainly bolster German influence when it came to regulating the oil flow.
Interior View of a Victor – Germany
When the war started in August 1914, the German chancellor then, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, had not believed that the old social order could survive. Now, in June 1918, the old social order was still in place – and victorious…
Monarchal, authoritarian Germany, allied with powers which had comparable social orders, had defeated the western democracies.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. called this a splendid victory of the monarchic principle, calmer people called it sheer luck.
Germany had suffered considerably. 1.3 million soldiers were dead, 0.4 million were missing and most probably also dead, another 3.7 million had been wounded, many of these crippled, maimed or destined for an early decease. The civilian population had suffered another estimated 0.6 million deaths because of the British blockade.
The war fever was long gone. Since 1916, the majority of the people had only wanted the war to end. The victory in the March Offensive had met this purpose. But a hungry and depleted population, clothed in “Ersatz” and working with “Ersatz” soon realised that the end of the war did not mean the end of hardship.
The former middle class was practically broke. The war had mainly been financed by war bonds. Only if these were paid back could the middle class hope to prosper again.
The working class had improved its political position considerably but was suffering nonetheless from paucity.
The economy had been ruined by the infamous “Hindenburg Programme” and never recovered from this improper interference. But the industrialists were quick in changing to peace time production, new plants were already under construction while the fighting in front of Calais still was going on.
However, demobilisation brought back more and more working men and production was rising considerably, especially coal no longer was a scarce resource. Massive imports of food via France and Italy eased the nutrition situation, and although the British blockade had not yet been formally lifted, vessels carrying foodstuffs regularly could pass since the Treaty of Eindhoven was in effect. The US had told Britain that they would not tolerate interference in business with a nation that could pay for food imports, something which Britain could not without further loans from the US.
In the Reichstag, the democratic parties of (catholic) Centre, Social Democrats and Progressives had the majority. 228 seats out of a total of 397 belonged to them. But new elections were due anyway. Chancellor Hertling had fixed them for Sunday, July 28th, 1918.
Reform of the Prussian franchise still was an open issue. It had been promised during the war. Now the democrats agreed to press for it. Only if equal franchise was introduced in Prussia would it be possible to break the grip that the conservatives had on the power structure of the Reich. In the clear realisation that their majority would only grow in the next election, they decided to wait with their initiative until the new Reichstag met for the first time on August 21st.
Until 1914, the army had been a tool that could also be employed against internal unrest. The army right now was – in General Ludendorff’s appreciation – nothing but militia, totally unfit for internal use, a true people’s army. Although the professional soldiers were working hard to restore ancient military discipline, it would take some time to achieve this.
Therefore, the window of opportunity for the democratic parties still was wide open.
Interior View of a Victor – Austria-Hungary
If the situation in Germany was already difficult, that of Austria-Hungary was even worse. The monarchy had literally been dragged to victory by the Germans, her own drive long lost in hunger, war economy and strife between the nationalities. The Hungarians had refused to supply food to the Austrians, forcing the Austrians to commandeer Danube vessels that carried foodstuffs from Romania to Germany. The 10 years customs union between Hungary and Austria and the 50 years union between the two monarchies had both been due to be renewed in 1917. Because the Austrian parliament was paralysed by the brawl of its nationalities, Emperor Karl I. had asked Hungary for a suspension of the negotiations until after the war.
When the war had started in 1914, most Austro-Hungarian leaders had expected the empire to die in glory. Now in mid-June 1918, it was still alive but in agony.
The war losses were considerable. Almost one million soldiers had been killed in action, 1.7 million wounded, the number of civilian casualties was not known yet but believed to be possibly higher than the German one.
The Hungarians would ask much for the renewal of the union, they were the stronger part. They didn’t necessarily need Austria, but Austria needed them. The Hungarians had designs on Dalmatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, aiming at ruling these territories with the help of their Croatian subjects.
Their ambitions on Romania had already been spoiled by the Germans, now they were determined to get their way with the southern Slavs.
Cisleithania, the Austrian part of the dual monarchy, was incapable of action because the nationalties, Germans, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Italians, Ruthenians, blockaded each other in the various parliaments.
Transleithania, the Hungarian part, was firmly ruled and dominated by the Hungarians who already had started to magyarise “their” part of Serbia.
In the north, the fate of the Polish Kingdom had not yet been decided, earlier plans to install an Austrian prince had now been superseeded by German schemes to create a German puppet state. Austrian weakness and Emperor Karl’s indecision had caused the Germans to discard the Austro-Polish solution.
Austrian designs to repossess Venetia had also been spoiled by the Germans who only had allowed an occupation period followed by a plebiscite. Nobody in Austria had any illusions on how the Italians would decide in 1933.
Only the swift defeat of the British in France had kept Georges Clemenceau from publishing the secret Sixtus letters that proved Karl’s attempt for a seperate peace in 1917. That would have undermined the Austro-Hungarian position completely.
On the other hand, the foreign minister Ottokar Czernin had obtained the trust and respect of his German colleague Kühlmann and had – so far – been able to stall all German advances to install their “Mitteleuropa”, which the Austrians viewed as an effort to dominate Austria-Hungary.
Interior View of a Victor – Bulgaria
While Bulgaria had achieved almost all its war aims – only the silly insistence of the Germans to alienate Romania not too much had denied Bulgaria the northern part of Northern Dobruja – the country was, after three wars in succession, impoverished and run-down. The victory over the Serbs at Salonika had cleared the path for Bulgarian possession of Macedonia, Kosovo and south-eastern Serbia, but it also had almost destroyed the army. In number of losses, it certainly had been a Phyrric victory.
If the Greeks weren’t so engaged in their civil war, they easily could chase away the Bulgarians from Salonika and southern Macedonia – even after the Bulgarians had captured a large supply of weapons, ordnance and clothing from the Greek divisions that had been under formation for the Macedonian front.
King – or Tsar – Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria had the distinct feeling that north of his country a greater Magyar Empire was forming.
His intention was to counter this with his greater Bulgarian Empire. It would be the only independent Slav state in the Balkans. One should beat the Slavic drum, that might help to integrate und „Bulgarise“ the Serbs.
He had refused to sign the Treaty of Bucharest and still continued to badger the Germans for the rest of the Dobruja, although the treaty would soon be ratified by the Chamber of Deputees and the Senate. The Dobruja was a cockaigne that was needed for Bulgaria – and as the Bucharest Treaty gave Bessarabia to Romania, they still had access to the Black Sea, so what? Why should the Germans in the long term deny such a prize to their most proven, successful and reliable ally?
Nevertheless, it was most important to enter into a period of peace. The country needed rest from war and time to recuperate.
Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov was already busy to sound out the allies about a peace treaty with Greece. Thank goodness that the Germans had no ideas of fostering the Greeks like they had done with the Romanians!
Ferdinand was intrigued what would happen to his neighbour in the east. Would the Ottoman Empire survive? Or would the spectres of separatism that these foolish Englishmen had aroused in the Arabic part of the Empire shatter it?
Well, in the latter case, eastern Trace and Byzantium might become available. The possession of Byzantium really would make him the foremost Tsar of all Tsars...
And in the west, Albania was waiting for an overlord. – The Italians had evacuated the country, the Greeks were busy with themselves, the Magyars not very interested because they currently manoeuvred for gaining Dalmatia from Austria... An empire that extended from the Adriatic to the Black Sea and had access to the Aegean as well? - Perhaps he should start to position his second son, Kyril, for the job of Albanian king?
Ferdinand really had to pat himself on the back for joining forces with the Central Powers (or had this been Radoslavov’s idea? - Anyway, all’s good that ends good...), although he disliked Wilhelm II. as much as this bumptious swashbuckler disliked him. And of Karl I. he even had a lesser opinion than of ancient Franz Joseph I., that „idiot and old dotard“.
Interior View of a Victor – Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire, also known as Turkey or Turkish Empire, had only been saved by the German victory in France, that much was clear to its leaders.
Grand Vizier Mehmet Talat Pasha had little hope that the Arab revolt could be controlled. The damned British were still in the area and influenced the Arab leaders. Talat believed that now with Russia in turmoil, the Pan-Turan – or Pan-Turkish – idea of uniting the Turkish speaking peoples in Asia had more prospect of success than trying to harness the bloody Arabs.
Ismail Enver Pasha, war minister and chief of the general staff, also favoured Pan-Turanism, yet was unwilling to forgo Arabia. The outworn and starved Ottoman Army might be no match for Allenby’s troops, but once these were gone it would give the Bedouin ragtag short shrift.
Ahmet Çemal Pasha, known as the “Butcher” to the Arabs, the third of the “Three Pashas”, had no intention to let go the Arabs. The whole of the Arabian Peninsula belonged to the Ottoman Empire, as did Egypt, Cyprus, Mesopotamia and Kowayt!
The Treaty of Batum with the Republic of Armenia had just been signed, and General Nuri Pasha’s, Enver’s brother’s, “Army of Islam” was now to march on to Baku. The Turks were aware that the Germans were bringing troops to Georgia and also intended to march on Baku. This was the break in the German – Ottoman relations that Enver Pasha had already detected at Brest-Litovsk. Once Russia was out of the war, the peace aims of the Germans and the Turks no longer matched.
But did the Ottoman Empire have an alternative? Germany had been the only major power that had had no direct designs on Ottoman sovereignty and lands. Britain and France had been allied with the arch enemy, Russia. And today, Britain held occupied already too much Ottoman territory to be welcome. Britain and France had signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 that aimed at the segmentation of Ottoman territory into speres of British, French and Russian interest. No, one would have to work on with the Germans, but the going might get rougher.
Not that the Germans ever had been easy. Arrogant bastards! No patience and no understanding for the oriental way of life.
Nevertheless, the Germans had helped the Turks to get back the Dodecanes Islands and Lybia against the objections of the Austro-Hungarians. Their help would also be required to get the British out of Palestine and Mesopotamia.
The Empire needed time to recuperate and to improve its infrastructure. Here, again, the Germans were important. They must complete and develop the Baghdad Railway. Perhaps they could be won for an extension to Basora, as originally had been the plan. Then one could start arguing about Kowayt with the British...
The British were now firmly established in Persia too, controling the oil wells of Abadan, while the Russians were almost gone. One would have to discuss this issue as well. But the Empire needed time to gather strength first.
Enver didn’t think that the Germans would contest Pan-Turanism east of the Caspian Sea, one only had to be very careful in the Caucasus, where Georgia was becoming a German protectorate. But he sensed that the Germans were focused on Russia and yet had little interest in Central Asian affairs.
But Pan-Turanism needed money. Money could easily be gained by selling oil. Oil was the one resource the British had been after in the region of the Persian Gulf since 1908. If the Empire was to prosper from oil sales, the British had to be pushed out of business...
The Wind of Change
Elections for the British House of Commons were held on Saturday, July 14th, 1918. Although the Labour Party scored a striking success and captured 136 seats, it were the Conservatives who won the day. Acquiring 397 seats they could and would form the new cabinet alone, making Andrew Bonar Law the new Prime Minister. Of the remaining seats, the Irish Sinn Féin won 73, while the Liberals experienced a catastrophic defeat and almost disappeared from the House of Commons. This was a clear thank-you of the electorate to the Liberals for leading the nation into war and losing the French campaign.
The result was also significant because it meant the end of the moderate Irish Parliamentary Party and brought the meteoric rise of the radical Sinn Féin.
The Sinn Féin elected members immediately refused to take their seats in the British House of Commons but convened the Dáil Éireaan, the Irish Revolutionary Assembly, at Dublin. 47 of their members, however, could take no seat because they had been elected while sojourning in British jails.
Having lost his two eldest sons in the war, Bonar Law was known as a hardliner and close associate of Andrew Lloyd George, sharing the latter’s views about a „Knock-out-Victory“.
The victory of his party showed the defiance of the British people. The nation had lost a battle, but not the war. To many Britons it was absolutely unthinkable that Britain ever could lose a war...
But military affairs were only half of the truth. Britain, once the major financier of the world, today was broke.
To finance the war effort, Britain had loaned 2.17 billion $ to France, 2.84 billion $ to Russia, 2.07 billion $ to Italy, about 1.0 billion $ to the dominions, 0.43 billion to Belgium and 90 million $ to Serbia.
Moreover, the US banks had loaned 4.31 billion $ to Britain, 2.85 billion $ to France, 1.59 billion $ to Italy and 187 million $ to Russia.
There was absolutely no prospect that nations like France, Russia, Italy or Serbia could or would pay back any debts.
France was left alone with the devastated landscapes of position warfare and her northern districts systematically cleared of everything useable or valuable by the Germans. The Russian Bolsheviks had already declared that they wouldn’t pay anything. Italy was at the verge of political and economic collapse. And Serbia had simply ceased to exist. The sneaky Belgians, for whose liberty the nation had gone to war, had changed sides when it became clear that the Entente was a lost case and couldn‘t help them any more. But at least they were now entitled to get reparations from Germany, so may be they could some day also afford to pay back their debts to Britain...
It perhaps was best to cut the losses and make peace with Germany. That might allow the nation to recuperate. One must not submit to the Germans, one had not lost the war. There were some German prisoners of war to bargain with, although the Germans held much more British PoWs (almost 1 million in comparison to less than 100.000).
There were the colonies, the German possessions in the Pacific Ocean (except Micronesia, which was occupied by Japan), German South-West Africa and German East Africa, all occupied by British or Dominions forces (although in East Africa German resistance never really had been overcome and a German force still was in the field).
There was the Royal Navy, uncontested now by the German High Seas Fleet.
There were the British Forces in Palestine and Mesopotamia.
That all should sum up to an honorable peace...
The situation in Ireland might soon require more attention. It was generally thought that the Dáil Éireaan would declare Irish independence on its first session. The Irish Volunteers were known to regroup as the so-called „Irish Republican Army“.
If one didn’t make peace with Germany in time, the Germans certainly would massively support the Irishmen, dodging a blockade of Eire with their submarines.
There was a strong Irish community in the USA. One must not allow for a joint initiative of Germany and the USA. Better eliminate the Germans from the equation beforehand... It had been quite expensive to develop public opinion in the US in the British intend.
On July 20th, 1918, the British ambassador in Copenhagen paid a visit to his German colleague and delivered a very interesting proposal.
The Treaty of Copenhagen
While on July 28th, 1918, the Germans elected a new Reichstag with 133 seats for the SPD, 91 for the Zentrum and 52 for the FVP – thus together 276 seats from a total of 397, the delegations of Great Britain and the Central Powers met at Copenhagen. It took them two weeks to achieve this accord:
Article I.
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and Great Britain, for the other part, also representing her dominions, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.
Article II.
Great Britain will withdraw her forces from Palestine and Mesopotamia and agrees to respect Turkey, hereafter referred to as the Ottoman Empire, in the borders marked in the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace.
Article III.
Great Britain recognises that Cyprus and Kuwait are integral parts of the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire endorses that the British administration of Cyprus and Kuwait may continue. A bilateral treaty between Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire will regulate details and duration of this administration and the remuneration to the Ottoman Empire.
Article IV.
Great Britain recognises that Egypt is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire under the rule of the Governor (Pasha and Wali) of Egypt. The Ottoman Empire concedes that the Governor of Egypt may act with sovereignty as far as internal matters of Egypt are concerned and may allow foreign presence in the country.
Article V.
Great Britain will withdraw her forces from the German colonies in Africa and in the Pacific Ocean.
Article VI.
Great Britain will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army and her navy. Great Britain will immediately begin to remove sea mines in the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea and will constantly inform the signatories of this treaty about her progress. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
The British warships to be handed over to the Ottoman Empire are listed in Appendix I of this treaty.
Article VII.
Great Britain recognises the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Bucharest, Eindhoven and Zürich.
Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.
Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.
Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.
Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and Great Britain, the regulations contained in Appendices II-IV are determinative.
Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with Great Britain, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.
Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and English texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and Great Britain. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.
Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Istanbul. The British Government obligates itself, upon the desire of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of two weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.
Executed in quintuplicate at Copenhagen, August 11th, 1918.
Making Money
When the Japanese ambassador to Denmark, Count Maeda Jikiro, received an invitation to have breakfast with the German foreign minister at the German embassy in Copenhagen on August 3rd, 1918, he immediately cabled to Tokyo and asked for instructions.
Richard von Kühlmann received Maeda with exquisite courtesy. While they talked about general matters and the murder of the Russian Tsar during the breakfast, Kühlmann approached his subject when they lighted the cigars.
“Well, Count Maeda, you certainly know that we are holding peace talks with the British here at Copenhagen. – Now, our countries are still at war with each other. Shouldn’t we try to end this?”
“We should always try to achieve a peaceful co-existence – if not friendship – between our nations, Herr von Kühlmann. My government would also be interested in ending the state of war.”
“You hold occupied our colonies, the Northern Marianas, the Carolinas, Paulau, and our naval base at Kiautschou.”
“The wish to have them back is understandable.”
“Well, we might consider to sell them to you…”
Maeda’s eyes went wide.
“Really? – Let me hear your price!”
Kühlmann named a sum.
“I will have to transmit this to my government.”
“Certainly. – Tell them that we also might consider to soon offer German New Guinea, the Marshall Islands, Nauru and West Samoa to the highest bidder.”
It was a very agitated Count Maeda that rode back to the Japanese embassy, already drafting the text of a very urgent and very secret telegram to Tokyo.
Going Home
General Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg was the man who had won the war, at least in the mind of most Germans. Only few insiders really knew how things had happened and that Hindenburg’s fame really was based on the performance of Generals Erich Ludendorff and Max Hoffmann and the initiative of men like Colonel Max Bauer. For the broad public, Hindenburg was the saviour of East Prussia and the victor over Russia, England and France.
Having received a considerable estate in East Prussia and a huge monetary dotation, the old man now went back into retirement, from which he had appeared in 1914.
On August 7th, in Berlin there was a huge parade and an immense cheering crowd when he left, and in Hanover a huge parade and an immense cheering crowd when he arrived. He was a living legend, a man as least as big as Otto von Bismarck – if not the greatest German that ever lived…
Compared to Hindenburg, Kaiser Wilhelm II. had become a trivial and marginal figure. No crowd had cheered when he had arrived in Berlin. If anything, the war had shown the Germans how redundant their princes and princelings were – and how little they were able or willing to influence things.
In Berlin, in the red brick building at the Königsplatz that traditionally housed the German Great General Staff, General Erich Ludendorff now worked in the room, which before him had served as study for the brilliant elder Moltke, the genial Count Schlieffen and the unlucky younger Moltke.
Demobilisation was almost complete now, but this was the responsibility of the war minister, General Hermann von Stein, not that of the Chief of the GGS. Ludendorff’s interest was turned on the east, where things still were in abeyance. Neither the Polish question had yet been resolved, nor the issues about Lithuania, the Baltic territories and Finland.
The Ukraine had developed into a true witch’s cauldron. At Kiev, Field Marshal Hermann von Eichhorn and his chief of staff, General Wilhelm Groener, were doing everything to control the situation. They had replaced the unreliable Central Rada by a government led by Ataman Pavlo Skoropadsky and were fighting the Machno bandits with their volunteer units that had replaced the demobilised Army Group Eichhorn.
Further east, the counter revolutionary forces – now openly supported by a Germany that had severed all ties with the Bolsheviks – made slow progress. But that did not worry Ludendorff, a long civil war would further weaken Russia…
To the south east, things were not going well either. The double monarchy was on the verge of breaking up. Kaiser Karl I. proved unable to achieve cooperation of the nationalities in Cisleithania and the Hungarians were now distinctly manoeuvring for an independent Hungarian Empire. – The Hungarian Empire didn’t bother Ludendorff, he always had favoured the stout Hungarians over the floppy Austrians, but the expected turmoil in Cisleithania did. Plans for an intervention had to be developed.
At Wünsdorf, to the south of Berlin, Vizefeldwebel der Reserve Hermann Schultz handed over the battle proven Kanobil “Dagmar” to a young Unteroffizier who yearningly looked at Schultz’ Iron Crosses 1st and 2nd class. Schultz was the last of the “Dagmar” crew to leave service. The others had already gone home, and now it was his time. He looked forward to return to his home town of Thorn and to resume his business as carpenter. It was also time to find a decent wife and found a family. There was a pretty Polish girl in the neighbourhood that already had caught his eyes during the last home leave…
Wünsdorf had been chosen as home of the 7th Kanobils, the 8th were also here, together forming the 4th Kanobil Regiment now. New barracks for them were already under construction. Until their completion, the regiment was housed in the old PoW camp. Just another reason why Schultz was glad to go home.
At Posen, Colonel Max Bauer, decorated with the coveted Pour-le-Merit, was taking over command of the 5th Heavy Artillery Regiment, as the old foot artillery was called now. He regretted to be unable to provide further counsel to General Ludendorff, but becoming a regimental commander was an important step in one’s career. And in one or two years he would return to the GGS…
At Friedrichsfeld near Wesel, Major Willy Rohr watched his men pass the obstacle course. He was glad that the assault battalions finally had been incorporated into the budget. Initially, the idea had been to dissolve them on demobilisation. But that would have meant that all the experience and expertise would be lost. With considerable help from Colonel Bauer and General Ludendorff, Rohr had managed to get one assault battalion per army into the budget.
They had 45 former Naschobils turned into mechanised assault infantry carriers and were experimenting in armoured assault together with the 7th Kanobil Regiment.
His war time soldiers had now all gone home, except the career NCOs and some officers. The new recruits were in no good shape, two years of hunger and depletion had left their mark. It would take some time to cocker them up and form them into an efficient force.
A Meeting in the Night
On Monday, August 12th, 1918, at 22:00 hours, the leaders of Zentrum, FVP and SPD met at the Imperial Chancellery in Berlin.
75 years old Chancellor Georg von Hertling, himself a member of the Zentrum, sat cushioned in an armchair, covered by a blanket – despite the warmth – and occasionally falling asleep. The other Zentrum men were Matthias Erzberger, Felix Porsch and Konstantin Fehrenbach. The FVP was represented by Friedrich Naumann, Friedrich von Payer and Ludwig Quidde, while Friedrich Ebert, Philipp Scheidemann and Eduard David spoke for the SPD.
They all agreed that on the first session of the new Reichstag on August 21st they would elect the leader of the largest parliamentary party, Friedrich Ebert, as new chancellor.
If Kaiser Wilhelm II. admitted this election, the constitution could be changed accordingly. However, it was almost certain they he would not accept it.
“I will step down on August 21st.” declared Hertling. “But the Kaiser can nominate someone else, you know that.”
They knew. Their answer was: General Strike.
“The Kaiser may use the military!”
“He certainly will order them to suppress the strike” said Erzberger. “The question is: Will they obey?”
“You know our officers and generals.”
“Yes, I know that those will obey. – No, I’m talking about the average soldier. – We have in service the age-groups 1898, 1899 and 1900. The 98er and 99er have all been in the war, as have some of the 1900er. – I doubt that they will shoot on the own population, their relatives and friends. Those 1900er that have not seen the war are too fresh and not yet completely trained.”
“Let us hope, your right, Herr Erzberger.”
“We must take the risk, these antiquated structures of a personal monarchy have proven to be inadequate. – What did the Kaiser do during the war? Battlefield tourism – no, not battlefield, that was too dangerous – rear area tourism, he and all lesser princes indulged in it. Has he led us? Did he make great decisions? Did he choose the right persons? – Undecided Bethmann, incompetent Moltke Junior, the Butcher Falkenhayn… No democratic process of filling top positions can be so catastrophic as Wilhelm’s personnel decisions!”
“What about Hindenburg and Ludendorff?”
“Forced upon him by Bethmann, his wife and some others. – He didn’t want them, was jealous of their popularity.”
“Okay, once we’re on strike, what shall we demand?” asked Scheidemann.
“Change of the Prussian franchise to Reichstags standard. Election of the Imperial Chancellor by the Reichstag. Election of the Prussian prime minister by the Prussian Landtag. The end of Wilhelm’s personal personnel cabinets.”
“But we must keep the Kaiser. Remove him from power, but keep him in position” remarked von Payer. “We need him and the other sovereigns to keep the military in the boat.”
“Well, Ludendorff might continue without him. The two of them are no friends. – But you’re right, for most officers he is the core of their loyalty.”
“Can we already decide who gets which position?”
“Must we?”
“Better to have a plan than being surprised…”
They quickly agreed that Richard von Kühlmann should remain as foreign minister and von Payer as minister of the interior. Erzberger would become the finance minister.
But who should become war minister?
Traditionally, a military had had that position. Was there a general that would accept such a position in a parliamentary government?
“Perhaps Groener” proposed Scheidemann.
“Perhaps, but he’s no senior to Ludendorff. – What about his current boss, Eichhorn?”
“A true Prussian general of the old school, yet very educated. – Certainly better than the ultra monarchists Hindenburg or Mackensen. – Well, let’s ask him. If he says no, we still can ask Groener.”
A Tempest of Change
The second half of August 1918 would later become known as the “Fortnight of Revolution”.
On August 16th, Gabriele D’Annunzio, a man of letters and politics and an ardent nationalist, led a raiding party of 2,500 so-called “Arditi” into occupied Venetia. His hope was that the population would rise in support of his action and oust the Austrian occupants. The Austrians he considered incapable of action because of the ongoing strife of the nationalities that paralysed public life.
But while Cisleithania in fact was paralysed, the Austrian occupation army in Venetia was not. Field Marshal Count Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, the commanding officer on the Italian front, had quite distinct ideas how to deal with armed Italian intruders.
D’Annunzio and quite a sizeable portion of his followers were killed in the ensuing fight. In pursuit of the bolting remainder of the Arditi, the Austrians entered Italian territory and showed little respect for life and property of uninvolved Italians.
Although the Austrians voluntarily withdrew after two days of rather indiscriminate killing and looting, the events led to socialist revolution in Italy. In Northern Italy and Rome armed workers dominated the streets. Giovanni Giolitti’s cabinet fled to Naples, then on to Palermo when the revolution spread southwards. In Milano, a provisory socialist government was established by Filippo Turati, Amadeo Bordiga and Palmiro Togliatti. They claimed that right wing irredentist machinations had caused the tragic Austrian invasion and promised peace, social justice and an end to the misery caused by the nationalists and irredentists, which had driven Italy into the war.
On August 18th, Hungarian Prime Minister Sándor Wekerle declared that Hungary would not renew the union with Austria. Emperor Karl was welcome to continue his reign as King IV. Károly of Hungary if he resigned all titles in Cisleithania. Hungary annexed Dalmatia and added it to Croatia. Bosnia, Montenegro and Hungarian Serbia were now under joint Hungaro-Croatian administration.
On the same day, the Dáil Éireaan in Dublin declared Irish independence, the constitution of the Irish Republic and the establishment of the Irish Republican Army. After this declaration, the Irish parliament went underground as the British government showed no inclination of recognising the Irish Republic. The Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Field Marshal Viscount John French, the suppressor of the 1916 uprising, alerted the British military and police in Ireland and tasked them to arrest those members of the Dáil Éireaan not yet in jail.
On August 20th, the Czechs in Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia declared their independence from Austria. A provisory Czech National Assembly based on the Czech representatives of the three Landtage installed a provisory government led by Karel Kramář, whom Emperor Karl had released from prison in 1917. To their displeasure, only the Russian Bolsheviks cared to recognise the new Czech state.
In response, the Germans in the three provinces, a strong minority of 3.2 million people (and in Silesia a majority over the Czechs) compared to 6.2 million Czechs, organised their own assembly, the German Convent at Eger, which did not recognise Czech independence from Austria.
In Prague, bloody street fighting began between Czech and German militias, while the former mixed units of the Austrian Army in the provinces fell apart, each nationality joining its side.
On August 21st, the Reichstag at Berlin met for its first session after the elections.
After the ceremonial opening, Chancellor Hertling resigned and Friedrich Ebert was elected new Imperial Chancellor.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. – by chance in Berlin – immediately rejected this election. Under the constitution of the German Empire it was his privilege to appoint the chancellor. The election was illegal and he would not accept it. He called upon Hertling to resume his office, which the old man declined in a public declaration.
At 18:00 hours, the joint committee of SPD, Zentrum and FVP proclaimed that a general strike would commence the next morning at 8 o’clock. Special edition newspapers explained the aims of the strike.
At 19:00 hours, Kaiser Wilhelm II. tasked Generals von Stein and Ludendorff with the suppression of the general strike in Berlin and the corps commanders all over Prussia to do the same thing in their areas of responsibility.
On the same day, a peace treaty was signed between Bulgaria and the Greek Kingdom, which the Greek Republic did not recognise. Bulgaria acquired Salonika and Southern Macedonia. The northern border of Greece now ran from the southern end of Lake Prespa to the Gulf of Salonika south of the town.
The Tempest Proceeds
In the morning of August 22nd, 1918, strike pickets went into position all over Germany. During the night, Generals Ludendorff and von Stein had convinced Kaiser Wilhelm II. that they were not in a position to command the troops in and around Berlin. The Kaiser had consequently given order to suppress the strike to Prince Eitel Friedrich, his second oldest son and recently appointed commander of the Gardekorps.
The guards units were comprised of hand picked able bodied young men from all over Prussia. They had no special affiliation to Berlin and neither friends nor relatives in town.
It took Eitel Friedrich some time to get the moves of his corps coordinated and only around noon did the first units move out of their barracks in Potsdam and Berlin.
Also on August 22nd, around 10 o’clock in the morning, did General Maercker‘s Kaukasus Division strike on Baku. The Bolsheviks knew that they didn’t have the slightest chance against the Germans. Thus they had evacuated the town during the night and the Germans could march in completely unmolested. The population seemed friendly and even welcoming.
Maercker was rather pleased. The Turkish army under Nuri Pasha was still bogged way down southeast by incessant guerilla attacks of Armenian rebells. His specialists were already at work and investigated the possibilities to resume oil production. If things went according to plan one could ship some millions of barrels to Germany before the Turks even arrived.
On the Arabian peninsula, the indomitable General Mustafa Kemal Pasha, hero of Gelibolu, started his campaign to pacify the rebellious Arab tribes. He thought this might take him some time but he had no doubt that he would succeed. These people would either submit to him or die. He knew his Turkish soldiers, under his leadership they were invincible. And now that the English were gone, his aeroplanes could scout on the Arabs without any risk.
Still in the morning of August 22nd, Field Marschal Viscount John French’s car was ambushed by IRA fighters when driving from Dublin Castle to the officers‘ mess. The ambush turned out to be a plain success. French was killed by twelve bullets, his driver and his aid de camp died with him. The second car managed to ecape with one dead and two wounded police constablers.
In Central Russia, the Czech Legion changed sides. The news of Czech independence had reached them very quickly. The Bolsheviks offered them free passage to Poland if they helped crush Yudenich’s nascent force. This was the only way to arrive early enough in Czechia to be of help.
In Prague, the Czechs made the unwelcome experience that the Jews were siding with the Germans. The Jews felt no propinquity with Czech nationalism and would be happy to remain a peaceful part of a German dominated society. They did not join the fighting but gave unrestricted non-combatant support to the Germans.
The fighting remained low intensity all through the day, in some places even local armistices came in effect. Both sides were still lacking general direction and operational guidance.
Heavy Gales
In the early afternoon of August 22nd the Garde Korps deployed into the Berlin and Potsdam streets. It soon became apparent that the population solidarised with the strikers. And while the guards soldiers did not openly solidarise with the population, they almost all refused to use force against unarmed civilians, women and children.
There was one case, where a NCO fired into a crowd with his rifle, only to be shot by the men of his platoon. In other cases, officers and NCOs ready to use force were struck down or „immobilised“ by their subordinates. In front of the Siemens plant, a platoon did get into a kind of brawl and opened fire, but then, seeing women being hurt, stopped and started to provide first aid.
Everywhere, the populace would approach the soldiers and tell them not to fight against their fellow Germans. Many war veterans among the protesters would show off their decorations. The strikers and protesters remained absolutely peaceful, following the instructions distributed by trade unions, SPD, Zentrum and FVP. Attempts of USPD adherers to create a „revolutionary situation“ remained generally ineffective.
At 17:15 hours, General Prince Eitel Friedrich ordered his regiments back to their barracks. At 18:30 hours he arrived at the New Palace in Potsdam, to which location his father had „retreated“ during the night. He was not a man to hold back in front of the Kaiser. After all, he really had been in the war. His personal braveness was proven. And that was more than could be said of his father or his elder brother, the Crown Prince.
„Forget it. – The army does no longer follow your orders. If my guards units refuse to crush the strikers, I can imagine that in other corps districts units will have gone over to the protesters.“
But because of the strike, there was no rail traffic, no telegram service and only those newspapers that the strikers did want to be released. So, the imperial court was rather uninformed about the general situation. What was known now was that the guards corps had failed in Berlin and Potsdam. That meant loss of control over the core of Prussia and Germany.
The Crown Prince, who was also present, said something about not giving up. The forces loyal to the crown and the traditional order might still gather.
„Rubbish!“ exclaimed Eitel Friedrich. „I’ve seen them in the streets, solidarising with the strikers. – And those I’ve not seen were the ones speaking for the old order.“
„Come what may,“ insisted Wilhelm II. „I will not accept this socialist chancellor, never!“
„Then it may happen that this chancellor, who has at least 75% of the German population behind him, tells you to relocate to some nice cosy place in exile! – What do you think which percentage of Germans still backs you? Three percent or as many as five?“
The Kaiser was obviously shocked.
„Father, be glad that they have not yet opted for a republic. They still want to keep you as emperor, only in a constitutional monarchy – like in Britain. Would that really be so bad?“
In France, people were watching events in Europe with disbelief. Revolution in Germany? Austria-Hungary breaking apart? Revolution in Italy? Civil war in Great Britain and Ireland?
Well, the Germans had meticulously conducted their redeployment to Germany and now were all gone. Some tens of thousands of Americans were still around, but their numbers were becoming smaller by the day.
France had suffered considerably: 1.5 million soldiers and civilians dead, 4.1 million wounded, mutilated, maimed. And a population that was decreasing, and had already been so before the war.
31 billion Francs war debts abroad, total cost of the war 177 billion Francs, thereof 80% financed by war bonds.
So far, the Clemenceau government was still in office, but the calls for new elections grew louder every day.
Georges Clemenceau himself still was wondering about the Treaty of Eindhoven. He knew what he would have demanded from a vanquished Germany. And the victorious Germans? The Lorraine minettes for some years, some minor pieces of colonial estate, that was all. Unbelievable! No reparations, no annexations, no restrictions... What did these arrogant Germans think they were?
But of course they did not have 20.000 destroyed factories, 812,000 destroyed houses, 54,000 kilometres of destroyed roads, 120,000 hectares of devastated territory...
And Alsace-Lorraine was their’s still.
Georges Clemenceau was not prone to tears, but thinking about this damned war and its results he felt a mighty urge to kick someone’s butt.
There had been a strange flu in late June and early July, apparently gone thereafter. People thought the Americans had brought it over. Now, a new outbreak of flu, said to be worse than the earlier one, had been reported from Brest, where there still were many Americans.
They really haven’t helped us in the war, now they infest us with their diseases, thought Clemenceau. If they only would abate our debts...
In a first official statement, the British Prime Minister condemned the assassination of Viscount French at 18:00 hours on August 22nd. Britain would never back down opposite murderers and other criminals. The Irish Revolutionary Parliament was illegal. Ireland would remain an integral part of the Empire.
On the same day at Vienna, the German deputies of the various Cisleithanian parliaments constituted the „National Convent of the German Austrians“. After six hours of debating, a decision was made with 68% majority: German Austria would request admission to the German Empire.
In the Eye of the Storm
In the evening of August 22nd, 1918, the Joint Committee of SPD, Zentrum and FVP could establish that the general strike was an overall success.
Nowhere in Prussia had the army succeeded in suppressing the strike. While in Berlin and Potsdam the guards corps had been withdrawn to its barracks after the soldiers proved unable – or unwilling? – the remove the strike pickets, in most other Prussian army corps districts the troops had openly fraternised with the strikers. A number of officers and NCOs had been shot, far more had been „isolated“. General opinion of the populace was favourable to the strike. A vast majority of Germans believed that the old system no longer was acceptable. When the whole population was required to fight a war, then the whole population should also decide – and not only some few privileged conservative heraditary holders of offices.
In most other states, the military had remained in their barracks. In Bavaria, Saxony, Baden, Württemberg, Hessen and the Hanse towns no attempt had been made at all to suppress the strike. Some of the minor states had sent out police officers who had achieved nothing.
In Prussian Saxony and adjacent West Saxony, where the USPD had won the 17 seats they held in the Reichstag, the independend socialists had tried to take over control of the strike. This had been spoiled by the trade unions, which succintly followed the SPD course and had no interest in radicalising the strike.
The trade unions, by the way, had done a great job in conducting a strike that paralysed public life but did not imperil food supply to the population. They really had become professional during the war.
In Venetia in Austrian occupied Italy, first elements of the Austrian Army in Italy started to board the trains for the journey to Bohemia and Moravia in the evening of August 22nd. Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf had purged his army from all Slavic elements. The regiments now consisted of Germans only, reliable Tyrolians, Austrians, Styrians and Carinthians. Conrad had decided on his own that his army was more useful in Moravia and Bohemia than in Venetia. His excellent connections as former chief of staff of the Austro-Hungarian Army ensured that trains and supplies were provided as required.
His army was three corps strong, 8 divisions in total. He would need four days to get them to Brünn, Budweis and Eger respectively. Munich had already signalised that the Eger Corps could transit Bavaria, the general strike in Germany would not impede this rail move. The trade unions had agreed to do everything to make it possible in minimum time.
It was unbelievable... Conrad was struggling with the concept that socialists also might be patriots.
At about the same time, the first elements of the Czech Legion at Cheliabinsk and Yekaterinburg boarded the trains that would bring them to Petrograd.
The Bolsheviks had won a strong ally with these Czechs – and now no sizeable White force remained that could hinder Bolshevik spread to the east and southeast...
At Vienna, Empress Zita had finally talked her husband into accepting the Hungarian offer. He could be the independent king of a greater Hungary or a minor king or arch duke of some minor state in the German Empire. Was there any other reasonable alternative?
In Athens, at 22:30 hours, an assassin attacked King Konstantin I and his wife. Two shots hit the King when a left the opera, a third bullet hit Queen Sophia. Konstantin was severely wounded and hurriedly evacuated to the military hospital. Sophia, a sister of Kaiser Wilhelm II., was only scratched by the projectile. Enraged, she assumed regency und swore revenge to the Greek Republic and it’s founder, Venizelos.
In the Line of Fire
In the morning of August 23rd, 1918, an eerie discovery startled the Czechs in Prague. A mass grave had been discovered in a wood northwest of the city, containing the bodies of 13 woman and 28 children, all identified as Czechs.
Who other than the Germans could be responsible for this?
The combats now assumed a tougher pace when Czech hotheads „in revenge“ indiscriminately shot unarmed Germans and Jews. This, in turn, caused German hotheads to lay fire to Czech houses and then to snipe on the Czech fire brigades.
Until noon the fighting had reached an intensity that convinced a great number of citizens to leave Prague. Subsequently, columns of German refugees moved north or north-west and Czechs columns headed south or south-east, while fires raged in many quarters of the town.
Fighting was now also reported to have started in Pilsen, Budweis and Brünn.
On the same morning, at Agram, a meeting took place between Hungarian and Croat leaders. Gyula Count Andrássy Junior, the designated interior minister of Great Hungary, explained how the Hungarians intended to run business in the Southern Slav regions.
„We trust in you, my friends,“ he addressed the Croats, „to rule over the Serbs and Montenegrins. You speak their language. You can penetrate their secret circles. – We do not object to a Croatia that comprises Bosnia, Montenegro and our part of Serbia. We also do not mind when you rule them with a heavy hand, if need be. We also agree if you enlist the Bosniaks to help you.“
At Athens, the condition of King Konstantin was reported serious but stable. Queen Sophia confered with Prime Minister Spyridon Lambros how to crack down on the followers of Venizelos.
„We need allies in this struggle. Not the Germans, not the Turks. I bear in mind the British. They have what we need: Ships. And we can offer them more than Venizelos can on his miserable island. Try to get us a compact with the Brits. – And, dear Spyridon, have the police and the secret service purged from all Venizelos‘ men.“
In Paris, the authorities now had established that the new flu, which had broken out in the Brest area, was also reported from Sierra Leone and Boston in the USA. They decided to name it „La Grippe Americaine“ – American Flu, and to try to shut off the infected zone.
In Vilnius, designated capital of the Lithuanian state, the Council of Lithuania finally decided not to ask for a German prince. Following the German victory in the west, the pressure on Lithuania to become a German puppet kingdom had been strong. However, following advice by Matthias Erzberger, the Lithuanians had prevaricated successfully. With the general strike going on in Germany they hoped for a democratic Germany that would allow them to become a fully independent state and a democracy, which was what they desired.
Nikolai Nikolayevich Yudenich had been one of the most successful generals of Tsarist Russia, having defeated not only Enver Pasha but also Mustafa Kemal on the Caucasus Front.
Since two months he was in Estonia and Livonia, organising an army that he intended to lead to St.Petersburg (he had never adapted to use „Petrograd“) and thereafter to Moscow, destroying the Bolsheviks wherever he met them. He hoped that the Tsar’s family was still alive so that the monarchy could be restored.
Now he learned that the Czech Legion had changed sides and had been charged with eliminating his army. News travelled fast in Russia, where individuals and units often changed sides and wandered between the fronts.
His army was not yet ready, Yudenich knew. Better to retreat to Courland and build a defensive line behind the Dvina...
The Kaiser caves in
Until noon of August 23rd, various messengers had arrived at Potsdam by car. The picture of the situation was devastating: The conduct of the Gardekorps had in deed been commendable. Everywhere else, the units sent out had gone over to the strikers.
Pressure on Wilhelm II. was mounting. Now his wife, Auguste Viktoria, Crown Prince Wilhelm and Prince Eitel Friedrich tried to talk him into accepting the conditions of the majority parties – before these changed their mind and went for a German republic…
Only the chief of the Kaiser’s civilian cabinet, Friedrich von Berg, spoke of refusal. But even he could offer no other way out.
At 12:30 hours, General Ludendorff arrived. He had no better information about the conduct of the army than the one already known. But he had serious concerns about the situation in Bohemia and Estonia.
“Your Majesty, you know that I’ve called our army a militia, already some months ago. Now this has been proven as a fact. They may still be good against an external enemy, but they are useless against the own population. This may change over time when discipline can be restored to pre-war standards, but for the next few months we’ll have to accept it as it is.
Nevertheless, we will soon need the army and the rail network. The situation in Bohemia and Moravia is deteriorating. Fighting spreads all over the country. We may soon be forced to intervene.
And the Czech Legion has changed sides, they’re fighting for the Bolsheviks now, which have given them the task to destroy the White forces in Estonia. After that – or even before that, if the situation in Bohemia escalates – the Czechs may try to force passage through Poland in order to support their compatriots.
Now, Estonia and Poland belong to our sphere of influence. We cannot tolerate a Bolshevik or otherwise hostile force there.
We need a functional army and railway. The strike must end.”
“But that would mean that I yield to these insolent demands!”
“Your Majesty, as far as I can see, you will remain nominal Commander-in-Chief of army and navy, as before. You never had direct command of the army, as you well know. You now may lose your privilege of direct intervention in naval warfare. – So what?
You will remain head of state in Germany and Prussia, but you will lose the prerogative of selecting the main players. I think that would be good. Let’s face it, your choices were miserable: Bülow, Bethmann, Michaelis, Hertling, Moltke, Falkenhayn, Ingenohl, Pohl… Should I continue? – And what’s more, once you had chosen an individual, there was no way how you ever could control his actions.”
Wilhelm was staring at Ludendorff in plain consternation. He could accept a lot of truth and a lot of criticism in a tête-à-tête conversation. Ludendorff knew this.
“Your Majesty, I’m no friend of the socialists, but they have loyally supported the war effort, as have done the Zentrum and the FVP. They will form a strong government. And a strong government is what Germany needs right now. We’ve won the war, we must win the peace now.
You can remain Emperor of a strong united German Empire and King of Prussia – or you can become a ruler in exile, once they lose patience and declare republic.”
With this, Ludendorff saluted and left.
On August 23rd, 1918, at 15:15 hours, Kaiser Wilhelm II. formally accepted the concepts of the Reichstags majority and appointed Friedrich Ebert as Imperial Chancellor and interim Prime Minister of Prussia, until the constitution had been changed according to said concepts.
On August 23rd, 1918, at 16:00 hours, the Joint Committee declared the end of the general strike in Germany.
Transit
General Jan Syrový, the commander of the Czech Legion in Russia, was driven by inner unrest. His deal with the Bolsheviks had given them control over the Trans-Siberian Railway up to Vladivostok in exchange for transit to the west. So far, so good.
But his objective was not to fight a bloody battle with the Whites that threatened Petrograd. His forces were needed at home. News of the fray in Prague had already reached him. And he had no illusions about the German stance regarding Czech independence.
It would take weeks to assemble his men – at present strung out in hundreds of trains between Chelyabinsk and Vladivostok – in the triangle Petrograd – Novgorod – Narva. He doubted that Czechia could wait that long. But there was no other way.
“Find out” he tasked his staff, “how we can best move from Novgorod to Minsk and from there to Czechia. Take into account that we will have to fight the Bolsheviks in Russia and the Germans in Poland. We must become a moving and fighting camp! – And keep the planning secret! The Bolsheviks must not know about it!”
In the afternoon of August 23rd, 1918, the first units of General Conrad’s army arrived at Budweis and Brünn. This was a major boost for Austro-German morale and a severe setback for Czech aspirations.
At 17:00 hours at Vienna, the National Convent of the German Austrians sent an open address to Berlin asking formally for acceptance of German Austria into the German Empire.
At 18:00 these news reached Rome, where envoys of Giolitti’s government were engaged in secret parleys with representatives of the revolutionary socialist government.
The Italians were deeply agitated by this development. They knew that the Germans had no interest in Venetia and that only Austro-Hungarian pressure had led to the occupation of the province. Now, Hungary had no interest in Venetia either. May be one could re-negotiate the Treaty of Zürich? But better to speak with only one tongue in these negotiations…
At about the same time, the French authorities had to realise that their attempt to insulate the disease had failed. The American Flu was now also reported from Bordeaux, Le Mans and Rouen. With more than 2,000 people already dead they decided to declare national emergency.
The news of the Austro-German address to Berlin did also incite Emperor Karl I. to turn to the public. At 19:30 he issued a statement to the press, announcing his decision to abdicate as Austro-Hungarian Emperor, King of Bohemia and Arch Duke of Austria – and his intention to remain King of Hungary and Croatia.
Little Causes, Big Impacts
In the early morning of August 24th, 1918, a fire broke out in Essad Pasha Toptani’s house in Tirana, Albania. When the strong man of Albania and his family hastily evacuated the burning edifice, a gunman, who managed to escape unidentified, shot Essad Pasha.
As Essad had many enemies, his family and his followers had no clue who might be responsible for the assassination.
On the same day, in Ireland, in the County Tipperary, the dead bodies of three officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary were discovered. In the evening, in front of the barracks of the Royal Irish Constabulary at Limerick a bomb exploded, killing two innocent pedestrians and causing major damage to the building, but leaving all constables unharmed, except for some torn eardrums.
In London, General Sir Herbert Plumer was appointed new Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Prime Minister Bonar Law asserted him that five regular army divisions would be at his disposal, should he deem their use necessary. There was absolutely no reason to accept the ideas of the Irish separatists. Ireland would remain a part of the empire.
In Posen in Germany, a very angry Colonel Max Bauer disbanded the Freikorps, which he had formed from loyal soldiers of the garrison. Now that the Kaiser had caved in and the general strike had ended, the voluntary formation was no longer needed. However, Bauer kept a list of all names of his Freikorps. You never know…
In Copenhagen, Japanese ambassador Maeda received a telephone call from his German collegue, Count Ulrich von Brockdorf-Rantzau.
“Dear Jikiro, my boss is on his way. – What would be a suitable time and proper place for you to sign the treaty?”
In Sortavala in Finland, on the north shore of Lake Ladoga, the first train of the volunteer “East Karelia Force” arrived. Lieutenant Kurt Martti Wallenius and his German trained „Jäger” formed the core of this first trainload.
Their job was now to prepare quarters for the rest of the unit.
Wallenius was confident, he had seen the armoured trains that were currently put together in Vyborg. One would use the tactics that the Germans had employed against the Bolsheviks in February and March: Advance by railway.
But one also had to take care of “Reds” before that, there still were some bands around in the area. They had to be eliminated before they had opportunity to report about the East Karelia Force to the Russian Bolsheviks.
Trotsky at Work
Lev Davidovich Bronstein, better known as Leon Trotsky, People’s Commissar for Army and Navy Affairs, was not at all surprised when he learned about the planned desertion of the Czech Legion. He never had expected that the Legion would fight for the Bolsheviks. The Czechs had handed over the Trans-Siberian Railway to the Bolsheviks, that was what counted and why he had supported their initial change of sides. Now, they were about to concentrate their units south of Petrograd. His spies told him that Syrový had given order to plan a march to Czechia via Minsk and through Poland. Trotsky had no intention to try to stop them. The Czechs were too strong for the fledgling Red Army anyway, and when they clashed with the Germans that was something to Trotsky’s liking.
The Czechs had another welcome effect: Yudenich was withdrawing from Estonia and Livonia. So, that piece of real estate would become eligible for bolshevikation soon. Best to install an “Independent” Estonian People’s “Republic”. That would spoil the German ideas about a United Baltic Duchy a little bit. Once the Czechs were on the move, the Red Latvian Riflemen could be inserted against Yudenich who was relocating to Courland. One could use the Red Latvian Rifles and the Latvians in Livonia to establish an “Independent” Latvian People’s “Republic”, then the Germans could bury their idea of a Baltic puppet state.
That the Fins were about to invade what they called East Karelia could not be helped. The Bolsheviks had no supplies to expect via Murmansk. One could deal with the Fins later. Better they were kept busy in East Karelia than they got interested in attacking Petrograd.
With the threat of the Czechs and Yudenich removed, the Red Army now had the opportunity to deal with Alekseev and Denikin.
The Germans in Poland and the Ukraine had a defensive stance, they would not attack – or at least not before receiving sizeable reinforcements.
The Germans in Georgia and Azerbaijan were quite a nuisance, Trotsky hoped they would clash with the Turkish Army of Islam. To his knowledge, Enver had composed this force without any German participation and with the possibility in mind to use them against the Germans, if need be. But that stupid Turkish general was still bogged down in Armenia and didn’t move, while the Germans had the railway from Poti to the Caspian Sea running and were shipping oil out of Poti like crazy.
The Germans in the Caucasus could provide a solid base for Alekseev and Denikin to fall back, that had to be kept in mind. The Red Army was not yet capable of tackling the Germans. Trotsky didn’t know this General Maercker, but he seemed to be a vigorous character.
He knew General Hoffmann, however, who had been tasked to coordinate the German effort against the Bolsheviks. He had learned to respect that sottish fellow at Brest-Litovsk. Hoffmann was not to be underestimated as a soldier. He was perhaps the best operational head the Germans had. But he was no politician…
In Germany, a kind of revolution seemed to have happened. The social democrats were now ruling together with the papists and the progressives. Perhaps Georgy Chicherin could talk them into a more accepting mood towards Soviet Russia. – But that was outside of Trotsky’s reach…
He grabbed the telephone. “Ephraim, can you come here? – We’ve got to plan a campaign against Alekseev and Denikin.”
The Treaty of Elsinor
To avoid confusion with the Treaty of Copenhagen, the German-Japanese Peace Treaty was signed at Kronborg Castle at Elsinore on August 28th, 1918.
Japan at first had been quite reluctant to pay for territory that she had already conquered. Only the German hint that the High Seas Fleet was now – after peace had been concluded with Great Britain – rather unoccupied and that many Japanese cities lay close to the sea had finally led to a change in attitude.
The Germans had supplied coal for the Russian fleet travelling from the Baltic to the Chinese Sea in 1905, they certainly would be capable of supplying coal for the High Seas Fleet as well. The Japanese fleet had only four dreadnoughts and four modern battlecruisers to oppose nineteen German dreadnoughts and five battlecruisers.
These considerations soon brought about a more postive stance regarding the purchase of the German territories.
Japan reimbursed Germany for the infrastructure of the naval base and the city of Kiautchou with 50 million $.
Japan paid another 150 million $ for the right to take over Germany’s role in the lease agreement with China.
Japan bought the German Carolinas, Marianas, Palau Islands and Marshall Islands for 3.8 billion $.
Germany and Japan were at peace now. The Japanese also revoked the declaration of war they had issued to Austria-Hungary in 1914.
Matthias Erzberger, the new German minister of finance, is said to have remarked that this was the first time that any of the German colonies had produced something like profit.
A Greater Germany?
The request of the Austrian Germans for admission into the German Empire meant the fulfilment of the dreams of several generations of Germans and Austrians. But not everywhere was this request met with joy.
The Germans already had severe problems with the 3.5 million Poles in Germany, they had no wish to add 6.2 million Czechs to the empire. Seperating Germans and Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia was almost impossible without committing acts of violence.
The Austrian Germans were all catholic, they would turn the inner-German balance of confessions into a catholic preponderance.
That also meant that the SPD would gain less voters than the Zentrum. Although the Austrian Social Democratic Worker’s Party, the equivalent of the SPD, had been the strongest parliamentary group in the Reichsrat, the equivalent of the German Reichstag, before the war it was clear to the SPD leaders that the Zentrum would attract more voters in the less industrialised Austro-German states.
It was therefore with mixed feelings that Friedrich Ebert’s cabinet met on August 28th. The foreign minister was absent, signing the Treaty of Elsinore.
As could be expected, vice chancellor Erzberger was completely in favour of accepting the request.
But discussion soon reveiled that a solution would not be easy to be found.
The SPD ministers were ready to accept that the Zentrum might gain more voters from the annexation. But the Czech problem had to solved.
The FVP ministers were of the same opinion.
Only Konstantin Fehrenbach, the minister for economy, and Felix Porsch, the post minster, the two other Zentrums representatives, backed Erzberger, although their enthusiasm was much reduced in comparison to Erzberger.
Hermann von Eichhorn, the war minister, who did – like Richard von Kühlmann – not belong to one of the three ruling parties, had had his confidant Robert Katzenstein, a Jewish solicitor, examining the situation.
“Traditionally, Czech was spoken by the countrymen, while the towns talked in German. This has changed since the mid of the last century. Today, Czech is spoken everywhere. There is a complete mix. The only solution that might be possible is autonomy for the Czechs within a German state. – But then, we would have to grant this to our Poles and French too, and to the Italians in Southern Tyrolia. – The other solution would be a Czech state with an autonomous German minority. But do we really want a Czech state in the midth of Germany?”
After three hours of animated discussion, the cabinet parted without having reached a decision.
The Storm calms down
In Bohemia and Moravia, Conrad’s army was complete. Three divisions secured Budweis and advanced along the rail line to Prague, three more were around Brünn and controlled Moravia, while the two that had arrived at Eger had marched to Pilsen.
Conrad had issued an order that forbade fighting and threatened everyone – except his soldiers – who carried a weapon to be court martialed. To everyone’s surprise, this order was observed.
Karel Kramář’s government issued an appeal to the Czechs to follow the order, while the Germans were contend to obey Conrad.
It took two days for the fighting to die down, but on Saturday, August 31st, 1918, it had stopped everywhere.
Unbeknownst to the contemporaries, the “Fortnight of Revolution” was about to end.
In Italy, Giolitti’s government merged with the socialists into a “Government of National Concentration”. There was no use in wasting effort with civil strife when the possibility arose to regain Venetia and perhaps even to liberate the compatriots in Tyrolia.
At Laibach, a provisory Slovene National Committee had established itself. The Slovenes – for the first time in their history – had the chance to have their own state. But many saw also the risks of such a move. The idea of an common south Slav state was dead for the time being. Thus “Slovenia” would be sandwiched between Hungary, Italy and Germany. The Italians were known to have designs on the western part of the future Slovenia. Opposite Germany there would be large zones with mixed population inviting for border quarrels. The Hungarians had, as far as was known, no designs on Slovenia, but their Croat underlings might soon arrive at the idea to add it to their domain because there were Croats living in the Küstenland. Ending up in the Hungarian Empire was the least desirable alternative.
There were only 2.5 million Slovenes, was this really enough for an independent nation?
After seemingly endless debates the Slovene National Committee declared the foundation of an independent Slovenia, consisting of the former countries Carniola and Küstenland. For Styria and Carinthia, a referendum was demanded, that should allow the Slovenes living in the south of these countries to join Slovenia. The German population of the Gottschee area and the Croats and Italians living in the Küstenland were promised autonomous areas.
At Rabaul, the capital of German New Guinea, situated on the island of New Pomerania, naval captain Joseph Kutzner supervised the hoisting of the German flag.
He had been told not to invest too much effort, just show the flag and see that all Australians and English evacuate the real estate – before it is sold to the highest bidder…
A Greater Germany
On Monday, September 2nd, 1918, the Reichstag met in Berlin to debate and decide upon two proposals how to deal with the request of the Austrian Germans.
Proposal 1, the Erzberger Proposal, foresaw the admission of the countries in the boundaries they had had in Austria-Hungary, regardless of ethnic distribution. Slovenia was to be recognised in the borders of Carniola and Küstenland.
Proposal 2, the Scheidemann Proposal, recognised that ethnic distribution and national self-determination required referenda in various areas and demanded that new borders should be drawn observing the results of these referenda. Independence of Czechia and Slovenia would consequently be accepted, southern Tyrolia might join Italy. Those areas that declared for Germany would join the empire.
The debate raged for two days. At 22:15 hours on September 3rd, the ballot was finally cast. With a narrow majority of 202 to 195, the Scheidemann Proposal was accepted.
Poles, Elsaß-Lothringers and Danes had – for obvious reasons – reinforced the 185 deputies of SPD and FVP.
This decision evoked different reactions in different countries. While Great Britain, Great Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria condemned it because it shook the “traditional” boundaries and threatened to open the nationality Box of Pandora in Europe, the reaction in France, Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, Finland, Sweden and the USA was very positive. Karel Kramář’s government voiced acceptance and proposed negotiations.
The Poles, which until now had kept conspicuously quiet, took hope. Perhaps a Polish Rzeczpospolita could be forged that was not a German puppet and united all Poles in one state?
In Lithuania, the decision was taken to declare the state a republic on September 5th.
Mixed Fortunes
The Bolshevik offensive against the forces of Alekseev and Denikin that started on September 1st soon turned out to be a major disaster.
Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili, better known as Joseph Stalin, had convinced Lenin that he should be given command of the operations in the south, much to Trotsky’s chagrin.
Stalin had been sent to Tsarytsin by Lenin in spring of 1918 in order to improve the food situation of the Bolshevik territories. In Tsarytsin he had befriended the local Red Army commander Semyon Budyonny and his commissar, Kliment Voroshilov.
Budyonny’s 1st Cavalry Army, better known as “Konarmia”, became the principal force with which Alekseev and Denikin were to be defeated.
Lieutenant General Anton Ivanovich Denikin, the commander of the Volunteer Army, had gotten early warning about the planned offensive. News didn’t travel into one direction only in Russia.
With German help he had been able to arm his force with substantial numbers of machine guns and field howitzers. He also had assembled a sizeable fleet of armoured cars, mostly from Russian war time stocks, now kept running by a German motor transport repair unit.
Consequently, the “surprise” attack of the Konarmia on the “unsuspecting” Volunteers ran into outclassing fire and became an epic massacre. The fleeing remainders of the horse army were chased to death by the armoured cars and Denikin’s cavalry.
Desperately defending their headquarters at Elista, Budyonny, Stalin and Voroshilov died under the sabres of Ataman Pjotr Krasnov’s Cossacks. The Konarmia had ceased to exist.
While Alekseev, the political head of the counterrevolutionaries, travelled to Germany for medical treatment of his ailing heart, Denikin ordered advance on Tsarytsin.
In East Karelia the Finnish “Operation Viena” had also started on September 1st. It turned out to be successful beyond all expectations. The Bolsheviks offered only weak resistance and soon fell back. The Fins advanced along the railway lines, spearheaded by their armoured trains. After five days all lands north of Lakes Ladoga and Onega were in Finnish possession.
In Estonia, for the moment free of all foreign forces, the Estonian majority again declared independence on September 3rd, thus spoiling the old German plans of the “Baltic Duchy” (which the Ebert government hadn’t persecuted anyway) and Bolshevik aspirations of creating a “Peoples Republic”. Elections for a national constituent assembly were scheduled for the end of the month. Finland and Sweden were asked for military assistance. Konstantin Päts again became the leader of the Estonian Provisional Government.
The Czech Legion was still assembling east of Estonia. With the German decision of September 3rd, the need to liberate the compatriots in Czechia had suddenly vanished. There was no need for a fight with the Germans. The priority now was getting home.
Subsequently, a delegation was sent to Tallinn. Did the Estonians need an army?
Transcaucasian Affairs
At Baku, the Army of Islam had shown up in the meanwhile. Not much of an army, more like a weak division, expanded by hordes of shabby irregulars. General Maercker greeted Nuri Pasha outside of Baku – and told him to get lost...
Maercker had received some reinforcement, especially artillery and engineers, and two additional infantry regiments, making his Kaukasus Division almost corps sized.
A bunch of German diplomats had arrived as well, discussing treaty options with the Georgians and the Azeris. Maercker didn’t appreciate the fuzzy style of the diplomats, but his orders were clear: Support them, their wishes have priority. He understood that another bunch of diplomats had arrived at Yerevan and was talking with the Armenians. The idea was obviously to bring all three Transcaucasus states under a kind of German protectorate.
Maercker doubted that the Turks would like that.
On the other hand, the Armenians had little reason to like the Turks, as had the Georgians, both being christian nations. The Azeris were quite another affair, Turk speakers and muslims. But as Maercker soon had found out, not at all interested in being controlled by Istambul.
The situation was exacerbated by the fact that the three people had problems to live in peace with each other. The Transcausus Federation of the three states had lasted something like two months in early 1918.
There were territorial claims and unforgotten acts of mutual violence. For example, in March, the Armenians in Baku had helped the Bolsheviks to massacre the Azeris.
When Nuri Pasha and his ragtag Azeri irregulars approached, the Armenians in Baku feared retaliation. But that had not been the reason for Maercker to turn around the Army of Islam and send them home. Arthur Zimmermann, the chief diplomat, had told him to get rid of the Turks.
“No need for them to be here. They only will disturb our conversations with the Azeris. Tell’em to bugger off!”
North of the Caucasus, there was another state, the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus, recognised by Germany, Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan, one more unbelievable hodgepodge of ethnical groups. Zimmermann wanted him to move troops up there.
So far, Maercker had resisted this wish. His force was just large enough to control Georgia and Azerbaijan. If Zimmermann wanted troops north of the Caucasus, he must cable to Berlin and ask for them.
Now, with Denikin’s army in firm control of Tsarytsin, the Germans in the Ukraine were in a far better position to send an expedition to the north of the Caucasus. Maercker had no intention to scatter his force.
The Turks were gone for the moment, they might come back soon – after Nuri had reported to his big brother... May be they would send someone more fit next time.
Having been shooed away by the German general was extremely humilating to Nuri Pasha. But the German had appeared so coldly effective and determinative. And his men were so tidy and disciplined.
Nuri knew that he had no real control over his army. His second in command, Mursal Pasha, had some command over the Turkish regiments, but nobody really controlled the irregulars. Recognising that no big looting party at Baku would happen, most of these brigands were about to disappear anyway.
Nuri needed to talk to his brother Enver. He needed more men. More regular Turkish soldiers. Then he could make another advance on Baku.
To Unteroffizier Adolf Hitler, serving with the Volunteer Bavarian Kaukasus Rifle Regiment, it had been a wonderful experience.
General Maercker had crisply approached this pompous Turkish Pasha, had spoken some sharp and accentuated sentences to him, equally sharp and accentuated translated by the interpreter. Then the honour battalion, of which Hitler had been part, had executed some manoeuvres and handholds.
That had been enough to scare away the Turks and their subhuman allies...
The Man in the Red Brick House
General der Infantry Erich Ludendorff was seriously irritated.
Not enough that the Chief of the GGS had lost his direct report to the monarch (he really couldn’t complain about that, having himself advised the Kaiser to accept the demands of the parties), now he came under command and control of the war minister! Moltke Senior was due to rotate in his grave!
Agreed, General Field Marshal von Eichhorn was an acceptable superior. Far more intellectual and active than von Hindenburg, Eichhorn was a strategic mind of the first order, a worthy Chief of the GGS himself. As a man he was honourable and very educated.
But that Jew he had around him all the time, that Katzenstein! Was that an appropriate associate for a Prussian field marshal?
And that he had dragged Groener with him to Berlin... Groener was a good general staff officer and an excellent organiser, but so prone to succumb to socialist ideas...
The Ukraine was now managed by the duo Mackensen – Seeckt, that would work fine, they had no ounce of weakness in them. Von der Goltz in Finland and Maercker in the Transcaucasus were also doing fine.
But in the Baltic Lands, things were going awry... – The grand idea of the Baltic Duchy seemed to be dead. Lithuania and Estonia were now – recognised by Germany! – democratic republics.
Latvia was everything, a Democratic Republic for the Ulmanis government, a Baltic Duchy for the Landesrat and a Soviet Republic for the Bolsheviks – and a battleground for Yudenich’s forces and the Red Latvian Rifles.
Denikin controlled southern Russia up to Voronezh and Saratov now. He would advance on Moscow the next spring, while Yudenich headed for Petrograd.
The Czech Legion had just moved to Estonia, secured the country against the Bolsheviks – and begged to be transported home as soon as possible.
Okay, when the Czechs paid for the expenses...
Ludendorff had no proximity to former Austria-Hungaria, therefore the ongoing preparations for plebiscites down there didn’t really worry him. He wondered about the consequences this would have for Poland and the Prussian eastern provinces with their high percentage of Polish inhabitants.
He needed someone to discuss these issues with... – Bauer, that was the one. Bauer always had a good explanation how things should be. He called his first adjutant.
“Get a line to Colonel Bauer at Posen. I want him here as soon as possible. I need to talk to him. – Thank you. Dismissed.”
The Ebert government might have strange ideas about national self-determination, but they really did not neglect the army. That Ludendorff had to grant. His proposal to expand the peace time army so that all healthy young men could serve in the forces had been received positively. The army was now – slowly of course, because funding was a severe problem – growing to a peace time strength of 40 army corps, thereof seven Bavarian, five Saxon and two Württemberg.
The army was now no longer foreseen for use inside Germany against strikers or protesters. The individual states were creating riot police forces for that. Ludendorff had no problem to accept that.
The Kanobil Force was also growing steadily. A new prototype with the cannon in a revolving turret was presently tested at Sennelager training ground. Major General von Wolf and his staff bustled with new ideas. And Major Rohr had some very good inputs about mechanised assault infantry.
The only bad news was that the English had now discarted their hopeless rhomboid “Tanks” and were going to construct their own copy of the Kanobils – if they ever could spare enough money for that.
General Conrad had done a great job in Bohemia and Moravia. General Field Marshal von Eichhorn had already agreed that Conrad would receive command of the one of armies that were to be created from the former Austrian lands.
Yes, the little Austrian, who had so little general staff training in the Prussian sense at all, was an excellent commander.
By the way, the addition of the Austrian Germans territories would provide another fifteen army corps as Ludendorff had had computed by his staff.
Well, the future was not that bleak...
The Man in the Grey Brick House
If General Ludendorff in the GGS building near the Reichstag was irritated, Admiral Reinhard Scheer, Chief of the German Admiral Staff, in Navy’s office building at the Königin-Augusta-Straße in Berlin-Tiergarten, was outright unhappy.
The army was getting all the funds that were available, the navy got almost nothing.
The new government was of the opinion that Germany was a continental power and should concentrate on the army. They had no concept of “Weltgeltung” or “Weltmacht”.
The High Seas Fleet was big enough, no more costly big ships were required.
Some meagre funds were made availabe for research in U-Boats and aircraft carriers, but the battle fleet would only receive the two missing “Bayern”-Class battleships and the “Mackensen” and “Ersatz-Yorck” great cruisers, the construction of which had already started during the war, and that was to be it. End of the fleet building programme!
Okay, Scheer was enough of a realist to recognise that Grand Admiral Tirpitz’ theory of the “Risk Fleet” had not worked at all. The High Seas Fleet never had been a fleet for the high seas, but only for the “Wet Triangle” of the North Sea. And even there, it had been caged by the Royal Navy.
Yes, one had controlled the German Bight and had had the upper hand in the Baltic, all this necessary for the final victory, but one had never played the role Tirpitz and the Kaiser had had in mind when creating the fleet.
Perhaps the government was right, not new ships were the answer, new ideas were needed. Scheer decided to get in contact with Albert Ballin of the HAPAG at Hamburg and Philipp Heineken of the Norddeutsche Lloyd at Bremen. They might contribute some useful ideas for the future.
The second largest merchant navy of the world was not something to be forgotten. The HSF had never been able to protect it, a major shortcoming.
But right now, it was at work again. As was the notorious German salesman all around the world, offering better quality for a better price.
And as a fleet in being, the HSF had played its important role. No, Scheer would not resign.
Supplementing one’s Income
While Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and Portugal reported first cases of the American Flu in early October 1918, the German colonial minister, Gustav Noske (SPD), announced that on Wednesday, October 16th, German New Guinea and West Samoa would be auctioned off to the highest bidders in Berlin at the Reichskolonialamt. The real estate would be on offer in the following parcels:
- Kaiser-Wilhelms-Land, starting-price 6 billion $
- Neu Pommern and the isles west of it, starting-price 2 billion $
- Neu Mecklenburg, Admiralitäts Inseln, Neu Hannover and Matthias Gruppe, starting-price 2 billion $
- Bougainville, Buka and Nissan, starting-price 1 billion $
- Savaii, starting-price 1 billion $
- Upolu, starting-price 1 billion $.
The number of interested parties was limited: Japan, the USA and Great Britain, represented by her dominions, the Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand.
The Australians were rather frustrated to have to buy territories they had conquered only some years ago. But, okay, that was the price of losing a war... – Nevertheless, they had no intention to welcome Japanese or North American neighbours on their home turf.
New Zealand was ready to bid for Savaii and Upolu.
The results of the auction made German minister of finance Matthias Erzberger a happy man.
- Kaiser-Wilhelms-Land, sold for 10.8 billion $ to Australia
- Neu Pommern and the isles west of it, sold for 5.4 billion to Australia
- Neu Mecklenburg, Admiralitäts Inseln, Neu Hannover and Matthias Gruppe, sold for 6.3 billion $ to Australia
- Bougainville, Buka and Nissan, sold for staggering 7.6 billion $ to Japan
- Savia, sold for 6.4 billion $ to the US
- Upolu, sold for 7.5 billion $ to the US
That meant that one hundred percent of the German war bonds could be repayed immediately, pumping massively money into the pockets of the middle class, and that sufficient money remained for critical investments such as enlarging the peace time army and providing reparations to Belgium. One might even consider to buy Spanish Guinea in Africa from Spain...
Erzberger was embarked on a reform of the German tax system, which had shown its limitations before and during the war. The financial administration would have to be completely restructured. Income tax would in future be deducted directly. More centralisation was required. And the wealthy and rich would have to pay more.
Erzberger knew that the SPD would wholeheartedly agree to these changes.
He did not mind that he had lost to SPD and FVP in the question of the new states and had no intention of looking for other political combinations.
Working together with SPD and FVP was the best solution, until the Zentrum gathered sufficient voters to rule on its own...
Luckless Men
One could call the month of October 1918 the month of the luckless men.
Georges Clemenceau lost his office as French prime minister to Charles Maurras of the monarchist Action Française when the long awaited parliamentary elections in France brought a distinct shift to the right and ultra right parties and groups.
Nestor Makhno, the leader of the Anarchist Black Army, which he had formed in September 1918, lost his life when he was publicly hanged in Kiev on October 19th. His army had been destroyed by the Hetmanate’s forces and their German “advisors” near Yekaterinoslav in mid October.
Jukums Vācietis, commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen, lost his life and his unit in the Second Battle of Riga that lasted from 15th to 30th October and ended with a complete victory of the combined Yudenich-Landeswehr force.
Millions of men around the globe lost their lifes due to the American Flu, which at the end of October reached its maximum of mortality.
One of the approximately 7 million Indians that were killed by the pandemia was a certain Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, a lawyer who had fought for the rights of the Indians in South Africa before the war and now was said to be preparing a nonviolent movement for Indian independence.
Eleftherios Venizelos, leader of the Greek Republic based on Crete, lost his job when the Greek Royalist Army invaded the island on October 27th, discreetly supported by the Royal Navy’s Mediterranean Squadron. Although Queen Sophia, still ruling in place of her convalescent husband, wanted him shot on the spot, Venizelos finally ended in jail, facing a trial for high treason.
In appreciation of their cordial support, the British were invited to establish a naval base at Souda Bay.
Wilhelm Friedrich Heinrich Prince of Wied and Prince of Albania and his familiy lost their lifes when their car crashed down a steep slope in the German Black Forest on October 30th. Police investigation soon revealed that the brakes of the Benz had been manipulated. It was widely believed that Albanian supporters of the late Essad Pasha were responsible for this murder.
A Shift in Priorities Retread
A Shift In Priorities
After Generals von Hindenburg and Ludendorff had already scorned the demonstration of the so-called “Bremer-Wagen”, an early but very flawed German attempt in tank construction, in March 1917, the failed Entente tank actions near Arras and Juvincourt in April 1917 did mislead the German high command to the believe that the tank was not a decisive weapon and should be neglected.
The prospect of success for the German tank designs that were to be demonstrated and tested near Mainz in mid-May 1917 thus was rather gloomy. The high command was represented by Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer, originally the specialist for heavy artillery, but now also responsible for resource allocation and cooperation with the home industries. Above all, Bauer had Ludendorff’s ear and was usually able to influence Ludendorff towards the way Bauer saw things. Regarding tanks, Bauer had a negative stance from the start. He knew that the horse supply was going down and was very much interested to get lorries and tractors built that could replace horses as means of traction for the artillery. Tanks would only drain resources away from this, therefore tank construction had to be limited to the minimum, if not to be stifled at all.
Tests on the sandy training ground near Mainz soon showed that the only project that promised some success was the A7V, but even the A7V was not really convincing. The Chief of Field Motor Transport, Colonel Hermann Meyer, was in the meanwhile propagating a far more ambitious project: The Kolossal-Kampfwagen (short: K-Wagen), a monster in the class of 150 metric tons.
To Bauer, all this amounted to waste of resources. The War Ministry was favouring their A7V design, Meyer wanted his K-Wagen. He would have to concede some further design and construction to both, just to placate them. But generally he had already decided to cut this waste as short as possible. Let the specialists toy along with their favourites, but direct almost all resources to really important goals.
This was the state of affairs, when – by chance, during a coffee break – Bauer came into conversation with Joseph Vollmer, the chief constructor of the A7V vehicle.
Vollmer freely admitted that the A7V had been his first attempt in tank construction, and that with the knowledge he had today, he could design far better armoured assault vehicles. He also thought that the K-Wagen was a waste of time, effort and resources and expressed his conviction that small fighting vehicles were best suited for actual combat and the meagre German resource basis.
On this Bauer replied that armoured fighting vehicles must not get in the way of mobility for the field artillery. The field artillery was the most important companion of the infantry, if their guns became immobile for lack of horses, the armoured fighting vehicles alone could decide nothing. Therefore it was better to allocate resources to lorries and tractors instead of tanks.
Vollmer pondered this for some seconds, then he asked: “So, why not put the guns on tracks? Instead of towing them along, let’s install them on the tracked chassis and protect the gun crew by armour plates. – Wouldn’t that be far better then mere traction?”
“And how many of these could be built with the few resources we have? – Consider: The are many thousands of artillery pieces.”
“If we skip K-Wagen and A7V and concentrate on small vehicles that just carry a 7,7 cm cannon with crew and ammunition, several hundreds. We could use the engines of existing passenger cars that have been mothballed for lack of tyres and petrol.”
Bauer hesitated. He had always sought a way to tow the guns into combat. This now was different – not applicable to all field guns in the German inventory, there were just too many of them – but certainly promising for an offensive, which always would have a rather small point of main effort… He also saw the advantage of not having to unlimber the guns under enemy fire; they would be combat ready and protected all the time.
“Let me have your ideas on short notice, with a sketch of a possible vehicle, the resources required and the time to come up with a prototype.”
Vollmer’s new design received the name “Kanonen-Mobil”, short “Kanobil”. It was a 18 metric tons tracked vehicle carrying the proven 7,7 cm canon FK 96 n.A., which was smaller and lighter than the more modern FK 16. The first prototype became ready in August 1917 – and it did convince Bauer, who in turn convinced Ludendorff…
So, when by the end of November 1917, the British ruptured the German front line west of Cambrai with hundreds of their rhomboid tanks, they did not shake the German high command out of a complacency regarding tanks. The news only made Ludendorff nod. Yes, Bauer had been right again. Good that 800 Kanobils were already under construction for the planned German spring offensive. Perhaps another batch should be ordered?
“Have Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer come over.” Ludendorff tasked an aide. “I need to talk to him.”
Trial and Experiment
Not without regret did Captain Willy Rohr, commanding officer of the elite Assault Battalion No. 5, watch how the Kanobils churned his former fine assault infantry training ground near Doncourt into a muddy mess. He had been charged with the task to find procedures and tactics for this new weapon. Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer knew that he, Rohr, was the most competent evaluator for technical equipment to be used in combat with the German Army, and he had no qualms to task him with developing this new arm into something useful.
30 Kanobils and their crews had arrived at Pierrepont rail station five weeks ago, accompanied by a technical echelon and a bunch of mechanical engineers, headed by Joseph Vollmer himself.
The Kanobil looked like a coffin fitted with tracks on both sides, the cannon sticking out front and the exhaust at rear. There was a small fixed turret on top, the observation post of the vehicle commander. The maximum velocity was about 15 km/h on hard surface and 9 to 10 km/h on soft ground. The Kanobil could travel approximately 40 to 50 kilometres if required to return to base, or 80 to 90 kilometres if fuel supply did follow up. It carried 120 rounds for the 7,7 cm cannon, in a mix of 40% grapeshot, 50% explosive and 10% massive shells. Technical reliability was still an issue: About one third of the vehicles didn’t start at all or went out of action before even commencing the mission, and more than half of the rest didn’t finish any given mission for technical reasons. But Vollmer was confident that serviceablity could be raised so that two thirds of the Kanobils sent out would successfully complete their task.
Bauer had only outlined that the Kanobils should accompany the infantry and act like conventional accompanying artillerie batteries. But Rohr had soon realised that the potential of the Kanobils was much higher. They were a weapon that could push forward the attack, so why waste them lingering around? Fire and movement was the key to success, the Kanobils had fire power and they could move fast even over difficult terrain. Shell holes were no real problem, but very wide trenches might stop them. This was a problem of reconnaisance before the mission. If there were wide trenches, the Kanobils could be equipped with fascines, like the English had done with their „Tanks“ at Cambrai five weeks ago.
The Kanobil could fire while moving, but tests quickly reveiled that this wouldn’t result in any hits. So, for aiming and shooting, the vehicle had to stop in order to be able to destroy the target. That meant one portion of the vehicles would move forward, while another portion covered them with fire. The artillerists, which formed the major part of the crews, suggested platoons of two vehicles, just like their two gun platoons in the artillery regiments. But that was of course nonsense, a platoon must be able to have two covering guns, two moving guns, plus the platoon commander, thus five Kanobils in total. That led to a company of three plattons with 15 vehicles plus the one for the company commander and two as his reserve, adding up to a total of 18 Kanobils in one company. That was exactly the fire power of one complete artillery battalion. It would be used in support of an attacking infantry battalion on front of 500 to 600 metres. That really would be a „Schwerpunkt“ (point of gravity).
But the Kanobils could do more, they could flatten wire obstacles by simply rolling over them. They could eliminate enemy strong points – and they could speed ahead and destroy the enemy artillery.
There also were shortcomings: The vehicles didn’t carry a single machine gun. They couldn’t straddle trenches and use machine guns to suppress the trench garrison.
Rohr had already proposed that the second lot of Kanobils should also encompass machine gun armed vehicles, and that those already completed as gun carriers should receive an aperture on each long side to operate a machine gun if required.
He also had proposed to construct some vehicles without guns, these could carry supplies and be used for recovery. A Kanobil battalion should have three companies of combat vehicles and one echelon of supply carriers and recovery crafts. Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer had already agreed to these changes.
Now, Lieutenant Krug, one of Rohr’s training supervisors, had come up with the idea to use gunless vehicles to carry along infantry squads, so that the Kanobils could have infantry protection when they tackled the enemy artillery.
Rohr sighed, he very clearly saw where this all was leading to. Thank Goodness that Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer was behind all this, otherwise the established brotherhood of those who rejected change in general and this revolution in special would already have thoroughly sabotaged the effort for a new kind of warfare. But the Bauer – Ludendorff connection warranted that all negative interference would be coldly suppressed. Rohr had spent three years attempting to optimise infantry attacks by close coordination of fire and movement. He had created the assault infantry. And now he had found something that was far more effective – and he was determined to bring this new arm to success. He would create the assault artillery! It was high time that this bloody war came to a positive end!
Getting Ready
Max Bauer very much enjoyed the struggle to integrate assault artillery – his assault artillery! – into the German tactic of all arms attack. General Ludendorff had been won over when inspecting the Leaders‘ and General Staff Training Course Sedan, where a whole division had demonstrated an attack, supported by two battalions of Kanobils. But others had still been entrenched in resistance to change. The mulish Chief of Operations Ia, Wetzell, had almost driven him to frenzy. The Ic, Major Vollard-Bockelberg, responsible for military hardware, was hardly better. Finally, Bauer had dragged both away from the supreme command staff and given them a free ride on some Kanobils, including a life fire exercise. That had done the job.
The younger officers of the supreme command staff (Oberste Heeresleitung – OHL) had quickly grasped the advantage that the Kanobils offered. Especially Captain Geyer, who had composed the original manual „Attack in Position Warfare“, was a great help in adapting the manual to incorporate Kanobil use.
But the paper lions of the War Ministry in Berlin were the worst of all. Still sullying that he had overridden them in Kanobil production, they had really done everything to throw sticks between his spokes. The Kanobils were motor vehicles, so they must go the motor transport branch! – Nonsense, the motor transport branch was a rear area service, the members of which were famous for their black market deals, not for their braveness in battle. It had cost him three weeks to get this imbecile idea revoked. The artillery had the right offensive spirit, the Kanobils would remain with the artillery. The motor transport branch proved even unable to provide a sufficient number of drivers, but the artillerists were eager enough to train drivers of their own.
Another problem had been to find the right kind of artillerists. His original idea had been to convert whole regiments coming from the eastern front into Kanobil units. But Captain Rohr had convinced him that this was not the best solution. Eastern front units weren’t used to western front conditions, they needed some time to customise. It was better to replace western front regiments by eastern front regiments and use the former for Kanobil crews.
Bauer had not lingered along and asked for volunteers for the new arm, transformation to Kanobil had been ordered. 25 field artillery regiments each had supplied one of their battalions.
21 Kanobil battalions were ready for the offensive, each counting 70 Kanobils. More were under formation, but would not become ready for „Michael“, which was scheduled to start next week, on March 21st.
Fifteen battalions would go to 17th Army and six to 18th Army. It had been another struggle to achieve this distribution, but it was pointless to scatter the Kanobils evenly all over the front. The vehicles were designed for use at the „Schwerpunkt“ (point of gravity), there were a breakthrough was intended. Bauer was very confident that the Britsh front lines at Arras and St.Quentin would be ruptured and British 3rd and 5th armies would be caught in a big cauldron.
Into Combat
Unteroffizier Hermann Schultz, commander of the Kanobil „Dagmar“ of 2nd Company, 7th Kanobil-Battalion, peered suspiciously in direction enemy. The artillery was still raging, and would continue to do so until 09:40 hours, still more than one hour...
Paulsen, the driver, was sleeping in his seat to the right side of the gun. Gräbner, the gunner, Velten, the loader, and Rothmann, the machine gunner, were playing Skat, while Kottmeier, the flashlight operator, was writing a letter. They all knew their task, they had exercised on three different training grounds, had been inspected twice and received the label „combat ready with excellence“. Nevertheless, the prospect of attacking a very strong enemy position left Schultz with a itching feeling of uncertainty. He looked again on his small scale map, produced from most recent arial photographs. This was not going to be easy...
„Dagmar“ was a Kanobil of most recent production, which Schultz and his crew had only received one week ago, handing in their old „Doris“. „Dagmar“ had a coaxial machine gun in an armoured cover besides the gun and apertures left and right to mount another machine gun. Gräbner was an excellent gunner, only rivalled by Sammy Katz of the „Frederike“ crew.
The 2nd Company would advance ahead of the infantry, their task was, together with 1st Company, to attain the enemy artillery positions as fast as possible and to destroy as many enemy guns as possible. While the 1st would turn right, 2nd would turn left once they were upon the enemy artillery. Their task was not to conquer ground but to subdue the enemy artillery so that the infantry was enabled to advance. 3rd Company would support the advancing infantry.
09:10 hours. Time to start the engine. „All right, fellows, put away your cards. Time to wake Dagmar! – And Paulsen!“
It took two men to turn the starting crank. „Dagmar“ today was uncapricious, the engine started at once. Vollmer’s initial idea to use engines of mothballed passenger cars for the Kanobils had soon been overtaken by reality. The Kanobils needed more powerful traction, the 160 hp Mercedes DIII engine of the obsolete Albatros D.II fighter had finally been chosen.
09:20 hours. „Combat stations! – Get ready, men.“
Damned fog! Schultz cast a distrustful glance at the compass that was installed in the turret top.
„Driver ready for action!“ Paulsen reported.
„Gun loaded and combat ready!“ That was Gräbner.
„Front machine gun loaded and combat ready!“ shouted Rothmann while checking the side apertures.
„L-Blink ready.“ Kottmeier shared the turret with Schultz, there was no need to shout.
09:40 hours. „Kanobil forward march!“
Schultz observed „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde““ move ahead of „Dagmar“ and „Erna“ while the platoon leader‘s „Clara“ sped forward to catch up with the vanguard.
The Kanobils crossed the German wire obstacles, then „Dagmar“ and „Erna“ went into a surveilling position while „Anneliese“, „Brunhilde“ and „Clara“ approached the first British trench.
„Damned fog! – Paulsen, move forward!“
Schultz noticed that „Erna“ did not move forward. Had Warnicke better eyes than himself? – This was going to be a mess! An uncoordinated mob of Kanobils speeding forward...
Now „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ were blasting away at something. Something that Schultz couldn’t see. Shells were raining down around them.
„Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ moved on, into the British wire obstacles, still firing at something.
Schultz checked his map and his compass. Yes, they still were on track.
Gräbner fired. 250 metres ahead, an enemy machine gun position went into oblivition.
„Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ now dropped their fascines into the first enemy trench and went into surveilling position.
„Go ahead!“
Paulsen hit the speed pedal. „Gudrun“ jumped forward. Reaching the trench, Paulsen reduced velocity and smoothly traversed the fascine filled trench.
While Schultz laboured to determine where „Gudrun“ really was, Gräbner and Velten had a big time shooting at every Englishman they could see.
„Gun crew! Save ammunition! – Machine gunner, Take over!“
Schultz saw how shells errupted around „Anneliese“. But the Kanobil moved on, her cannon blasting.
„Go ahead! – Machine Gunner! Machine gun position at ten hundred hours, distance 400 metres, annihilate!“
Rothmann hammered along with the coaxial machine gun. Yes, another trench.
„Slowly, we need to drop our fascine here!“
Gräbner and Velten retracted the cannon, Paulsen stopped the Kanobil at the right position, Schultz unblocked the fascine. It dropped exactly where he wanted it to come down.
Battling it out
Unteroffizier Schultz checked his watch. 10:12 hours, they were in battle for just half an hour...
„Anneliese“, „Brunhilde“, „Clara“ and his „Dagmar“ were still together, while „Erna“ was lost. And where was the rest of the company?
„Clara“ and „Dagmar“ pressed forward, with „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ following slowly. Visibility still was bad, so was the chance of observation.
There was another Kanobil at right. Schultz used his binoculars. „Dietlinde“, written in white, 1st Company.
Gun blasts ahead. They had reached the enemy artillery. „Clara“ was hit and jolted but kept moving. The front armour of the Kanobils had a thickness of 40 millimetres, proof against field cannons.
„Paulsen, stop! - Gräbner, get them!“
But Gräbner had already taken aim and fired just when Schultz was shouting. The British gun rocked back, bodies were thrown into the air.
„Ten o’clock, another one!“
Paulsen took a slight curve to the left. This was the great drawback of the Kanobils, the limited traverse of their gun, only good between ten o’clock and 14 o’clock.
„Got him!“ shouted Gräbner. „Paulsen, stop her!“
Gräbner fired again, after Paulsen had arrested movement.
The platoon turned to the left now, following the line of the enemy guns.
Then „Anneliese“ was hit in the engine compartment and burst into flames. – There was a second line of enemy guns!
„Paulsen, swing to 15 o’clock! – Rothmann, machine gun on port side, see that they can’t turn their guns!“
„I see one!“ cried Gräbner. „Paulsen, stop her!“
The gun barked.
„Shit!“
But already two more shells found the British cannon.
Schultz watched how „Anneliese’s“ crew bailed out of the burning vehicle and took cover in a shell hole. At least there was no enemy infantry around with rifles and machine guns.
Rothmann engaged a British gun crew at „Dagmar’s“ left flank. These Tommies had grit. Working in the open, trying to pull their gun out of its emplacement and to swing around. Schultz saw them stagger and fall. Brave bastards!
Gräbner had espied another cannon and directed Paulsen to swing slightly to the right.
„Got it!“
Suddenly, a giant gong sounded, „Dagmar“ rocked, Schultz tumbled into Kottmeier and both went down.
Paulsen winced, holding his head. Gräbner looked up, his nose was broken and just starting to bleed. Velten and Rothmann seemed to be alright. Kottmeier kicked against the broken L-Blink 17.
„Paulsen! Reverse gear! Get us out of here!“
Rothmann opened fire with the coaxial machine gun, spraying the British gun positions ahead.
While „Dagmar“ edged slowly to the rear, Velten directing Paulsen, Schultz saw several bulky shapes closing in from behind. „Fredericke“ and „Gudrun“ he could make out. II. Platoon was arriving.
„About time...“ he muttered.
They found a small scrape where „Dagmar“ went into cover. Gräbner was out of action, nose broken, eyes swelling.
„Velten, can you do it?“
„Sure, I’m not Old Shatterhand Gräbner, but I’ll do what I can.“ Schultz motioned Kottmeier to take over Velten’s old position.
Schultz looked at his watch: 11:15 hours.
„Dagmar“ advanced again, joined „Brunhilde“. „Clara“ had been hit in the track, Vizefeldwebel Klein had relocated to „Brunhilde“.
Schultz saw Klein waving.
„Bring her alongside „Brunhilde““ he told Paulsen.
„II. and III. Platoon will roll up the artillery to the left. We two go straight. There must be some heavy guns ahead.“ Klein shouted over. „Let’s go!“
Hope and Confidence
Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer was seething with impatience. Nobody seemed to know anything, and nobody seemed to be worried because of that.
He had paced the floor at Avesenes-les-Sec, where the Operational Division of the OHL had taken quarter, waiting for news from the battlefield. The battle was raging for ten hours now. And what did OHL know about it? – „Oh, it’s going well.“ – „What is going on in your sector?“ – „Yes, we’ve breached the first enemy line.“ – „Where are your forward units now?“ – „No idea, we’ve lost contact.“ – It was utterly frustating.
There had been no point to drive to Mons, to the HQ of Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht, but the HQ of 17th Army was right in the next village, Saint Amand.
But did 17th Army know more than OHL? No, they did not.
The Chief of Staff, General Lieutenant Krafft von Delmensingen, wasn’t worried at all.
„Bauer, what do you want? – That’s normal. All orders have been given. – And the men are now out fighting, fighting for their life. – Do you think the divisional commanders know where their units are?“
„But how can you control the battle?“
„By the orders His Royal Highness is issuing and by the trust that our soldiers will follow these orders.“
Bauer had gone ahead and visited the aerodrome near-by. Perhaps the flyers did know something?
Schlasta 36 had had a busy day.
„Until the fog lifted, we could do little. But afterwards, it became a great day. – We’ve lost five planes, but we’ve also shown the Tommies who’s ahead. The Hannover is a fine aircraft for strafing.“
Yes, there was a huge gap in the British lines, into which the German infantry divsions were now marching. Kanobils? O Yes, they had done the job. On the map? Yes, sure.
„Willy and Oskar, come over please, I need some help with the map!“
To expect exact unit designations from the airmen was – of course – hopeless. But they could supply a general picture: South of Arras, a corridor about ten kilometres wide had been breached, approximately 15 kilometres deep by nightfall, own units were moving in, a lot of infantry and a lot of Kanobils, also guns and engineers about.
This sounded as if things really were going as planned...
The Bapaume – Peronne Pocket
During the night, the picture became clearer as reports were now coming in great number. 17th Army had broken through the British lines south of Arras and was advancing on Albert. 18th Army had broken through at St.Quentin and was heading for Chaulnes. 2nd Army kept up the pressure on the British lines between Moeuvres and Belleglise. A pocket was forming around British 3rd and 5th Armies.
It had been Lieutenant-Colonel Wetzell’s idea to avoid the „Somme Desert“ and most of the „Alberich Solitude“ by cutting along the Sensée towards the Ancre and along the land bridge between Omignon and Somme. There were some good roads that could be used to shuttle forwards supplies, but the masses of troops and trains nevertheless led to unbelievable congestions. This, however, had been anticipated, military police and special cavalry patrols were trying to sort out things.
The Kanobil Battalions did not suffer from major supply problems. The unarmed supply vehicles could drive cross country and all units were using the dark hours to re-stock ammunition and fuel, while the sergeant majors were struggling hard to bring the field kitchens forward.
The Germans expected British 3rd Army to try to break out to the northwest. This was the best way to link up again with the rest of the BEF, which could support the breakout by attacks from the north and northwest. For this reason the bulk of the Kanobil battalions had been given to 17th Army. It was hoped to succeed in closing the ring around the Brits between Albert and Chaulnes while these were attacking south of Arras.
There was a British tank battalion to the southwest of Arras, near Wailly, outside the pocket and belonging to British 1st Army. It was thought that this unit would attack in the early morning of March 22nd. If the Brits coordinated well, 3rd Army‘s three tank battalions around Bapaume might join the effort from inside the pocket.
British 5th Army’s reaction was more difficult to predict. They had three options: Joining 3rd Army in the drive to the northwest, try to break out in direction west or go southeast in order to link up with the French. The move to the west was the most dangerous variant, as this might spoil the closing of the cauldron. 5th Army’s three tank battalions could bring some unpleasant surprise here. Therefore, the numerous battle aircraft squadrons of 18th German Army had been tasked to especially strafe these tank battalions tomorrow.
Max Bauer finally decided to catch some sleep. Not much, only two or three hours, that ought to suffice. He was now confident that the two British armies could be annihilated. Once this had been accomplished, it was time to deal with the rest of the BEF.
Tanks versus Kanobils
Unteroffizier Hermann Schultz, commander of the Kanobil „Dagmar“ of 2nd Company, 7th Kanobil-Battalion, scratched his bald head.
Already during the night, they had transshipped ammunition and fuel from damaged „Clara“ to „Brunhilde“ and „Dagmar“. Unfortunately, „Anneliese“ had burned out completely, and „Erna“ still hadn’t turned up. Gräbner was still out of action, but Hofmann from the „Clara“ crew had now taken his place.
Gräbner and the others from the „Clara“ and „Anneliese“ crews had found shelter in a British dugout for the time being, armed with „Clara’s“ machine guns and what ammunition remained.
Some infantry had arrived at least. Two platoons, led by a lieutenant, were digging in two hundred metres south of the Kanobils. The II. and III. Platoons of 2nd Company were in position to their right, both hardly in better shape than I. Platoon. Schultz had no idea who was on their left side, he had heard Kanobil noise but seen nothing.
No supply had reached them yet. And it was dawning.
There was a noise coming from the left. Schultz grabbed his binoculars.
Yes, it was a Naschobil, an unarmed supply vehicle, and... – it was dragging a field kitchen...
„Hey, boys, look up! Soup is coming!“
On top of the Naschobil sat Grabowsky, the company sergeant major.
Another Kanobil followed behind: „Erna“! – Trust a sergeant major to find his men...
„I hope you don’t mind stew for breakfast!“ Grabowsky shouted.
„Do you have coffee?“
„Always!“
„Stew and coffee will be fine for breakfast.“
While the „Erna“ crew, who already had had breakfast, bunkered ammunition and fuel into „Brunhilde“ and „Dagmar“, Öffner, the cook, who had come with Grabowsky, ladled out pork and beans stew and coffee to the crews of the latter Kanobils.
Vizefeldwebel Klein scanned the sky, while he spooned his stew. A lot of planes already up there, at first light...
„Schultz, use your binoculars. – Which enterprise is that up there?“
Schultz scanned upwards.
„Some of ours, but most are Englishmen... – Yes, a lot of English!“
„Not good... – Let’s get ready! – Grabowsky, thank you much, but you should move on, II. and III. Platoons are that way.“
Ten minutes later, a runner from the infantry arrived.
„English tanks are coming! – Twelve to fifteen of them, right over there!“
Dark shapes slowly appeared on a distant ripple.
„First Platoon, get ready for combat! English tanks at 13 o’clock!“
Moving targets! They never had practised that. And now, it was Hofmann at the gun, whom he didn’t know, and not Gräbner, the marksman. Schultz sighed. At least they had enough ammunition and fuel.
„Brunhilde“ opened fire.
A fountain of mud arose in front of the English tanks.
More fountains arose around the Kanobils. British artillery! They had destroyed quite a number of guns yesterday, but there must still be a lot of them left. These Englishmen were quick at regrouping... But their shells rained down between the Kanobils and spared the German infantry.
„Hofmann, don’t fire – let them come closer.“
Smaller dots appeared behind the British tanks. Infantry, at least a battalion.
„Paulsen, move left, one hundred metres.“
„Dagmar“ jerked, turned, sped ahead, finally turned again.
„Okay, Hofmann, let’s have a first attempt!“
The cannon barked, the shell exploded close to one of the tanks. And already the second shell went out. Hit! The English tank stopped moving. Hofmann sent another projectile into it.
„He’s done. – Aim at the next one!“
Machine gun bullets hammered against the front armour.
„Dagmar“ accounted for four tanks, „Brunhilde“ claimed five kills, „Erna“ for another three. The remaining British tanks, not more than two or three, retired to the rear. The enemy infantry, strafed by the coaxial machine guns, quickly dispersed and fell back.
„Pooh, that went better than expected...“
Crisis
The first indication came from a reconnaissance flight: „Strong enemy elements moving westwards in direction Combles, no own forces observed between Bapaume and Combles.“
This was British 5th Army, apparently choosing the most unfavourable option, i.e. moving west.
The second indication was an attack on the forward elements of 17th Army. „Unkown fast British (?) tanks advancing northeastwards, attack repulsed, but high casualties of own infantry. – Ammunition of 12th Kanobil Battalion spent 90%.“
The next information came from the aviators again. „Approximately 100 enemy tanks approaching Albert from direction Combles.“
17th Army reported that they had no forces to counter this threat. 12th Kanobil Bn couldn’t be resupplied before March 23rd, 17:00 hours.
18th Army had 8th Kanobil Bn at Cappy at the Somme and could send them north, reinforced by infantry riding on the vehicles.
It was a trap. 8th Kanobils were caught in the flank by numerous British guns while attacking the enemy tank force. Losses were heavy, only 20 vehicles rallied at Bray-sur-Somme. The losses of the infantry were even more grave. The unprotected Kanobil riders were mowed down by British machine guns.
No own forces were now left to stop 5th British Army from breaking out of the pocket.
Closing the bag
The night from March 22nd, 1918, to March 23rd was one of extreme bustle at the OHL. The impending breakout of 5th British Army had to be prevented by all means. More convential artillery had to take over fire support for the infantry, thus releasing some Kanobil formations for another strike. The Kanobils had to manoeuvre to favourable positions. Air support had to be organised, a difficult task because the airfields still all were located on former „German“ ground, far away from the projected battlefield near Albert.
General Otto von Below’s 17th Army was responsible for the execution. For the task, they had been given Jastas 20, 23, 25, 27, 32, Bavarian 35, 49, 58 and 59; plus Schlastas 28, 29, 31, 34, 36, 37 and 38. Assault Battalion No.3 from 2nd Army was to reinforce their Assault Battalion No.8.
At 06:35 hours in the morning, they reported that Kanobil Battalions 1, 2, 3, 7, 14 and 17 would be tasked and that the attack was scheduled to commence at 14:25 hours, striking right through the „Somme Desert“ down to the Somme, where 18th Army held some bridgeheads north of the river.
The 7th Kanobils were gathering. The three combat companies together numbered 34 vehicles. Two days ago there had been 52.
The 2nd Company still had eleven Kanobils. First Lieutenant Pfeifer, the CO, was dead. Lieutenant Kubrich was now in charge. He had convened a commanders‘ meeting for 09:30 hours.
„Yesterday, the English have trapped our comrades by drawing them on their tanks and catching them in the flank with artillery. Therefore, we will follow behind 3rd Battalion and cover their flank. Behind us will be 14th Battalion with the task of covering our flank. – Our company will be in lead, behind us will come 3rd company, 1st company will follow on our right side. – Signal to develop will be the green flag. II. and III. Platoons will go in line, I. Platoon will follow centrally, ready to extend the front to the left.“
At 10:00 hours, the 7th Kanobils marched southwards to an assembly area north of Bapaume. At 11:30 hours, Grabowsky arrived with lunch. He also had some „Schnaps“ (booze), a bottle for each Kanobil crew, and tabacco, the good stuff from a conquered English quartermaster’s store. Schultz managed to talk two bottles of booze out of Grabowsky.
At 14:00 hours, everything was ready. To the right, there was an ad-hoc formation of about 30 Naschobils, carrying assault infantry squads. They had the task to take Bapaume, together with 17th Kanobils.
Above them, the sky was filled with aircraft. Great circus, this. Fortunately, the flyers were busy with their opposing colleagues and had no time to badger the men on the ground.
14:25 hours: Advance!
Schultz was thankful that there was no dust. The Kanobils threw up mud but visibility remained good. No fog today, good for the gunners.
They passed by Bapaume. Some guns fired on them but in turn were engaged by the 17th Kanobils. Then the Naschobils arrived and spat out assault troopers and flame thrower crews.
Gun fire from nine o’clock! One of 3rd Bn’s vehicles burst into flames. Green flag! Schultz passed the signal on.
„Gudrun“ veered to the left, „Erna“ and „Brunhilde“ beside her.
Schultz scanned the ground.
There they were!
„Gun emplacement at 11 o’clock, 500 metres!“
„Seen!“ shouted Gräbner who had taken his old position again. „Paulsen, stop!“
Another enemy battery opened fire in their flank. But already 3rd Company had attained their left side and engaged the English guns.
At about 17:30 hours it was over. The British enfilading positions were eliminated, the British tanks destroyed, the British infantry dead or in full retreat. The cauldron around British 3rd and 5th Armies had been closed. How many enemy formations had managed to escape during the night was not known. But the reconnaissance flyers reported only supply columns, no artillery, infantry or cavalry west of the Ancre.
Victory in Sight
Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer had ample reason to be pleased. His creation, the assault artillery, had earned Germany a dazzling success: Two British armies, approximately 15 divisions strong, had been caught in a huge cauldron. All attemps at breakout had been smashed. The number of British defectors from the cauldron was rising by the hour. 2nd German Army was now slowly but steadily advancing while the British were evacuating their old positions.
Own losses were admissible. In total, the infantry had not suffered much. Kanobil losses were around one third, but crew losses were far less. Replacements were under way. It had already been decided not to rise new formations but to replenish the existing battalions.
The air service had suffered most, being forced to fight far away from their bases and over enemy territory. This was unpleasant as skilled pilots were not in ample supply. Now more peaceful sectors of the front and the home defense forces were scanned for replacement pilots.
Technically, the Kanobils had stood the test. Their reliability was good with only 25 percent of the losses a result of technical failure. They had come out of combat clearly on top of the British tanks.
Vollmer and his gang of engineers had done an excellent job. At present, they were examining the new fast British tank type that had been met and knocked out in combat between Courcelette and Flers.
All Kanobil units had been relieved from infantry support by conventional artillery and were currently replenishing and resting.
To the south, three divisions of the III. British corps had not been stricken by 18th Army’s attack. It was believed that these divisions were now under French control while French forces were starting to arrive in numbers. Their attacks had all been repulsed so far.
To the west of the cauldron, there were about four British divisions, providing a weak veil but clearly incapable of offensive action.
To the north, arrival of first elements of the elite Canadian Corps had been detected around Arras.
General Ludendorff intended to strike at Arras and to advance in direction northwest into „the soft belly of the BEF“. In order to pin down the British forces, Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht was to conduct a diversionary attack west of Lille.
All Kanobil battalions would be relocated to the Arras sector. The plan was to strike on March 26th. The Kanobils had proven to be ideal for combat in urban environment. Their cannons could demolish even large buildings with a couple of shells.
The use of Naschobils as troops carriers had been a great idea by 17th Army. An order for more unarmed vehicles had already been placed.
Max Bauer thought that one more big battle would be fought around Arras. Thereafter, the British would be done. The Belgian King seemed to have the same impression. Secret negotiations between German and Belgian diplomats were already going on in Switzerland.
Preparing the Battle of Arras
Lieutenant General Konrad Krafft von Delmensingen, Chief of Staff 17th German Army, did not believe that the Canadian Corps had been deployed for the defense of Arras. The Canadians were renowned for their offensive spirit. Their task certainly was to open the cauldron and link with 3rd British Army.
For an attack, one thing was imperatively needed: Artillery. Aerial reconnaissance had already detected some new batteries, there might be a lot more yet undetected.
Another ingredient were tanks. The British tank force had been badly mauled: 2nd Tank Brigade almost annihilated in 3rd Army’s attempt to break out in direction Arras. 3rd and 4th Tank Brigades perished in the battle between Peronne and Albert. 4th Tank Battalion and the English Guards Division destroyed when they attacked in support of 3rd Army’s breakout attempt.
What remained was 1st Tank Brigade, found by the airmen northwest of Arras now, in an excellent dislocation to support the Canadians.
Krafft had little doubt that the Canadians were hastily preparing an attack. But he hoped that the German attack could be launched while the Canadians were still in the preparation phase.
Krafft knew that new methods, like the use of the Kanobils, could score some nice initial successes, but that the enemy eventually would come up with an own new way to counter one’s new method. Therefore he thought that the „conventional“ use of the Kanobils would run into difficulties this time.
He had convinced General von Below that the counter artillery Kanobil battalions would not precede the infantry attack from the south towards Arras, but would be launched from the east, from the old front line. They would advance north of the Scarpe and attack the British guns, which were aligned to fire southwards, from the side.
The bulk of the Kanobil force would of course advance from south to north in direct support of the attacking infantry, but the death blow for the British artillery was to be delivered by a dash from east to west.
As it happened, General Arthur W. Currie, the CO of the Canadian Corps, had realised that the Germans were preparing to attack his forces – and that he could not hope to beat them to it. So, he decided to serve them some nasty surprises.
Then, aerial reconnaissance reported that more than one hundred Kanobils had been seen moving north of the Scarpe. Now, this really was interesting...
No Quarter
„The Battle of Arras is remarkable for several reasons:
a. It brought about the destruction of the Canadian Corps, which in consequence led to the annihilation of the British Army in France.
b. It convinced King Albert and the Belgian Government to ask Germany for terms.
c. It was fought with unparalleled ferocity. The number of Canadian prisoners of war was the lowest of all western front battles in 1918.
d. It saw the introduction of effective anti-Kanobil measures, which formed the basis for post war developments in all countries.
e. It triggered the construction of turreted Kanobils by the Germans.
The Battle in fact started far north, on the Lys River, where the German barrage started at 04:00 hours on March 26th, 1918. The attack of units of the 6th German Army brought some important initial successes, which persuaded the British High Command to stop the transport of the Australian Corps to the Arras front.
Only at 10:00 hours, after the infantry attack at the Lys had already started, did the barrage around Arras commence. Shells started to rain from two directions: East and south. The Germans had concentrated more than 2,500 guns, orchestrated by the capable Colonel Georg Bruchmüller.
After four hours, German infantry and Kanobils advanced from the south, while a force of five Kanobils battalions pierced the British front line north of the Scarpe River. These latter units had been tasked to destroy the British-Canadian field artillery in their positions north of the river.
But because the Canadians had been warned about this force, all guns had been moved to the south bank of the Scarpe, quite a number of them now facing north. Consequently, the Kanobils suffered substantially from flanking fire but were hardly able to silence the enemy guns. Only in four places did Kanobil units manage to ford the Scarpe, but all vehicles were eventually destroyed. But the Kanobils nevertheless sealed off the north side of the battle ground and prevented reinforcements from getting in as well as retreating Canadians from getting out.
This left the decision to the infantry – Kanobil force that advanced from the south.
While above them German aeroplanes slowly eked out the upper hand over their British and French opponents, the German soldiers and their armoured support guns methodically annihilated their Canadian adversaries. The Canadians truly fought like lions. German veterans still today remember this battle as the fiercest one they ever were in. Land mines and hidden enfilading guns reduced the Kanobils as did bundled charges wielded by the Canadian infantry. But in revenge, the Kanobils destroyed machine gun emplacements, dug outs, field guns and command posts.
The street and house-to-house fighting in Arras was an epic battle inside the battle. Bavarian, Württemberg and Hessian regiments demonstrated that they were absolutely equal in ferocity and fighting spirit to the Canadian volunteers. They paid a high price, but they overwhelmed their foes.
On the morning of March 27th, it was over. The Canadian Corps had ceased to exist. General Arthur Currie was dead, killed at Saint-Catherine north of the Scarpe, where he had tried to organise a break out of his last battalions.
German casualties were heavy, very heavy in deed. Much heavier than on March 21st, almost as heavy as those of the Meuse passage in 1914. But while the Meuse passage had been fought only against relatively weak French rear guards, this one had been fought against the most elite formation of the enemy.
Kanobil losses were at 65 percent. But of these, only one fifth were total losses, the remainder could be repaired. Crew casualties were about 15 percent.
In the air, the German flyers had broken their British adversaries. The Royal Flying Corps had lost all offensive capacity. The prominent location of Arras in a triangle between the German lines had clearly favoured the Germans. But the Germans did not go unharmed: Richthofen, Udet, Loerzer and Goering were dead, as were too many of their co-pilots.
But despite all these losses, the Germans were the masters of Northern France. The end of the British Forces in France now only was a matter of time.“
from:
„Epic Battles of the Great War“ by Carl Koetsman, Amsterdam & Köln, 1935
Rest and Refit
Finishing the British Army in France was seen as a „normal“ operation now that could be executed by the „normal“ field army without Kanobil support. 17th Army was given the task of leading the march northwards into the „soft belly“ of the Brits.
The Kanobil force was concentrated around Cambrai for rest and refit.
„Dagmar“ had survived the Battle of Arras, as had her crew. But „Erna“ had been destroyed by a bundled charge thrown under her belly, and „Brunhilde“ had run on a land mine, shearing her left track. That meant that Vizefeldwebel Klein was now riding on „Dagmar“ too, something Unteroffizier Schultz did not appreciate very much.
The company was billeted at Awoingt, east of Cambrai. Right at the moment, there were only six Kanobils – but another eight were either already under repair or still awaiting salvage. Three complete Army Motor Transportation Depots had been dedicated to work for the Kanobil force.
Maintenance and small repairs on „Dagmar“ took three days. Then the whole crew was sent on leave for one week. Going home...
On April 10th, they were back at Awoingt. „Brunhilde“ was there now too, as was „Clara“, salvaged from the old breakthrough battlefield of March 21st. „Anneliese 2“ and „Erna 2“ had joined the platoon from the factory.
Lieutenant Kubrich had called for another commanders‘ conference.
„All right, gentlemen, we’re at 100 percent again. – And already have been given a new assignment. – We’ll entrain tomorrow here at Awoingt and travel to the Argonne!“
„The Argonne? – But that‘s no ideal battle ground for Kanobils!“
„You’re right, it isn’t. But it is ideal for concealing Kanobils. – My personal guess is that we will have to pince off the Verdun Salient by attacking from the Argonne in direction of St.Mihiel. But that is only a guess. – Although it would mean a heavy blow for French morale...“
A Prize of Glory
It was not without utter surprise that Colonel Edgar von Wolf had accepted his appointment as „Kommandeur der Kanobil Bataillone“ (commanding officer of the Kanobil battalions). He had been even more surprised when he learned that he would have two professional general staff officers on his staff. Himself being a Saxon field artillery man, his Ia was the Württemberg Major Friedrich Muff, who came from the Chefkraft (chief of motor transport) staff, and his Ib the Bavarian Major Hugo Baur, who had been a staff officer in the railway section of HQ Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht.
A Saxon, a Württemberger and a Bavarian. Well, it almost seemed as if the Prussians were shy to get involved with the Kanobils. But, on the other hand, almost all his battalion commanders were Prussians.
While during the initial operations at the Arras – St.Quentin front, his staff had only been seen as a provider, and tactical employment had been executed in accordance to Assault Battalion No.5‘s manual on tactical use of the Kanobils and the intentions of 17th and 18th Army Commands, here in 3rd Army sector, they were seen as the specialists, which in deed they had become, for optimal usage of the Kanobil force.
From the original 21 battalions, two had been dissolved after Arras in order to allow the remainder to gain full strength again, and five were retained in vicinity of Cambrai as OHL reserve. That left 14 battalions for „Operation Roland“, the bold stroke to St.Mihiel via St.Menehould and Chaumont-sur-Aire.
At St.Mihiel, Armee Abteilung C would also mount an attack, of the conventional kind and with limited objective, while 5th Army would exercise some pressure north of Verdun.
The trick was to very rapidly rupture the enemy‘s front line, disable a sizeable portion of his artillery and thus to allow the own infantry to advance quickly. The seizure of St.Menehould would bring the rail line to Verdun under German control and thus effectively impede any French attempt to shuttle in reinforcements.
The weather was very bad, constant rain, ideal to get the Kanobils and the artillery into position without being detected by enemy aerial reconnaissance. The start of „Roland“ was now set for April 16th, 07:00 hours.
On April 13th, the encircled 3rd and 5th British Armies capitulated for lack of food and ammunition. On April 15th, 18th German Army finally took Amiens from the French, after more than one week of bitter street fighting. On the same day, 17th German Army took St.Omer and Hazebrouck.
„Roland“ took the French by complete surprise. They had expected the Germans to finish rounding up the BEF before they turned to the next enemy. Within few hours, the front line between Tahure and Apremont was breached, the artillery positions destroyed and command posts annihilated. German infantry, supported by Kanobils poured through the gap. Once the gap had been created, there was nothing to stop the Germans. French reserves had all gone to Picardy and the protection of Paris.
German losses were relatively light. Especially the anti-Kanobil measures of the Arras battle had apparently not yet been digested by the French in Lorraine. The famous French 75 mm field cannons proved to be as unable to penetrate the frontal armour of the Kanobils as previously had their British 18 pounder counterpieces.
And again, the logistic support provided by the Naschobils was an important contribution to victory.
On April 17th, 14:25 hours, the vanguard of the advancing „Roland“ force linked up with the vanguard of the „Olifant“ as the Army Detachment C attack had been duped. Now, the fortress of Verdun and the French part of the Argonne had become another huge cauldron.
At 19:30 hours, General Karl von Einem, CO of 3rd German Army, had the pleasure to put the decoration „Pour le Merite“ around Colonel von Wolf’s neck and to confide to him that his rank was now Major General.
On the same day, German 17th Army made contact with the Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque Line, where the last battle worthy units of the BEF, including the crack Australian Corps, were preparing to deliver a last ditch defense.
News of the British last stand resulted in an immediate order to deploy the OHL reserve Kanobils. At the same time, Major General von Wolf received a warning order that his „Roland“ battalions were urgently needed up north and that they should prepare for entrainement on April 18th.
War Council
While fresh infantry divisions, the Kanobil battalions and Georg Bruchmüller’s battering train moved towards the Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque Line, the German political and military leaders met at Spa on April 20th, 1918. The question was how to proceed after the BEF had been eliminated.
That it had to be eliminated was not in doubt. It could not be allowed to ship out to Britain. Every single British PoW was needed for the expected negotiations with Britain.
But how to handle France? Stage another offensive? Or offer peace? And if peace, which one?
And what about the Americans?
Foreign Secretary of State Richard von Kühlmann started by explaining the results of the negotiations with the Belgian and Luxemburg Governments:
The armistice with Belgium was already in effect and an agreement had been reached. Belgium would become an ally of the German Empire under its own king, its own laws and its own parliament. Belgium would be granted tariff union with the German Empire. Germany would recompense damages to personal health and private property caused by German Forces under a special agreement. There would be German Army garrisons at fortresses of Liège, Namur, and Antwerp, while the German Navy would have bases at Nieuwpoort, Oostende and Zeebrugge. A special treaty would regulate the size, rights and obligations of the German Forces in Belgium. The deployment of the German Forces in Belgium was currently limited until June 30th, 1928, but an option for extension existed if both parliaments agreed. Belgium would retain Belgian Congo as colony, but had pledged the intention to consider a colonial union with adjacent German colonies.
Luxemburg would become a state of the German Empire under Grand Duchess Marie Adelheid. The adjacent territory to the east and the north, ceeded to Prussia in 1815, would be returned to the Grand Duchy. Luxemburg would have one seat in the Bundesrat and elect two deputies for the Reichstag. Luxemburg would undertain one army regiment that would be part of the country’s peace time garrison of one division.
Then General Erich Ludendorff expounded the military situation:
The British Forces in France were already substantially beaten. 735,500 prisoners of war, English, Canadian, Australian, New Zealandian, Irish and Portuguese had been captured since March 21st. Almost more importantly, nearly 150,000 horses and huge quantities of fodder had been captured. This was a great boost for the mobility of the entire army.
There was little doubt that the position at Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque would be breached in short order. Although the British were known to frantically evacuate troops to England, they had to keep their fighting units in line, thus only less important rear area formations could so far have been evacuated.
The final attack was planned to start the day after tomorrow. He was certain that the British pocket could be eliminated within two days.
The situation at the Verdun cauldron was calm and stable. The French forces were currently concentrated above Paris and no relief operation for Verdun seemed likely within the next fortnight.
The American forces were still neglectible, only four or five divisions could be considered combat ready right now.
The question was now: Attack the French first, inflict another defeat on them and offer negotiations after this – Or offer negotiations right now, after the British Forces had been eliminated? He proposed negotiations first.
As next, Vice Chancellor Friedrich von Payer reported on the civil situation:
Public morale was still good, borne by the hope of imminent peace – not victory, just peace. Everything that could be seen as prolongation of the war would have a negative impact on morale. People generally wanted the war to end, if this could be done victorously it would be appreciated. But, he reiterated, peace was more important than anything else. – The civil government therefore proposed an offer to France and the US for negotiations, once the British had been expulsed from French soil.
Admiral Henning von Holtzendorff, Chief of the Admiral Staff, referred about the naval situation:
The British submarine crews in the Baltic had scuttled their vessels in early April, therefore the Baltic was now completely under German control. – But apart from that, the general situation was unfavourable. The submarine war was not a complete failure but failed to produce decisive results, even the troop transports from the USA ran almost without being contested. The British had effectively mined the Dover Straights, this meant that the submarines in Flanders could no longer attack cross Channel traffic. The supremacy of the Royal Navy in terms of capital ships was compelling. Britain might be beaten in France, but Britannia still ruled the waves.
The meeting closed with the decision to offer negotiations to France and the US. Terms were to be worked out between General Ludendorff and State Secretary von Kühlmann.
Invitation to the Mouse Trap
On April 26th, 1918, at London, a thoroughly beaten Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig went into retirement and ignominy after having lost his army.
Initial counts established that only 545,800 men, of which about two thirds were wounded, had been evacuated to Britain. This meant a loss of almost 1,260,000 men since March 21st, 1918.
As the Germans admitted for 840,000 British and Commonwealth prisoners of war as a result of their „Great Battle in France“, that implied 420,000 dead and missing since March 21st. The debacle was acerbated by the fact that the unharmed evacuees consisted mainly of rear area scribes, rail and supply workers and non combatant Chinese and Negroe laborers, while the fighting units had perished in Northern France.
For all practical reasons, the British Expeditionary Force had ceased to exist.
It was therefore with rather subdued sentiments that the French leaders met at Paris to discuss the German note in the evening of April 26th.
Before the meeting started, General Philippe Pétain, Commander-in-Chief of the French Army, took Georges Clemenceau, the Prime Minister, aside. „I told you that the Germans would beat the British in open battle! – You didn’t believe me. – Well, they have been crushed and their debris swept from the continent. – And now it’s our turn to be beaten!“
The German note was rather short:
„In the light of recent events in Northern France, the Government of His Imperial Highness, Emperor Willhelm II, has come to the belief that further bloodshed will only prolongate human suffering without changing the outcome of the war. A request by the High Governments of the French Republic and the United States of America for an armistice therefore would be positively received.
Negotiations without preconditions for a peace settlement could be entered immediately after the terms of the armistice have been met.
Should an armistice not be requested until May 2nd, 18:00 hours Berlin time, the German Armed Forces will act according to the situation.“
President of State Raymond Poincaré posed the decisive question: „Do we have any prospect of checking them until the Americans are ready?“
At this, Pétain shook his head, but looked at General Ferdinant Foch, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Armies, to provide an answer.
Foch rose and explained: „Monsieur le Président, forget the Americans. – They cannot be ready in any sufficient number before September. The question thus is: Can we, the French alone, defeat les Boches? – And the answer is: No, we can’t. – They have the initiative right now and their strategy is to pinch off a portion of our strength, like at Verdun, digest it and thereafter isolate the next bit and munch it away. – Unfortunately, we do not have the means to stop them from doing that. They have wrecked the British Army in less than one month. They can and will do the same to us, if we do not ask for peace.“
„We should continue to fight!“ shouted Clemenceau. „We will fight in front of Paris, we will fight in Paris, we will fight behind Paris!“
„After fighting in front of Paris, there will be little left of our army.“ Foch replied.
„Then we’ll raise improvised armies, like in 1871!“
„That will work as badly as in 1871, devastate the country and provide the Boches an excuse to execute our men as Franc Tireurs. – Remember, we lost the war in 1871.“
„But perhaps we can delay them until the Americans are ready!“
„Perhaps, but it would require both armies, our’s and the Americans, to beat the Boches. Your proposal calls for the remainder of France turned into a desert – where the Boches then will beat the Americans after our army is long gone. – No, it’s hopeless. The Germans are right, we can prolong human suffering and utterly ruin our country, but we cannot change the outcome of this war.“
Now General Pétain took the word.
„I thank General Foch for his explanations. – Let me provide some annotations. As long as we are not beaten, our army remains an important factor in the bargain. The Boches know that we are no easy prey. They generally have more respect for us than they had for the British. If we allow them to cut us into pieces, this respect will vanish quickly. – Their new assault artillery, the Kanobils, are something for which we have no answer. We will have some hundred new Chars Renault combat ready in May, but they are no match for the German Kanobils, even less than the British tanks were. – Our men are tired of this war. If we do not accept the German offer, we risk mutinies like in 1917.“
„But as soon as we start negotiations, it will be impossible to bring our men to an offensive again!“ Clemenceau interrupted.
„As soon as we start negotiations, the same will most probably be true for the Boches. – By talking we can possibly get better results than by fighting.“
Armistice
Once the French leaders had arrived at the conclusion that a request for an armistice was inevitable, they still faced the task to arrange with their allies.
In Britain, Prime Minister David Lloyd George and his war cabinet were totally opposed to even talking with the Germans right now. This was a moment of maximum weakness, entering into pourparlers must be avoided, otherwise the Germans would get everything – and Britain would see happening all that for the prevention of which she had gone to war in 1914.
But the British were safe on their island, guarded by the mighty Royal Navy. The French had to face a very superior German Army on their own soil.
On the other hand, the Germans hadn’t even mentioned the British in their note. And diplomatic channels susurrated that the Germans had no intention to invite Lloyd George to negotiations. They waited for his downfall.
The Americans weren’t easy either. Although they had only a handful of divisions combat ready, the number of American troops in France approached one million. Neither President Wilson nor Secretary of State Robert Lansing were pleased by the French intention to ask for terms. The Creel Commission had done a good job in putting the nation in mood for this war to end all wars, and now this...
But General John Pershing, the commander of the American Expeditionary Force, as a professional soldier arrived at the same conclusions as Generals Pétain, Foch and Ludendorff. There was no chance to win or even hang on with this war right now, and the Germans would not wait until a sizeable portion of the AEF became operational.
Things accelerated when the fortress of Verdun surrendered.
The Germans had slowly reduced the cauldron until they attained the perimeter of the fortress. They had no intention of starting a costly dogfight, but they still had quite a number of their famous 42 cm siege guns, the Fat Berthas. When they started shelling Fort Dugny and Fort de Landrecour on April 29th, both forts quickly surrendered after the first few shells had made the earth tremble. The Germans quickly arrived at the impression that the French garrison of Verdun was battle weary and ready to give up. They pointed their Fat Berthas at Fort de Regret – and got another white flag after three shells. On April 30th, they repeated the exercise at Forts des Sartelles, de Choisel, du Chana and de la Chaume – and now the whole French force started waving white flags. – Interrogations soon reveiled that the French soldiers – and even a number of officers, mostly reservists – believed that the war was lost and that there was no use in risking their lifes for a lost cause. That the French forts to the south and southeast of Verdun were old, had never been modernised, and thus could not withstand the 42 cm shells, certainly had supported this decision.
On May 1st, 1918, the governments of France and the USA asked Germany for an armistice, which was granted on the same day, 18:00 hours Berlin time.
The German terms were rather straight:
1. All French and American forces currently manning the front line to a depth of 35 km will retreat 35 km to the rear. This move must be complete by May 3rd, 18:00 hours Berlin time.
2. All guns with a calibre greater than 105 mm will remain in position as will their ammunition and ancillary equipment and will not be moved to the rear.
3. No French or American forces additional to those which are present in France on May 1st, 24:00 hours Berlin time, will enter the country. French forces from other theatres of war, such as Italy and Greece/Bulgaria, will be garrisoned in Algeria.
4. All German prisoners of war and internees in French or US custody will be released and repatriated immediately. This also applies to prisoners of war and internees from other Central Power states.
5. The Government of the United States of America will repatriate its troops in France as fast as possible. Infantry units shall be shipped to the USA in first priority.
6. The Government of the French Republic will immediately start to demobilise the French Army to the peace time level of 1914. Demobilisation must be complete on June 15th, 1918.
7. The Governments of the French Republic and the United States of America agree to enter negotiations for a permanent peace treaty with the Governments of the Central Powers. The negotiations will be hosted by the Royal Dutch Government and will commence at Eindhoven on May 15th.
8. This Armistice is in effect until June 16th, 1918, and may be prolongated if the French and US governments have complied with the terms listed above.
Another Armistice
For their renegade former ally, Italy, the armistice terms of the Central Powers were rather austere. The Italians had asked for terms on May 1st – after several new German divisions had been detected in Friuli and Tyrolia.
1. All Italian forces must be withdrawn to the south bank of the Po river until May 14th, 1918.
2. All British, French, US and other former Entente forces must leave Italy until May 14th, 1918.
3. All guns with a calibre above 105 mm must immediately be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 8th, 1918.
4. 2,000 trucks of two to five ton cargo capacity must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 10th, 1918.
5. All tanks and armoured cars in Italy must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 7th, 1918.
6. 1,500 airplanes, especially all SPAD, Niewport and Hanriot fighters and Caproni bombers, must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers until May5th, 1918.
7. The Dodecanes Islands must be handed back to the Ottoman Empire immediately. All Italian subjects on these island will become prisoners of war or civil internees of the Ottoman Empire.
8. All Italian forces in Lybia, Albania, Greece and Bulgaria must return to Italy immediately.
9. All Italian ships of war must be handed over to the naval authorities of the Central Powers in Triest, Pola or Cattaro until May 18th, 1918.
10. All Central Power prisoners of war and internees in Italian custody must at once be released and repatriated.
11. Italy will immediately start demobilisation of its forces to the peace time strength of July 1914. This strength must be attained on May 18th, 1918.
12. The Italian Government agrees to enter negotiations about a permanent peace treaty with the Central Powers. The negotiations will be hosted by the Swiss Government and start at Zürich on May 20th, 1918.
13. This armistice is effective until May 19th, 1918, and may be prolongated if the Italian Government meets the above terms.
The Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman governments had had a prominent part in formulating these terms. The Italian government had great pains to accept them, and only did so after Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando had resigned and been replaced by Giovanni Giolitti.
The future didn’t seem to look too bright for Italy. But Giolitti took hope from the fact that the Central Powers had invited for negotiations. Apparently, they were not planning to dictate a peace treaty. One could talk... May be that the Turks had bad feelings because of Lybia and the Dodecanes, but the Germans knew that he had been against abandoning the Central Powers and joining the Entente.
Armistice in the Balkans?
Matters on the Balkans were rather complicated: While the French and Italian units were ordered to evacuate the area without further fighting, the British and Serbians were determined to fight on. In Greece, civil war between Eleftherios Venizelos‘ followers and the royalists was imminent, now that the case of the Western Powers obviously was lost. The Greek divisions quickly broke apart, while units, sub units or individuals joined the rivalling factions.
French General Adolphe Guillaumat, the CO of the Armee d’Orient, had received orders to withdraw his divisions to Salonika and to embark for Oran and Algiers, while the Italian forces were to be withdrawn to the Albanian coast for transport to Italy.
Right then, on May 2nd, 1918, seven British and six Serbian divisions, together with two Russian brigades, now under the command of British General George Milne and Serb General Živojin Mišić respectively, started to move for Salonika because the British War Council had decided to evacuate them to Limnos Island.
Learning that the British and the Serbs were heading for Salonika, where open street fighting between the Greek factions had already started, Guillaumat asked the opposing Army Group Scholtz for an armistice and told them his intention to have his six divisions stay put.
This armistice was granted without further conditions. The Bulgarian and few German forces opposite the French were paralysed by their desperate supply situation and happy to stay just where they were. In consequence, a jolly fraternisation soon developed in the Ochrid – Bitola area between the French, Bulgarian and German soldiers.
The Serbs, after having reached Salonika, sided with Venizelos’s followers, who were just about to lose control of the city. The Serb support made the difference and the royalists were bloodily expulsed.
The British did not care for the internal Greek strife. They quickly embarked their ships and headed for Limnos. General Mišić, after the fighting was finally finished, had to disregard the orders he had received from his government and to stay in the Salonika area for some more days, the British had taken all available ships...
The Central Powers supreme commander on the Macedonian Front, General Jekow, on May 4th, gave a warning order to Bulgarian 1st and 2nd Armies to prepare for a move to Salonika, after the German Ambassador had conveyed a message from the German government to King Ferdinand. The message was quite short: „Take what you can, we’ll back you. – But leave Mount Olympus to the Greeks!“
Peace Aims
At Luxemburg, the new location of the OHL, Vice Chancellor Friedrich von Payer, Foreign Secretary Richard von Kühlmann, General Erich Ludendorff, the factual commander of the German Army, and Admiral Henning von Holtzendorff, Chief of the Admiral Staff, met on May 5th, 1918, in order to discuss the German peace aims for the upcoming negotiations with France, the US and Italy.
Ludendorff had disliked Kühlmann’s attitude at the peace talks at Brest-Litowsk, but the Brussels Treaty with Belgium had fully restored his confidence in the foreign secretary of state. To achieve the German maximum goals with full and unsolicited consent of the Belgians was no mean feat!
„Your victory over the English, General, makes Germany the master of the continent. But England is not beaten, they only lost a battle.“ Kühlmann argued. „It certainly was the worst defeat they ever have experienced, but their navy is still the strongest and largest in the world. – Our situation, therefore, is very much simular to that of Napoleon one hundred years ago, with one big difference: We have already vanquished Russia! – We should now try to separate France and the United States of America from England. This we can achieve by generous peace conditions. Once we have peace in the west, we can concentrate on consolidating our position in the east – and eventually eliminate Bolshevism. – So, what do you want from France?“
Kühlmann knew only too well that Ludendorff was – mainly via Max Bauer – completely under the spell of the Pangermanists and the big industrialists.
„We need the ore of the Longwy – Briey deposits!“
„What else?“
Ludendorff hesitated, then he shrugged. „I don’t know... – Reparations? Colonies? – What do you suggest?“
„I think we should take the right of exploitation of the ore deposits for 25 years without annexation of any French territory. And we should get the most-favoured-nation clause in our trade with France. In terms of colonies I’m going to demand French Congo, Dahomey and some minor adjustments to the north of Togo. – Together with Belgian Congo, we then have achieved Mittelafrika!“
Ludendorff contemplated this for a while.
„Shouldn’t we ask for more?“
Now von Payer intervened. „Look at the colonies we had before the war: Only 24,000 whites lived there, some of them Englishmen or Boers. The climate is so that Germans don’t go there, our emigrants went to North and South America, but not to our colonies. The colonies only required resources but never produced anything that compensated the costs. – Why should we burden us with huge territories that we neither can administer nor make profitable? Let’s take some small parts, just to prove to the French that they lost the war. But otherwise, let’s stay away from the white man’s burden. England did not become the dominant world power because she owned India but because she led the industrial revolution. India will be the millstone around England neck! Just wait and see! Our true colonies lie in Eastern Europe!“
With that he had Ludendorff’s full consent.
„Does the Navy have any wishes?“ Kühlmann addressed Holtzendorff.
„No, we’ve already got the Flanders bases. That’s all we need for the war with England.“
„Which war? – We’ll make peace with England sooner or later. They lost the war and they know it. The blockade is dead for all practical purposes since we started buying foodstuffs via France. They tried to encircle us and suffocate us, they failed. We will not accept any restrictions of our navy, but what can we gain from another war with England if we agree that we don’t need and want more colonies?“
„The Royal Navy still is a serious threat!“
„Agreed. But they lost the war, nobody will give them money before they have paid back their debts to the US banks. Germany now for all practical purposes owns Europe. We’ll outgrow them completely. Forget England, they were yesterday’s rival. Look at the US! – Do you have any demands on the US?“
Neither the general nor the admiral had.
„That’s fine. – My intention is just to let them go home without any constraints from our side. I predict that they will turn to isolationism after this disappointing experience, or perhaps turn their attention to the Pacific Ocean, or both... – Any demands in respect to Italy?“
Again, general and admiral shook their heads.
„Good. – I intend to cushion Austrian greediness. Italy had some problems with Austria, not with us. It may become a useful ally again.“
„But they betrayed us!“ exclaimed Ludendorff. „They must be punished!“
„Betrayal or not, they lost the war. That’s punishment enough.Why alienate them completely? – Any demands on the Balkans? – No? – Well, we’ve already given green light to the Bulgarians, as you know. We’ll support their Greater Bulgaria, that will solve one half of the Serbian problem. The other half we may entrust to the Hungarians, they are good at suppressing minorities. – I’ll travel to Bucharest tomorrow. The peace treaty with Romania will be signed on the 7th of May. You’ve seen and agreed to the terms.“
With this the meeting ended.
The Treaty of Eindhoven
Article I.
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and France and the United States of America, for the other part, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.
Article II.
France cedes part of her colonial possessions in French Equatorial Africa and French West Africa to Germany. The territories to be ceded are marked on the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the areas will be established by a Franco-German commission. The territories shall be handed over to Germany immediately after the ratification of this treaty.
Article III.
The right of exploitation of the ore deposits in the Longwy – Briey area, as indicated on the second map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace, shall be granted to Germany for the duration of 20 years. The exact fixation of the area will be established by a Franco-German commission. The exploitation period will start on the day this treaty is ratified.
France refrains from all interference in the exploitation of these resources. After the end of the 20 years exploitation period, Germany will have the purchase option.
Article IV.
As soon as a general peace is concluded and French demobilisation is carried out completely, Germany will evacuate the French territory currently occupied by her forces.
Article V.
France will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army. Furthermore, France will either bring her warships into French ports and there detain them until the day of the conclusion of a general peace, or disarm them forthwith. Warships of the States which continue in the state of war with the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, in so far as they are within French sovereignty, will be treated as French warships.
The barred zone around Great Britain continues as such until the conclusion of a general peace. In the Mediterranean Sea, and, as far as French power extends within the Atlantic Ocean and the Channel, removal of sea mines will be proceeded with at once. Merchant navigation within these maritime regions is free and will be resumed at once. Mixed commissions will be organized to formulate the more detailed regulations, especially to inform merchant ships with regard to restricted lanes. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
Article VI.
The United States of America will transport those elements of their armed forces currently stationed in France back to the territory of the United States of America with highest priority. Germany agrees to the use for this purpose of German vessels confiscated by the United States of America. The United States of America will repair and renovate these vessels afterwards on their expense before they are handed back to Germany under the regulations of Article XII.
Article VII.
France and the United States of America recognise the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest. They will also recognise the Treaty of Zürich, once it had been concluded.
Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.
Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.
Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.
Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and France, the regulations contained in Appendices II-V are determinative.
Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with France and the United States of America, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.
Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and French texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and France; the German and English texts for the relations between Germany and the United States of America. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.
Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Berlin. The French Government obligates itself, upon the desire of one of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of two weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.
Executed in sixtuplicity at Eindhoven, 23 May, 1918.
The Treaty of Zürich
Article I.
Austria-Hungary, Germany, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and Italy, for the other part, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.
Article II.
Italy cedes the Dodecanes Islands to Turkey. The territories to be ceded are marked on the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the areas will be established by an Italo-Turkish commission. The territories in question have already been occupied by Turkey.
Article III.
Italy will cede Lybia to Turkey. The territories to be ceded are marked on the second map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the territory will be established by an Italo-Turkish commission. The territories shall be handed over to Turkey immediately after the ratification of this treaty.
Article IV.
The Italian province of Venetia shall be occupied by Austria-Hungary for 15 years. A plebiscite shall be held in 1933 whether the province or parts of it will return to Italy or remain with Austria-Hungary. The exact boundary of the province is marked on the third map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. A special treaty between Italy and Austria-Hungary will regulate the details of the plebiscite.
Article V.
As soon as a general peace is concluded and Italian demobilisation is carried out completely, Austria-Hungary will evacuate the Italian territory currently occupied by her forces, except for the territory mentioned in Article III.
Article VI.
Italy will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army. Furthermore, Italy will either bring her warships into Italian ports and there detain them until the day of the conclusion of a general peace, or disarm them forthwith. Warships of the States which continue in the state of war with the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, in so far as they are within Italian sovereignty, will be treated as Italian warships. Italy will immediately begin to remove sea mines in the Adriatic Sea and constantly inform the signatories of this treaty about her progress. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
The Italian warships and merchant vessels to be handed over to Austria-Hungary and Turkey are listed in Appendix I of this treaty.
Article VII.
Italy recognises the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Bucharest and Eindhoven.
Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.
Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.
Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.
Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and Italy, the regulations contained in Appendices II-V are determinative.
Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with Italy, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.
Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and Italian texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and Italy. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.
Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Vienna. The Italian Government obligates itself, upon the desire of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of four weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.
Executed in quintuplicate at Zürich, 3 June, 1918.
Fighting dies down
While continental Europe was slowly settling for peace, the situation in Great Britain and Ireland was gloomy at best.
After the initial trauma of the defeat in France had worn off, a series of strikes - escalating to open riots in Manchester and Liverpool - paralysed business and public transport.
In Ireland, loud voices called for independence, while in India there were discreet whispers about it.
American banks now refused further loans and forcefully asked for the repayment of old war credits.
On June 3rd, David Lloyd George resigned the office of prime minister. But it soon became apparent that his successor, Austin Chamberlain, could not move the nation ahead either. New elections were scheduled for mid-July.
In Palestine and Mesopotamia, local armistices came into effect in early June, after General Erich von Falkenhayn, the commander of the Central Powers forces in Palestine, had arranged a meeting with General Edmund Allenby, the commander of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force.
These were the only battlefields where Britain still proudly stood her ground, but Allenby sorely lacked reinforcements to exploit his successes of 1917 after 60 of his battalions had been sent to the front in France – and had just arrived in time to perish in the last ditch defence in front of Calais.
In Georgia in the Caucasus, the first units of a German expeditionary force arrived in early June. Their objective was Baku, which also was the designation of an Ottoman force headed by General Nuri Pasha, a brother of Enver Pasha. A British force that had been assembled to march to Baku too, but had been stopped by Russian Bolshevik troops at Enzeli in February and returned to Hamadan, now was ordered to stay at Hamadan.
At Salonika, the Bulgarian flag was hoisted on June 18th. This ended a fortnight of bitter fighting with the Serbs. The Serbian Army was now completely destroyed, the ongoing fighting had not allowed to evacuate them. Bulgarian artillery had set one troop transport ship aflame, after this, the other captains refused to enter Salonika’s port.
In Athens, royalists arrested King Alexandros and recalled King Konstantin I., while former prime minister Venizelos escaped to Crete where he formed a “Greek Republican Government”.
On June 15th, 1918, Admiral Ludwig von Schröder, the Commanding Admiral in Flanders, announced that submarine warfare against British ships would end on June 30th and that on the same day the war zone around the British Isles would be lifted.
On the same day, demobilisation of the German Landsturm and Landwehr commenced. Demobilisation of the Reserve soldiers was advertised to start after the ratification of the Treaty of Zürich.
...but not in Russia
With the defeat of the Western Allies, the Central Powers’ appreciation of the Bolsheviks quickly petered out. By mid-June 1918 the situation was as follows:
While fresh German troops arrived in the Ukraine to replace the old men, which had remained in the east while the younger soldiers had been sent to France and which were now earmarked for demobilisation, German emissaries arrived at the headquarters of Generals Alekseev and Denikin. They offered German support for the Volunteer Army.
In Estonia, General Yudenich had just arrived from France where he had been in exile. With massive German aid he now began forming his North-western Army.
At Cheliabinsk, the Czech Legion had just disarmed the Bolshevik forces and was now in train of taking control of the Trans-Siberian Railroad. The Czechs were in a bad situation. Most of them were former prisoners of war or deserters from the Austro-Hungarian Army. Their pledge for an independent Czechia as promised by the French and the Russians had come to nothing. Now they had received a proposition from the Austrian government, which offered them impunity and repatriation if they fought the Bolsheviks.
In Helsingfors, the German General Rüdiger von der Goltz, commander of the Ostsee Division, proposed to his Finnish comrade Carl Gustav Emil Mannerheim that Finland should take the whole Kola Peninsula and extend its territory to Lake Onega and the Onega Bay. German support for this move was warranted.
At Tiflis, now Tbilisi, the German General Georg Maercker, commander of the Kaukasus Division, was impatiently waiting for the arrival of two infantry regiments. He had been tasked by Ludendorff to take Baku before the Turkish force arrived there, but he needed more than the one regiment he already had. The Georgians were unable to provide assistance and constantly required his soldiers to protect them from Bolshevik bandits. Maercker knew that the Turkish speaking Azeris would eventually fall into the Ottoman sphere of influence, but right now, the town was under Bolshevik control and “liberating” it would certainly bolster German influence when it came to regulating the oil flow.
Interior View of a Victor – Germany
When the war started in August 1914, the German chancellor then, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, had not believed that the old social order could survive. Now, in June 1918, the old social order was still in place – and victorious…
Monarchal, authoritarian Germany, allied with powers which had comparable social orders, had defeated the western democracies.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. called this a splendid victory of the monarchic principle, calmer people called it sheer luck.
Germany had suffered considerably. 1.3 million soldiers were dead, 0.4 million were missing and most probably also dead, another 3.7 million had been wounded, many of these crippled, maimed or destined for an early decease. The civilian population had suffered another estimated 0.6 million deaths because of the British blockade.
The war fever was long gone. Since 1916, the majority of the people had only wanted the war to end. The victory in the March Offensive had met this purpose. But a hungry and depleted population, clothed in “Ersatz” and working with “Ersatz” soon realised that the end of the war did not mean the end of hardship.
The former middle class was practically broke. The war had mainly been financed by war bonds. Only if these were paid back could the middle class hope to prosper again.
The working class had improved its political position considerably but was suffering nonetheless from paucity.
The economy had been ruined by the infamous “Hindenburg Programme” and never recovered from this improper interference. But the industrialists were quick in changing to peace time production, new plants were already under construction while the fighting in front of Calais still was going on.
However, demobilisation brought back more and more working men and production was rising considerably, especially coal no longer was a scarce resource. Massive imports of food via France and Italy eased the nutrition situation, and although the British blockade had not yet been formally lifted, vessels carrying foodstuffs regularly could pass since the Treaty of Eindhoven was in effect. The US had told Britain that they would not tolerate interference in business with a nation that could pay for food imports, something which Britain could not without further loans from the US.
In the Reichstag, the democratic parties of (catholic) Centre, Social Democrats and Progressives had the majority. 228 seats out of a total of 397 belonged to them. But new elections were due anyway. Chancellor Hertling had fixed them for Sunday, July 28th, 1918.
Reform of the Prussian franchise still was an open issue. It had been promised during the war. Now the democrats agreed to press for it. Only if equal franchise was introduced in Prussia would it be possible to break the grip that the conservatives had on the power structure of the Reich. In the clear realisation that their majority would only grow in the next election, they decided to wait with their initiative until the new Reichstag met for the first time on August 21st.
Until 1914, the army had been a tool that could also be employed against internal unrest. The army right now was – in General Ludendorff’s appreciation – nothing but militia, totally unfit for internal use, a true people’s army. Although the professional soldiers were working hard to restore ancient military discipline, it would take some time to achieve this.
Therefore, the window of opportunity for the democratic parties still was wide open.
Interior View of a Victor – Austria-Hungary
If the situation in Germany was already difficult, that of Austria-Hungary was even worse. The monarchy had literally been dragged to victory by the Germans, her own drive long lost in hunger, war economy and strife between the nationalities. The Hungarians had refused to supply food to the Austrians, forcing the Austrians to commandeer Danube vessels that carried foodstuffs from Romania to Germany. The 10 years customs union between Hungary and Austria and the 50 years union between the two monarchies had both been due to be renewed in 1917. Because the Austrian parliament was paralysed by the brawl of its nationalities, Emperor Karl I. had asked Hungary for a suspension of the negotiations until after the war.
When the war had started in 1914, most Austro-Hungarian leaders had expected the empire to die in glory. Now in mid-June 1918, it was still alive but in agony.
The war losses were considerable. Almost one million soldiers had been killed in action, 1.7 million wounded, the number of civilian casualties was not known yet but believed to be possibly higher than the German one.
The Hungarians would ask much for the renewal of the union, they were the stronger part. They didn’t necessarily need Austria, but Austria needed them. The Hungarians had designs on Dalmatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, aiming at ruling these territories with the help of their Croatian subjects.
Their ambitions on Romania had already been spoiled by the Germans, now they were determined to get their way with the southern Slavs.
Cisleithania, the Austrian part of the dual monarchy, was incapable of action because the nationalties, Germans, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Italians, Ruthenians, blockaded each other in the various parliaments.
Transleithania, the Hungarian part, was firmly ruled and dominated by the Hungarians who already had started to magyarise “their” part of Serbia.
In the north, the fate of the Polish Kingdom had not yet been decided, earlier plans to install an Austrian prince had now been superseeded by German schemes to create a German puppet state. Austrian weakness and Emperor Karl’s indecision had caused the Germans to discard the Austro-Polish solution.
Austrian designs to repossess Venetia had also been spoiled by the Germans who only had allowed an occupation period followed by a plebiscite. Nobody in Austria had any illusions on how the Italians would decide in 1933.
Only the swift defeat of the British in France had kept Georges Clemenceau from publishing the secret Sixtus letters that proved Karl’s attempt for a seperate peace in 1917. That would have undermined the Austro-Hungarian position completely.
On the other hand, the foreign minister Ottokar Czernin had obtained the trust and respect of his German colleague Kühlmann and had – so far – been able to stall all German advances to install their “Mitteleuropa”, which the Austrians viewed as an effort to dominate Austria-Hungary.
Interior View of a Victor – Bulgaria
While Bulgaria had achieved almost all its war aims – only the silly insistence of the Germans to alienate Romania not too much had denied Bulgaria the northern part of Northern Dobruja – the country was, after three wars in succession, impoverished and run-down. The victory over the Serbs at Salonika had cleared the path for Bulgarian possession of Macedonia, Kosovo and south-eastern Serbia, but it also had almost destroyed the army. In number of losses, it certainly had been a Phyrric victory.
If the Greeks weren’t so engaged in their civil war, they easily could chase away the Bulgarians from Salonika and southern Macedonia – even after the Bulgarians had captured a large supply of weapons, ordnance and clothing from the Greek divisions that had been under formation for the Macedonian front.
King – or Tsar – Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria had the distinct feeling that north of his country a greater Magyar Empire was forming.
His intention was to counter this with his greater Bulgarian Empire. It would be the only independent Slav state in the Balkans. One should beat the Slavic drum, that might help to integrate und „Bulgarise“ the Serbs.
He had refused to sign the Treaty of Bucharest and still continued to badger the Germans for the rest of the Dobruja, although the treaty would soon be ratified by the Chamber of Deputees and the Senate. The Dobruja was a cockaigne that was needed for Bulgaria – and as the Bucharest Treaty gave Bessarabia to Romania, they still had access to the Black Sea, so what? Why should the Germans in the long term deny such a prize to their most proven, successful and reliable ally?
Nevertheless, it was most important to enter into a period of peace. The country needed rest from war and time to recuperate.
Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov was already busy to sound out the allies about a peace treaty with Greece. Thank goodness that the Germans had no ideas of fostering the Greeks like they had done with the Romanians!
Ferdinand was intrigued what would happen to his neighbour in the east. Would the Ottoman Empire survive? Or would the spectres of separatism that these foolish Englishmen had aroused in the Arabic part of the Empire shatter it?
Well, in the latter case, eastern Trace and Byzantium might become available. The possession of Byzantium really would make him the foremost Tsar of all Tsars...
And in the west, Albania was waiting for an overlord. – The Italians had evacuated the country, the Greeks were busy with themselves, the Magyars not very interested because they currently manoeuvred for gaining Dalmatia from Austria... An empire that extended from the Adriatic to the Black Sea and had access to the Aegean as well? - Perhaps he should start to position his second son, Kyril, for the job of Albanian king?
Ferdinand really had to pat himself on the back for joining forces with the Central Powers (or had this been Radoslavov’s idea? - Anyway, all’s good that ends good...), although he disliked Wilhelm II. as much as this bumptious swashbuckler disliked him. And of Karl I. he even had a lesser opinion than of ancient Franz Joseph I., that „idiot and old dotard“.
Interior View of a Victor – Ottoman Empire
The Ottoman Empire, also known as Turkey or Turkish Empire, had only been saved by the German victory in France, that much was clear to its leaders.
Grand Vizier Mehmet Talat Pasha had little hope that the Arab revolt could be controlled. The damned British were still in the area and influenced the Arab leaders. Talat believed that now with Russia in turmoil, the Pan-Turan – or Pan-Turkish – idea of uniting the Turkish speaking peoples in Asia had more prospect of success than trying to harness the bloody Arabs.
Ismail Enver Pasha, war minister and chief of the general staff, also favoured Pan-Turanism, yet was unwilling to forgo Arabia. The outworn and starved Ottoman Army might be no match for Allenby’s troops, but once these were gone it would give the Bedouin ragtag short shrift.
Ahmet Çemal Pasha, known as the “Butcher” to the Arabs, the third of the “Three Pashas”, had no intention to let go the Arabs. The whole of the Arabian Peninsula belonged to the Ottoman Empire, as did Egypt, Cyprus, Mesopotamia and Kowayt!
The Treaty of Batum with the Republic of Armenia had just been signed, and General Nuri Pasha’s, Enver’s brother’s, “Army of Islam” was now to march on to Baku. The Turks were aware that the Germans were bringing troops to Georgia and also intended to march on Baku. This was the break in the German – Ottoman relations that Enver Pasha had already detected at Brest-Litovsk. Once Russia was out of the war, the peace aims of the Germans and the Turks no longer matched.
But did the Ottoman Empire have an alternative? Germany had been the only major power that had had no direct designs on Ottoman sovereignty and lands. Britain and France had been allied with the arch enemy, Russia. And today, Britain held occupied already too much Ottoman territory to be welcome. Britain and France had signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 that aimed at the segmentation of Ottoman territory into speres of British, French and Russian interest. No, one would have to work on with the Germans, but the going might get rougher.
Not that the Germans ever had been easy. Arrogant bastards! No patience and no understanding for the oriental way of life.
Nevertheless, the Germans had helped the Turks to get back the Dodecanes Islands and Lybia against the objections of the Austro-Hungarians. Their help would also be required to get the British out of Palestine and Mesopotamia.
The Empire needed time to recuperate and to improve its infrastructure. Here, again, the Germans were important. They must complete and develop the Baghdad Railway. Perhaps they could be won for an extension to Basora, as originally had been the plan. Then one could start arguing about Kowayt with the British...
The British were now firmly established in Persia too, controling the oil wells of Abadan, while the Russians were almost gone. One would have to discuss this issue as well. But the Empire needed time to gather strength first.
Enver didn’t think that the Germans would contest Pan-Turanism east of the Caspian Sea, one only had to be very careful in the Caucasus, where Georgia was becoming a German protectorate. But he sensed that the Germans were focused on Russia and yet had little interest in Central Asian affairs.
But Pan-Turanism needed money. Money could easily be gained by selling oil. Oil was the one resource the British had been after in the region of the Persian Gulf since 1908. If the Empire was to prosper from oil sales, the British had to be pushed out of business...
The Wind of Change
Elections for the British House of Commons were held on Saturday, July 14th, 1918. Although the Labour Party scored a striking success and captured 136 seats, it were the Conservatives who won the day. Acquiring 397 seats they could and would form the new cabinet alone, making Andrew Bonar Law the new Prime Minister. Of the remaining seats, the Irish Sinn Féin won 73, while the Liberals experienced a catastrophic defeat and almost disappeared from the House of Commons. This was a clear thank-you of the electorate to the Liberals for leading the nation into war and losing the French campaign.
The result was also significant because it meant the end of the moderate Irish Parliamentary Party and brought the meteoric rise of the radical Sinn Féin.
The Sinn Féin elected members immediately refused to take their seats in the British House of Commons but convened the Dáil Éireaan, the Irish Revolutionary Assembly, at Dublin. 47 of their members, however, could take no seat because they had been elected while sojourning in British jails.
Having lost his two eldest sons in the war, Bonar Law was known as a hardliner and close associate of Andrew Lloyd George, sharing the latter’s views about a „Knock-out-Victory“.
The victory of his party showed the defiance of the British people. The nation had lost a battle, but not the war. To many Britons it was absolutely unthinkable that Britain ever could lose a war...
But military affairs were only half of the truth. Britain, once the major financier of the world, today was broke.
To finance the war effort, Britain had loaned 2.17 billion $ to France, 2.84 billion $ to Russia, 2.07 billion $ to Italy, about 1.0 billion $ to the dominions, 0.43 billion to Belgium and 90 million $ to Serbia.
Moreover, the US banks had loaned 4.31 billion $ to Britain, 2.85 billion $ to France, 1.59 billion $ to Italy and 187 million $ to Russia.
There was absolutely no prospect that nations like France, Russia, Italy or Serbia could or would pay back any debts.
France was left alone with the devastated landscapes of position warfare and her northern districts systematically cleared of everything useable or valuable by the Germans. The Russian Bolsheviks had already declared that they wouldn’t pay anything. Italy was at the verge of political and economic collapse. And Serbia had simply ceased to exist. The sneaky Belgians, for whose liberty the nation had gone to war, had changed sides when it became clear that the Entente was a lost case and couldn‘t help them any more. But at least they were now entitled to get reparations from Germany, so may be they could some day also afford to pay back their debts to Britain...
It perhaps was best to cut the losses and make peace with Germany. That might allow the nation to recuperate. One must not submit to the Germans, one had not lost the war. There were some German prisoners of war to bargain with, although the Germans held much more British PoWs (almost 1 million in comparison to less than 100.000).
There were the colonies, the German possessions in the Pacific Ocean (except Micronesia, which was occupied by Japan), German South-West Africa and German East Africa, all occupied by British or Dominions forces (although in East Africa German resistance never really had been overcome and a German force still was in the field).
There was the Royal Navy, uncontested now by the German High Seas Fleet.
There were the British Forces in Palestine and Mesopotamia.
That all should sum up to an honorable peace...
The situation in Ireland might soon require more attention. It was generally thought that the Dáil Éireaan would declare Irish independence on its first session. The Irish Volunteers were known to regroup as the so-called „Irish Republican Army“.
If one didn’t make peace with Germany in time, the Germans certainly would massively support the Irishmen, dodging a blockade of Eire with their submarines.
There was a strong Irish community in the USA. One must not allow for a joint initiative of Germany and the USA. Better eliminate the Germans from the equation beforehand... It had been quite expensive to develop public opinion in the US in the British intend.
On July 20th, 1918, the British ambassador in Copenhagen paid a visit to his German colleague and delivered a very interesting proposal.
The Treaty of Copenhagen
While on July 28th, 1918, the Germans elected a new Reichstag with 133 seats for the SPD, 91 for the Zentrum and 52 for the FVP – thus together 276 seats from a total of 397, the delegations of Great Britain and the Central Powers met at Copenhagen. It took them two weeks to achieve this accord:
Article I.
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and Great Britain, for the other part, also representing her dominions, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.
Article II.
Great Britain will withdraw her forces from Palestine and Mesopotamia and agrees to respect Turkey, hereafter referred to as the Ottoman Empire, in the borders marked in the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace.
Article III.
Great Britain recognises that Cyprus and Kuwait are integral parts of the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire endorses that the British administration of Cyprus and Kuwait may continue. A bilateral treaty between Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire will regulate details and duration of this administration and the remuneration to the Ottoman Empire.
Article IV.
Great Britain recognises that Egypt is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire under the rule of the Governor (Pasha and Wali) of Egypt. The Ottoman Empire concedes that the Governor of Egypt may act with sovereignty as far as internal matters of Egypt are concerned and may allow foreign presence in the country.
Article V.
Great Britain will withdraw her forces from the German colonies in Africa and in the Pacific Ocean.
Article VI.
Great Britain will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army and her navy. Great Britain will immediately begin to remove sea mines in the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea and will constantly inform the signatories of this treaty about her progress. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
The British warships to be handed over to the Ottoman Empire are listed in Appendix I of this treaty.
Article VII.
Great Britain recognises the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Bucharest, Eindhoven and Zürich.
Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.
Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.
Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.
Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and Great Britain, the regulations contained in Appendices II-IV are determinative.
Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with Great Britain, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.
Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and English texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and Great Britain. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.
Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Istanbul. The British Government obligates itself, upon the desire of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of two weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.
Executed in quintuplicate at Copenhagen, August 11th, 1918.
Making Money
When the Japanese ambassador to Denmark, Count Maeda Jikiro, received an invitation to have breakfast with the German foreign minister at the German embassy in Copenhagen on August 3rd, 1918, he immediately cabled to Tokyo and asked for instructions.
Richard von Kühlmann received Maeda with exquisite courtesy. While they talked about general matters and the murder of the Russian Tsar during the breakfast, Kühlmann approached his subject when they lighted the cigars.
“Well, Count Maeda, you certainly know that we are holding peace talks with the British here at Copenhagen. – Now, our countries are still at war with each other. Shouldn’t we try to end this?”
“We should always try to achieve a peaceful co-existence – if not friendship – between our nations, Herr von Kühlmann. My government would also be interested in ending the state of war.”
“You hold occupied our colonies, the Northern Marianas, the Carolinas, Paulau, and our naval base at Kiautschou.”
“The wish to have them back is understandable.”
“Well, we might consider to sell them to you…”
Maeda’s eyes went wide.
“Really? – Let me hear your price!”
Kühlmann named a sum.
“I will have to transmit this to my government.”
“Certainly. – Tell them that we also might consider to soon offer German New Guinea, the Marshall Islands, Nauru and West Samoa to the highest bidder.”
It was a very agitated Count Maeda that rode back to the Japanese embassy, already drafting the text of a very urgent and very secret telegram to Tokyo.
Going Home
General Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg was the man who had won the war, at least in the mind of most Germans. Only few insiders really knew how things had happened and that Hindenburg’s fame really was based on the performance of Generals Erich Ludendorff and Max Hoffmann and the initiative of men like Colonel Max Bauer. For the broad public, Hindenburg was the saviour of East Prussia and the victor over Russia, England and France.
Having received a considerable estate in East Prussia and a huge monetary dotation, the old man now went back into retirement, from which he had appeared in 1914.
On August 7th, in Berlin there was a huge parade and an immense cheering crowd when he left, and in Hanover a huge parade and an immense cheering crowd when he arrived. He was a living legend, a man as least as big as Otto von Bismarck – if not the greatest German that ever lived…
Compared to Hindenburg, Kaiser Wilhelm II. had become a trivial and marginal figure. No crowd had cheered when he had arrived in Berlin. If anything, the war had shown the Germans how redundant their princes and princelings were – and how little they were able or willing to influence things.
In Berlin, in the red brick building at the Königsplatz that traditionally housed the German Great General Staff, General Erich Ludendorff now worked in the room, which before him had served as study for the brilliant elder Moltke, the genial Count Schlieffen and the unlucky younger Moltke.
Demobilisation was almost complete now, but this was the responsibility of the war minister, General Hermann von Stein, not that of the Chief of the GGS. Ludendorff’s interest was turned on the east, where things still were in abeyance. Neither the Polish question had yet been resolved, nor the issues about Lithuania, the Baltic territories and Finland.
The Ukraine had developed into a true witch’s cauldron. At Kiev, Field Marshal Hermann von Eichhorn and his chief of staff, General Wilhelm Groener, were doing everything to control the situation. They had replaced the unreliable Central Rada by a government led by Ataman Pavlo Skoropadsky and were fighting the Machno bandits with their volunteer units that had replaced the demobilised Army Group Eichhorn.
Further east, the counter revolutionary forces – now openly supported by a Germany that had severed all ties with the Bolsheviks – made slow progress. But that did not worry Ludendorff, a long civil war would further weaken Russia…
To the south east, things were not going well either. The double monarchy was on the verge of breaking up. Kaiser Karl I. proved unable to achieve cooperation of the nationalities in Cisleithania and the Hungarians were now distinctly manoeuvring for an independent Hungarian Empire. – The Hungarian Empire didn’t bother Ludendorff, he always had favoured the stout Hungarians over the floppy Austrians, but the expected turmoil in Cisleithania did. Plans for an intervention had to be developed.
At Wünsdorf, to the south of Berlin, Vizefeldwebel der Reserve Hermann Schultz handed over the battle proven Kanobil “Dagmar” to a young Unteroffizier who yearningly looked at Schultz’ Iron Crosses 1st and 2nd class. Schultz was the last of the “Dagmar” crew to leave service. The others had already gone home, and now it was his time. He looked forward to return to his home town of Thorn and to resume his business as carpenter. It was also time to find a decent wife and found a family. There was a pretty Polish girl in the neighbourhood that already had caught his eyes during the last home leave…
Wünsdorf had been chosen as home of the 7th Kanobils, the 8th were also here, together forming the 4th Kanobil Regiment now. New barracks for them were already under construction. Until their completion, the regiment was housed in the old PoW camp. Just another reason why Schultz was glad to go home.
At Posen, Colonel Max Bauer, decorated with the coveted Pour-le-Merit, was taking over command of the 5th Heavy Artillery Regiment, as the old foot artillery was called now. He regretted to be unable to provide further counsel to General Ludendorff, but becoming a regimental commander was an important step in one’s career. And in one or two years he would return to the GGS…
At Friedrichsfeld near Wesel, Major Willy Rohr watched his men pass the obstacle course. He was glad that the assault battalions finally had been incorporated into the budget. Initially, the idea had been to dissolve them on demobilisation. But that would have meant that all the experience and expertise would be lost. With considerable help from Colonel Bauer and General Ludendorff, Rohr had managed to get one assault battalion per army into the budget.
They had 45 former Naschobils turned into mechanised assault infantry carriers and were experimenting in armoured assault together with the 7th Kanobil Regiment.
His war time soldiers had now all gone home, except the career NCOs and some officers. The new recruits were in no good shape, two years of hunger and depletion had left their mark. It would take some time to cocker them up and form them into an efficient force.
A Meeting in the Night
On Monday, August 12th, 1918, at 22:00 hours, the leaders of Zentrum, FVP and SPD met at the Imperial Chancellery in Berlin.
75 years old Chancellor Georg von Hertling, himself a member of the Zentrum, sat cushioned in an armchair, covered by a blanket – despite the warmth – and occasionally falling asleep. The other Zentrum men were Matthias Erzberger, Felix Porsch and Konstantin Fehrenbach. The FVP was represented by Friedrich Naumann, Friedrich von Payer and Ludwig Quidde, while Friedrich Ebert, Philipp Scheidemann and Eduard David spoke for the SPD.
They all agreed that on the first session of the new Reichstag on August 21st they would elect the leader of the largest parliamentary party, Friedrich Ebert, as new chancellor.
If Kaiser Wilhelm II. admitted this election, the constitution could be changed accordingly. However, it was almost certain they he would not accept it.
“I will step down on August 21st.” declared Hertling. “But the Kaiser can nominate someone else, you know that.”
They knew. Their answer was: General Strike.
“The Kaiser may use the military!”
“He certainly will order them to suppress the strike” said Erzberger. “The question is: Will they obey?”
“You know our officers and generals.”
“Yes, I know that those will obey. – No, I’m talking about the average soldier. – We have in service the age-groups 1898, 1899 and 1900. The 98er and 99er have all been in the war, as have some of the 1900er. – I doubt that they will shoot on the own population, their relatives and friends. Those 1900er that have not seen the war are too fresh and not yet completely trained.”
“Let us hope, your right, Herr Erzberger.”
“We must take the risk, these antiquated structures of a personal monarchy have proven to be inadequate. – What did the Kaiser do during the war? Battlefield tourism – no, not battlefield, that was too dangerous – rear area tourism, he and all lesser princes indulged in it. Has he led us? Did he make great decisions? Did he choose the right persons? – Undecided Bethmann, incompetent Moltke Junior, the Butcher Falkenhayn… No democratic process of filling top positions can be so catastrophic as Wilhelm’s personnel decisions!”
“What about Hindenburg and Ludendorff?”
“Forced upon him by Bethmann, his wife and some others. – He didn’t want them, was jealous of their popularity.”
“Okay, once we’re on strike, what shall we demand?” asked Scheidemann.
“Change of the Prussian franchise to Reichstags standard. Election of the Imperial Chancellor by the Reichstag. Election of the Prussian prime minister by the Prussian Landtag. The end of Wilhelm’s personal personnel cabinets.”
“But we must keep the Kaiser. Remove him from power, but keep him in position” remarked von Payer. “We need him and the other sovereigns to keep the military in the boat.”
“Well, Ludendorff might continue without him. The two of them are no friends. – But you’re right, for most officers he is the core of their loyalty.”
“Can we already decide who gets which position?”
“Must we?”
“Better to have a plan than being surprised…”
They quickly agreed that Richard von Kühlmann should remain as foreign minister and von Payer as minister of the interior. Erzberger would become the finance minister.
But who should become war minister?
Traditionally, a military had had that position. Was there a general that would accept such a position in a parliamentary government?
“Perhaps Groener” proposed Scheidemann.
“Perhaps, but he’s no senior to Ludendorff. – What about his current boss, Eichhorn?”
“A true Prussian general of the old school, yet very educated. – Certainly better than the ultra monarchists Hindenburg or Mackensen. – Well, let’s ask him. If he says no, we still can ask Groener.”
A Tempest of Change
The second half of August 1918 would later become known as the “Fortnight of Revolution”.
On August 16th, Gabriele D’Annunzio, a man of letters and politics and an ardent nationalist, led a raiding party of 2,500 so-called “Arditi” into occupied Venetia. His hope was that the population would rise in support of his action and oust the Austrian occupants. The Austrians he considered incapable of action because of the ongoing strife of the nationalities that paralysed public life.
But while Cisleithania in fact was paralysed, the Austrian occupation army in Venetia was not. Field Marshal Count Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, the commanding officer on the Italian front, had quite distinct ideas how to deal with armed Italian intruders.
D’Annunzio and quite a sizeable portion of his followers were killed in the ensuing fight. In pursuit of the bolting remainder of the Arditi, the Austrians entered Italian territory and showed little respect for life and property of uninvolved Italians.
Although the Austrians voluntarily withdrew after two days of rather indiscriminate killing and looting, the events led to socialist revolution in Italy. In Northern Italy and Rome armed workers dominated the streets. Giovanni Giolitti’s cabinet fled to Naples, then on to Palermo when the revolution spread southwards. In Milano, a provisory socialist government was established by Filippo Turati, Amadeo Bordiga and Palmiro Togliatti. They claimed that right wing irredentist machinations had caused the tragic Austrian invasion and promised peace, social justice and an end to the misery caused by the nationalists and irredentists, which had driven Italy into the war.
On August 18th, Hungarian Prime Minister Sándor Wekerle declared that Hungary would not renew the union with Austria. Emperor Karl was welcome to continue his reign as King IV. Károly of Hungary if he resigned all titles in Cisleithania. Hungary annexed Dalmatia and added it to Croatia. Bosnia, Montenegro and Hungarian Serbia were now under joint Hungaro-Croatian administration.
On the same day, the Dáil Éireaan in Dublin declared Irish independence, the constitution of the Irish Republic and the establishment of the Irish Republican Army. After this declaration, the Irish parliament went underground as the British government showed no inclination of recognising the Irish Republic. The Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Field Marshal Viscount John French, the suppressor of the 1916 uprising, alerted the British military and police in Ireland and tasked them to arrest those members of the Dáil Éireaan not yet in jail.
On August 20th, the Czechs in Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia declared their independence from Austria. A provisory Czech National Assembly based on the Czech representatives of the three Landtage installed a provisory government led by Karel Kramář, whom Emperor Karl had released from prison in 1917. To their displeasure, only the Russian Bolsheviks cared to recognise the new Czech state.
In response, the Germans in the three provinces, a strong minority of 3.2 million people (and in Silesia a majority over the Czechs) compared to 6.2 million Czechs, organised their own assembly, the German Convent at Eger, which did not recognise Czech independence from Austria.
In Prague, bloody street fighting began between Czech and German militias, while the former mixed units of the Austrian Army in the provinces fell apart, each nationality joining its side.
On August 21st, the Reichstag at Berlin met for its first session after the elections.
After the ceremonial opening, Chancellor Hertling resigned and Friedrich Ebert was elected new Imperial Chancellor.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. – by chance in Berlin – immediately rejected this election. Under the constitution of the German Empire it was his privilege to appoint the chancellor. The election was illegal and he would not accept it. He called upon Hertling to resume his office, which the old man declined in a public declaration.
At 18:00 hours, the joint committee of SPD, Zentrum and FVP proclaimed that a general strike would commence the next morning at 8 o’clock. Special edition newspapers explained the aims of the strike.
At 19:00 hours, Kaiser Wilhelm II. tasked Generals von Stein and Ludendorff with the suppression of the general strike in Berlin and the corps commanders all over Prussia to do the same thing in their areas of responsibility.
On the same day, a peace treaty was signed between Bulgaria and the Greek Kingdom, which the Greek Republic did not recognise. Bulgaria acquired Salonika and Southern Macedonia. The northern border of Greece now ran from the southern end of Lake Prespa to the Gulf of Salonika south of the town.
The Tempest Proceeds
In the morning of August 22nd, 1918, strike pickets went into position all over Germany. During the night, Generals Ludendorff and von Stein had convinced Kaiser Wilhelm II. that they were not in a position to command the troops in and around Berlin. The Kaiser had consequently given order to suppress the strike to Prince Eitel Friedrich, his second oldest son and recently appointed commander of the Gardekorps.
The guards units were comprised of hand picked able bodied young men from all over Prussia. They had no special affiliation to Berlin and neither friends nor relatives in town.
It took Eitel Friedrich some time to get the moves of his corps coordinated and only around noon did the first units move out of their barracks in Potsdam and Berlin.
Also on August 22nd, around 10 o’clock in the morning, did General Maercker‘s Kaukasus Division strike on Baku. The Bolsheviks knew that they didn’t have the slightest chance against the Germans. Thus they had evacuated the town during the night and the Germans could march in completely unmolested. The population seemed friendly and even welcoming.
Maercker was rather pleased. The Turkish army under Nuri Pasha was still bogged way down southeast by incessant guerilla attacks of Armenian rebells. His specialists were already at work and investigated the possibilities to resume oil production. If things went according to plan one could ship some millions of barrels to Germany before the Turks even arrived.
On the Arabian peninsula, the indomitable General Mustafa Kemal Pasha, hero of Gelibolu, started his campaign to pacify the rebellious Arab tribes. He thought this might take him some time but he had no doubt that he would succeed. These people would either submit to him or die. He knew his Turkish soldiers, under his leadership they were invincible. And now that the English were gone, his aeroplanes could scout on the Arabs without any risk.
Still in the morning of August 22nd, Field Marschal Viscount John French’s car was ambushed by IRA fighters when driving from Dublin Castle to the officers‘ mess. The ambush turned out to be a plain success. French was killed by twelve bullets, his driver and his aid de camp died with him. The second car managed to ecape with one dead and two wounded police constablers.
In Central Russia, the Czech Legion changed sides. The news of Czech independence had reached them very quickly. The Bolsheviks offered them free passage to Poland if they helped crush Yudenich’s nascent force. This was the only way to arrive early enough in Czechia to be of help.
In Prague, the Czechs made the unwelcome experience that the Jews were siding with the Germans. The Jews felt no propinquity with Czech nationalism and would be happy to remain a peaceful part of a German dominated society. They did not join the fighting but gave unrestricted non-combatant support to the Germans.
The fighting remained low intensity all through the day, in some places even local armistices came in effect. Both sides were still lacking general direction and operational guidance.
Heavy Gales
In the early afternoon of August 22nd the Garde Korps deployed into the Berlin and Potsdam streets. It soon became apparent that the population solidarised with the strikers. And while the guards soldiers did not openly solidarise with the population, they almost all refused to use force against unarmed civilians, women and children.
There was one case, where a NCO fired into a crowd with his rifle, only to be shot by the men of his platoon. In other cases, officers and NCOs ready to use force were struck down or „immobilised“ by their subordinates. In front of the Siemens plant, a platoon did get into a kind of brawl and opened fire, but then, seeing women being hurt, stopped and started to provide first aid.
Everywhere, the populace would approach the soldiers and tell them not to fight against their fellow Germans. Many war veterans among the protesters would show off their decorations. The strikers and protesters remained absolutely peaceful, following the instructions distributed by trade unions, SPD, Zentrum and FVP. Attempts of USPD adherers to create a „revolutionary situation“ remained generally ineffective.
At 17:15 hours, General Prince Eitel Friedrich ordered his regiments back to their barracks. At 18:30 hours he arrived at the New Palace in Potsdam, to which location his father had „retreated“ during the night. He was not a man to hold back in front of the Kaiser. After all, he really had been in the war. His personal braveness was proven. And that was more than could be said of his father or his elder brother, the Crown Prince.
„Forget it. – The army does no longer follow your orders. If my guards units refuse to crush the strikers, I can imagine that in other corps districts units will have gone over to the protesters.“
But because of the strike, there was no rail traffic, no telegram service and only those newspapers that the strikers did want to be released. So, the imperial court was rather uninformed about the general situation. What was known now was that the guards corps had failed in Berlin and Potsdam. That meant loss of control over the core of Prussia and Germany.
The Crown Prince, who was also present, said something about not giving up. The forces loyal to the crown and the traditional order might still gather.
„Rubbish!“ exclaimed Eitel Friedrich. „I’ve seen them in the streets, solidarising with the strikers. – And those I’ve not seen were the ones speaking for the old order.“
„Come what may,“ insisted Wilhelm II. „I will not accept this socialist chancellor, never!“
„Then it may happen that this chancellor, who has at least 75% of the German population behind him, tells you to relocate to some nice cosy place in exile! – What do you think which percentage of Germans still backs you? Three percent or as many as five?“
The Kaiser was obviously shocked.
„Father, be glad that they have not yet opted for a republic. They still want to keep you as emperor, only in a constitutional monarchy – like in Britain. Would that really be so bad?“
In France, people were watching events in Europe with disbelief. Revolution in Germany? Austria-Hungary breaking apart? Revolution in Italy? Civil war in Great Britain and Ireland?
Well, the Germans had meticulously conducted their redeployment to Germany and now were all gone. Some tens of thousands of Americans were still around, but their numbers were becoming smaller by the day.
France had suffered considerably: 1.5 million soldiers and civilians dead, 4.1 million wounded, mutilated, maimed. And a population that was decreasing, and had already been so before the war.
31 billion Francs war debts abroad, total cost of the war 177 billion Francs, thereof 80% financed by war bonds.
So far, the Clemenceau government was still in office, but the calls for new elections grew louder every day.
Georges Clemenceau himself still was wondering about the Treaty of Eindhoven. He knew what he would have demanded from a vanquished Germany. And the victorious Germans? The Lorraine minettes for some years, some minor pieces of colonial estate, that was all. Unbelievable! No reparations, no annexations, no restrictions... What did these arrogant Germans think they were?
But of course they did not have 20.000 destroyed factories, 812,000 destroyed houses, 54,000 kilometres of destroyed roads, 120,000 hectares of devastated territory...
And Alsace-Lorraine was their’s still.
Georges Clemenceau was not prone to tears, but thinking about this damned war and its results he felt a mighty urge to kick someone’s butt.
There had been a strange flu in late June and early July, apparently gone thereafter. People thought the Americans had brought it over. Now, a new outbreak of flu, said to be worse than the earlier one, had been reported from Brest, where there still were many Americans.
They really haven’t helped us in the war, now they infest us with their diseases, thought Clemenceau. If they only would abate our debts...
In a first official statement, the British Prime Minister condemned the assassination of Viscount French at 18:00 hours on August 22nd. Britain would never back down opposite murderers and other criminals. The Irish Revolutionary Parliament was illegal. Ireland would remain an integral part of the Empire.
On the same day at Vienna, the German deputies of the various Cisleithanian parliaments constituted the „National Convent of the German Austrians“. After six hours of debating, a decision was made with 68% majority: German Austria would request admission to the German Empire.
In the Eye of the Storm
In the evening of August 22nd, 1918, the Joint Committee of SPD, Zentrum and FVP could establish that the general strike was an overall success.
Nowhere in Prussia had the army succeeded in suppressing the strike. While in Berlin and Potsdam the guards corps had been withdrawn to its barracks after the soldiers proved unable – or unwilling? – the remove the strike pickets, in most other Prussian army corps districts the troops had openly fraternised with the strikers. A number of officers and NCOs had been shot, far more had been „isolated“. General opinion of the populace was favourable to the strike. A vast majority of Germans believed that the old system no longer was acceptable. When the whole population was required to fight a war, then the whole population should also decide – and not only some few privileged conservative heraditary holders of offices.
In most other states, the military had remained in their barracks. In Bavaria, Saxony, Baden, Württemberg, Hessen and the Hanse towns no attempt had been made at all to suppress the strike. Some of the minor states had sent out police officers who had achieved nothing.
In Prussian Saxony and adjacent West Saxony, where the USPD had won the 17 seats they held in the Reichstag, the independend socialists had tried to take over control of the strike. This had been spoiled by the trade unions, which succintly followed the SPD course and had no interest in radicalising the strike.
The trade unions, by the way, had done a great job in conducting a strike that paralysed public life but did not imperil food supply to the population. They really had become professional during the war.
In Venetia in Austrian occupied Italy, first elements of the Austrian Army in Italy started to board the trains for the journey to Bohemia and Moravia in the evening of August 22nd. Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf had purged his army from all Slavic elements. The regiments now consisted of Germans only, reliable Tyrolians, Austrians, Styrians and Carinthians. Conrad had decided on his own that his army was more useful in Moravia and Bohemia than in Venetia. His excellent connections as former chief of staff of the Austro-Hungarian Army ensured that trains and supplies were provided as required.
His army was three corps strong, 8 divisions in total. He would need four days to get them to Brünn, Budweis and Eger respectively. Munich had already signalised that the Eger Corps could transit Bavaria, the general strike in Germany would not impede this rail move. The trade unions had agreed to do everything to make it possible in minimum time.
It was unbelievable... Conrad was struggling with the concept that socialists also might be patriots.
At about the same time, the first elements of the Czech Legion at Cheliabinsk and Yekaterinburg boarded the trains that would bring them to Petrograd.
The Bolsheviks had won a strong ally with these Czechs – and now no sizeable White force remained that could hinder Bolshevik spread to the east and southeast...
At Vienna, Empress Zita had finally talked her husband into accepting the Hungarian offer. He could be the independent king of a greater Hungary or a minor king or arch duke of some minor state in the German Empire. Was there any other reasonable alternative?
In Athens, at 22:30 hours, an assassin attacked King Konstantin I and his wife. Two shots hit the King when a left the opera, a third bullet hit Queen Sophia. Konstantin was severely wounded and hurriedly evacuated to the military hospital. Sophia, a sister of Kaiser Wilhelm II., was only scratched by the projectile. Enraged, she assumed regency und swore revenge to the Greek Republic and it’s founder, Venizelos.
In the Line of Fire
In the morning of August 23rd, 1918, an eerie discovery startled the Czechs in Prague. A mass grave had been discovered in a wood northwest of the city, containing the bodies of 13 woman and 28 children, all identified as Czechs.
Who other than the Germans could be responsible for this?
The combats now assumed a tougher pace when Czech hotheads „in revenge“ indiscriminately shot unarmed Germans and Jews. This, in turn, caused German hotheads to lay fire to Czech houses and then to snipe on the Czech fire brigades.
Until noon the fighting had reached an intensity that convinced a great number of citizens to leave Prague. Subsequently, columns of German refugees moved north or north-west and Czechs columns headed south or south-east, while fires raged in many quarters of the town.
Fighting was now also reported to have started in Pilsen, Budweis and Brünn.
On the same morning, at Agram, a meeting took place between Hungarian and Croat leaders. Gyula Count Andrássy Junior, the designated interior minister of Great Hungary, explained how the Hungarians intended to run business in the Southern Slav regions.
„We trust in you, my friends,“ he addressed the Croats, „to rule over the Serbs and Montenegrins. You speak their language. You can penetrate their secret circles. – We do not object to a Croatia that comprises Bosnia, Montenegro and our part of Serbia. We also do not mind when you rule them with a heavy hand, if need be. We also agree if you enlist the Bosniaks to help you.“
At Athens, the condition of King Konstantin was reported serious but stable. Queen Sophia confered with Prime Minister Spyridon Lambros how to crack down on the followers of Venizelos.
„We need allies in this struggle. Not the Germans, not the Turks. I bear in mind the British. They have what we need: Ships. And we can offer them more than Venizelos can on his miserable island. Try to get us a compact with the Brits. – And, dear Spyridon, have the police and the secret service purged from all Venizelos‘ men.“
In Paris, the authorities now had established that the new flu, which had broken out in the Brest area, was also reported from Sierra Leone and Boston in the USA. They decided to name it „La Grippe Americaine“ – American Flu, and to try to shut off the infected zone.
In Vilnius, designated capital of the Lithuanian state, the Council of Lithuania finally decided not to ask for a German prince. Following the German victory in the west, the pressure on Lithuania to become a German puppet kingdom had been strong. However, following advice by Matthias Erzberger, the Lithuanians had prevaricated successfully. With the general strike going on in Germany they hoped for a democratic Germany that would allow them to become a fully independent state and a democracy, which was what they desired.
Nikolai Nikolayevich Yudenich had been one of the most successful generals of Tsarist Russia, having defeated not only Enver Pasha but also Mustafa Kemal on the Caucasus Front.
Since two months he was in Estonia and Livonia, organising an army that he intended to lead to St.Petersburg (he had never adapted to use „Petrograd“) and thereafter to Moscow, destroying the Bolsheviks wherever he met them. He hoped that the Tsar’s family was still alive so that the monarchy could be restored.
Now he learned that the Czech Legion had changed sides and had been charged with eliminating his army. News travelled fast in Russia, where individuals and units often changed sides and wandered between the fronts.
His army was not yet ready, Yudenich knew. Better to retreat to Courland and build a defensive line behind the Dvina...
The Kaiser caves in
Until noon of August 23rd, various messengers had arrived at Potsdam by car. The picture of the situation was devastating: The conduct of the Gardekorps had in deed been commendable. Everywhere else, the units sent out had gone over to the strikers.
Pressure on Wilhelm II. was mounting. Now his wife, Auguste Viktoria, Crown Prince Wilhelm and Prince Eitel Friedrich tried to talk him into accepting the conditions of the majority parties – before these changed their mind and went for a German republic…
Only the chief of the Kaiser’s civilian cabinet, Friedrich von Berg, spoke of refusal. But even he could offer no other way out.
At 12:30 hours, General Ludendorff arrived. He had no better information about the conduct of the army than the one already known. But he had serious concerns about the situation in Bohemia and Estonia.
“Your Majesty, you know that I’ve called our army a militia, already some months ago. Now this has been proven as a fact. They may still be good against an external enemy, but they are useless against the own population. This may change over time when discipline can be restored to pre-war standards, but for the next few months we’ll have to accept it as it is.
Nevertheless, we will soon need the army and the rail network. The situation in Bohemia and Moravia is deteriorating. Fighting spreads all over the country. We may soon be forced to intervene.
And the Czech Legion has changed sides, they’re fighting for the Bolsheviks now, which have given them the task to destroy the White forces in Estonia. After that – or even before that, if the situation in Bohemia escalates – the Czechs may try to force passage through Poland in order to support their compatriots.
Now, Estonia and Poland belong to our sphere of influence. We cannot tolerate a Bolshevik or otherwise hostile force there.
We need a functional army and railway. The strike must end.”
“But that would mean that I yield to these insolent demands!”
“Your Majesty, as far as I can see, you will remain nominal Commander-in-Chief of army and navy, as before. You never had direct command of the army, as you well know. You now may lose your privilege of direct intervention in naval warfare. – So what?
You will remain head of state in Germany and Prussia, but you will lose the prerogative of selecting the main players. I think that would be good. Let’s face it, your choices were miserable: Bülow, Bethmann, Michaelis, Hertling, Moltke, Falkenhayn, Ingenohl, Pohl… Should I continue? – And what’s more, once you had chosen an individual, there was no way how you ever could control his actions.”
Wilhelm was staring at Ludendorff in plain consternation. He could accept a lot of truth and a lot of criticism in a tête-à-tête conversation. Ludendorff knew this.
“Your Majesty, I’m no friend of the socialists, but they have loyally supported the war effort, as have done the Zentrum and the FVP. They will form a strong government. And a strong government is what Germany needs right now. We’ve won the war, we must win the peace now.
You can remain Emperor of a strong united German Empire and King of Prussia – or you can become a ruler in exile, once they lose patience and declare republic.”
With this, Ludendorff saluted and left.
On August 23rd, 1918, at 15:15 hours, Kaiser Wilhelm II. formally accepted the concepts of the Reichstags majority and appointed Friedrich Ebert as Imperial Chancellor and interim Prime Minister of Prussia, until the constitution had been changed according to said concepts.
On August 23rd, 1918, at 16:00 hours, the Joint Committee declared the end of the general strike in Germany.
Transit
General Jan Syrový, the commander of the Czech Legion in Russia, was driven by inner unrest. His deal with the Bolsheviks had given them control over the Trans-Siberian Railway up to Vladivostok in exchange for transit to the west. So far, so good.
But his objective was not to fight a bloody battle with the Whites that threatened Petrograd. His forces were needed at home. News of the fray in Prague had already reached him. And he had no illusions about the German stance regarding Czech independence.
It would take weeks to assemble his men – at present strung out in hundreds of trains between Chelyabinsk and Vladivostok – in the triangle Petrograd – Novgorod – Narva. He doubted that Czechia could wait that long. But there was no other way.
“Find out” he tasked his staff, “how we can best move from Novgorod to Minsk and from there to Czechia. Take into account that we will have to fight the Bolsheviks in Russia and the Germans in Poland. We must become a moving and fighting camp! – And keep the planning secret! The Bolsheviks must not know about it!”
In the afternoon of August 23rd, 1918, the first units of General Conrad’s army arrived at Budweis and Brünn. This was a major boost for Austro-German morale and a severe setback for Czech aspirations.
At 17:00 hours at Vienna, the National Convent of the German Austrians sent an open address to Berlin asking formally for acceptance of German Austria into the German Empire.
At 18:00 these news reached Rome, where envoys of Giolitti’s government were engaged in secret parleys with representatives of the revolutionary socialist government.
The Italians were deeply agitated by this development. They knew that the Germans had no interest in Venetia and that only Austro-Hungarian pressure had led to the occupation of the province. Now, Hungary had no interest in Venetia either. May be one could re-negotiate the Treaty of Zürich? But better to speak with only one tongue in these negotiations…
At about the same time, the French authorities had to realise that their attempt to insulate the disease had failed. The American Flu was now also reported from Bordeaux, Le Mans and Rouen. With more than 2,000 people already dead they decided to declare national emergency.
The news of the Austro-German address to Berlin did also incite Emperor Karl I. to turn to the public. At 19:30 he issued a statement to the press, announcing his decision to abdicate as Austro-Hungarian Emperor, King of Bohemia and Arch Duke of Austria – and his intention to remain King of Hungary and Croatia.
Little Causes, Big Impacts
In the early morning of August 24th, 1918, a fire broke out in Essad Pasha Toptani’s house in Tirana, Albania. When the strong man of Albania and his family hastily evacuated the burning edifice, a gunman, who managed to escape unidentified, shot Essad Pasha.
As Essad had many enemies, his family and his followers had no clue who might be responsible for the assassination.
On the same day, in Ireland, in the County Tipperary, the dead bodies of three officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary were discovered. In the evening, in front of the barracks of the Royal Irish Constabulary at Limerick a bomb exploded, killing two innocent pedestrians and causing major damage to the building, but leaving all constables unharmed, except for some torn eardrums.
In London, General Sir Herbert Plumer was appointed new Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Prime Minister Bonar Law asserted him that five regular army divisions would be at his disposal, should he deem their use necessary. There was absolutely no reason to accept the ideas of the Irish separatists. Ireland would remain a part of the empire.
In Posen in Germany, a very angry Colonel Max Bauer disbanded the Freikorps, which he had formed from loyal soldiers of the garrison. Now that the Kaiser had caved in and the general strike had ended, the voluntary formation was no longer needed. However, Bauer kept a list of all names of his Freikorps. You never know…
In Copenhagen, Japanese ambassador Maeda received a telephone call from his German collegue, Count Ulrich von Brockdorf-Rantzau.
“Dear Jikiro, my boss is on his way. – What would be a suitable time and proper place for you to sign the treaty?”
In Sortavala in Finland, on the north shore of Lake Ladoga, the first train of the volunteer “East Karelia Force” arrived. Lieutenant Kurt Martti Wallenius and his German trained „Jäger” formed the core of this first trainload.
Their job was now to prepare quarters for the rest of the unit.
Wallenius was confident, he had seen the armoured trains that were currently put together in Vyborg. One would use the tactics that the Germans had employed against the Bolsheviks in February and March: Advance by railway.
But one also had to take care of “Reds” before that, there still were some bands around in the area. They had to be eliminated before they had opportunity to report about the East Karelia Force to the Russian Bolsheviks.
Trotsky at Work
Lev Davidovich Bronstein, better known as Leon Trotsky, People’s Commissar for Army and Navy Affairs, was not at all surprised when he learned about the planned desertion of the Czech Legion. He never had expected that the Legion would fight for the Bolsheviks. The Czechs had handed over the Trans-Siberian Railway to the Bolsheviks, that was what counted and why he had supported their initial change of sides. Now, they were about to concentrate their units south of Petrograd. His spies told him that Syrový had given order to plan a march to Czechia via Minsk and through Poland. Trotsky had no intention to try to stop them. The Czechs were too strong for the fledgling Red Army anyway, and when they clashed with the Germans that was something to Trotsky’s liking.
The Czechs had another welcome effect: Yudenich was withdrawing from Estonia and Livonia. So, that piece of real estate would become eligible for bolshevikation soon. Best to install an “Independent” Estonian People’s “Republic”. That would spoil the German ideas about a United Baltic Duchy a little bit. Once the Czechs were on the move, the Red Latvian Riflemen could be inserted against Yudenich who was relocating to Courland. One could use the Red Latvian Rifles and the Latvians in Livonia to establish an “Independent” Latvian People’s “Republic”, then the Germans could bury their idea of a Baltic puppet state.
That the Fins were about to invade what they called East Karelia could not be helped. The Bolsheviks had no supplies to expect via Murmansk. One could deal with the Fins later. Better they were kept busy in East Karelia than they got interested in attacking Petrograd.
With the threat of the Czechs and Yudenich removed, the Red Army now had the opportunity to deal with Alekseev and Denikin.
The Germans in Poland and the Ukraine had a defensive stance, they would not attack – or at least not before receiving sizeable reinforcements.
The Germans in Georgia and Azerbaijan were quite a nuisance, Trotsky hoped they would clash with the Turkish Army of Islam. To his knowledge, Enver had composed this force without any German participation and with the possibility in mind to use them against the Germans, if need be. But that stupid Turkish general was still bogged down in Armenia and didn’t move, while the Germans had the railway from Poti to the Caspian Sea running and were shipping oil out of Poti like crazy.
The Germans in the Caucasus could provide a solid base for Alekseev and Denikin to fall back, that had to be kept in mind. The Red Army was not yet capable of tackling the Germans. Trotsky didn’t know this General Maercker, but he seemed to be a vigorous character.
He knew General Hoffmann, however, who had been tasked to coordinate the German effort against the Bolsheviks. He had learned to respect that sottish fellow at Brest-Litovsk. Hoffmann was not to be underestimated as a soldier. He was perhaps the best operational head the Germans had. But he was no politician…
In Germany, a kind of revolution seemed to have happened. The social democrats were now ruling together with the papists and the progressives. Perhaps Georgy Chicherin could talk them into a more accepting mood towards Soviet Russia. – But that was outside of Trotsky’s reach…
He grabbed the telephone. “Ephraim, can you come here? – We’ve got to plan a campaign against Alekseev and Denikin.”
The Treaty of Elsinor
To avoid confusion with the Treaty of Copenhagen, the German-Japanese Peace Treaty was signed at Kronborg Castle at Elsinore on August 28th, 1918.
Japan at first had been quite reluctant to pay for territory that she had already conquered. Only the German hint that the High Seas Fleet was now – after peace had been concluded with Great Britain – rather unoccupied and that many Japanese cities lay close to the sea had finally led to a change in attitude.
The Germans had supplied coal for the Russian fleet travelling from the Baltic to the Chinese Sea in 1905, they certainly would be capable of supplying coal for the High Seas Fleet as well. The Japanese fleet had only four dreadnoughts and four modern battlecruisers to oppose nineteen German dreadnoughts and five battlecruisers.
These considerations soon brought about a more postive stance regarding the purchase of the German territories.
Japan reimbursed Germany for the infrastructure of the naval base and the city of Kiautchou with 50 million $.
Japan paid another 150 million $ for the right to take over Germany’s role in the lease agreement with China.
Japan bought the German Carolinas, Marianas, Palau Islands and Marshall Islands for 3.8 billion $.
Germany and Japan were at peace now. The Japanese also revoked the declaration of war they had issued to Austria-Hungary in 1914.
Matthias Erzberger, the new German minister of finance, is said to have remarked that this was the first time that any of the German colonies had produced something like profit.
A Greater Germany?
The request of the Austrian Germans for admission into the German Empire meant the fulfilment of the dreams of several generations of Germans and Austrians. But not everywhere was this request met with joy.
The Germans already had severe problems with the 3.5 million Poles in Germany, they had no wish to add 6.2 million Czechs to the empire. Seperating Germans and Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia was almost impossible without committing acts of violence.
The Austrian Germans were all catholic, they would turn the inner-German balance of confessions into a catholic preponderance.
That also meant that the SPD would gain less voters than the Zentrum. Although the Austrian Social Democratic Worker’s Party, the equivalent of the SPD, had been the strongest parliamentary group in the Reichsrat, the equivalent of the German Reichstag, before the war it was clear to the SPD leaders that the Zentrum would attract more voters in the less industrialised Austro-German states.
It was therefore with mixed feelings that Friedrich Ebert’s cabinet met on August 28th. The foreign minister was absent, signing the Treaty of Elsinore.
As could be expected, vice chancellor Erzberger was completely in favour of accepting the request.
But discussion soon reveiled that a solution would not be easy to be found.
The SPD ministers were ready to accept that the Zentrum might gain more voters from the annexation. But the Czech problem had to solved.
The FVP ministers were of the same opinion.
Only Konstantin Fehrenbach, the minister for economy, and Felix Porsch, the post minster, the two other Zentrums representatives, backed Erzberger, although their enthusiasm was much reduced in comparison to Erzberger.
Hermann von Eichhorn, the war minister, who did – like Richard von Kühlmann – not belong to one of the three ruling parties, had had his confidant Robert Katzenstein, a Jewish solicitor, examining the situation.
“Traditionally, Czech was spoken by the countrymen, while the towns talked in German. This has changed since the mid of the last century. Today, Czech is spoken everywhere. There is a complete mix. The only solution that might be possible is autonomy for the Czechs within a German state. – But then, we would have to grant this to our Poles and French too, and to the Italians in Southern Tyrolia. – The other solution would be a Czech state with an autonomous German minority. But do we really want a Czech state in the midth of Germany?”
After three hours of animated discussion, the cabinet parted without having reached a decision.
The Storm calms down
In Bohemia and Moravia, Conrad’s army was complete. Three divisions secured Budweis and advanced along the rail line to Prague, three more were around Brünn and controlled Moravia, while the two that had arrived at Eger had marched to Pilsen.
Conrad had issued an order that forbade fighting and threatened everyone – except his soldiers – who carried a weapon to be court martialed. To everyone’s surprise, this order was observed.
Karel Kramář’s government issued an appeal to the Czechs to follow the order, while the Germans were contend to obey Conrad.
It took two days for the fighting to die down, but on Saturday, August 31st, 1918, it had stopped everywhere.
Unbeknownst to the contemporaries, the “Fortnight of Revolution” was about to end.
In Italy, Giolitti’s government merged with the socialists into a “Government of National Concentration”. There was no use in wasting effort with civil strife when the possibility arose to regain Venetia and perhaps even to liberate the compatriots in Tyrolia.
At Laibach, a provisory Slovene National Committee had established itself. The Slovenes – for the first time in their history – had the chance to have their own state. But many saw also the risks of such a move. The idea of an common south Slav state was dead for the time being. Thus “Slovenia” would be sandwiched between Hungary, Italy and Germany. The Italians were known to have designs on the western part of the future Slovenia. Opposite Germany there would be large zones with mixed population inviting for border quarrels. The Hungarians had, as far as was known, no designs on Slovenia, but their Croat underlings might soon arrive at the idea to add it to their domain because there were Croats living in the Küstenland. Ending up in the Hungarian Empire was the least desirable alternative.
There were only 2.5 million Slovenes, was this really enough for an independent nation?
After seemingly endless debates the Slovene National Committee declared the foundation of an independent Slovenia, consisting of the former countries Carniola and Küstenland. For Styria and Carinthia, a referendum was demanded, that should allow the Slovenes living in the south of these countries to join Slovenia. The German population of the Gottschee area and the Croats and Italians living in the Küstenland were promised autonomous areas.
At Rabaul, the capital of German New Guinea, situated on the island of New Pomerania, naval captain Joseph Kutzner supervised the hoisting of the German flag.
He had been told not to invest too much effort, just show the flag and see that all Australians and English evacuate the real estate – before it is sold to the highest bidder…
A Greater Germany
On Monday, September 2nd, 1918, the Reichstag met in Berlin to debate and decide upon two proposals how to deal with the request of the Austrian Germans.
Proposal 1, the Erzberger Proposal, foresaw the admission of the countries in the boundaries they had had in Austria-Hungary, regardless of ethnic distribution. Slovenia was to be recognised in the borders of Carniola and Küstenland.
Proposal 2, the Scheidemann Proposal, recognised that ethnic distribution and national self-determination required referenda in various areas and demanded that new borders should be drawn observing the results of these referenda. Independence of Czechia and Slovenia would consequently be accepted, southern Tyrolia might join Italy. Those areas that declared for Germany would join the empire.
The debate raged for two days. At 22:15 hours on September 3rd, the ballot was finally cast. With a narrow majority of 202 to 195, the Scheidemann Proposal was accepted.
Poles, Elsaß-Lothringers and Danes had – for obvious reasons – reinforced the 185 deputies of SPD and FVP.
This decision evoked different reactions in different countries. While Great Britain, Great Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria condemned it because it shook the “traditional” boundaries and threatened to open the nationality Box of Pandora in Europe, the reaction in France, Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, Finland, Sweden and the USA was very positive. Karel Kramář’s government voiced acceptance and proposed negotiations.
The Poles, which until now had kept conspicuously quiet, took hope. Perhaps a Polish Rzeczpospolita could be forged that was not a German puppet and united all Poles in one state?
In Lithuania, the decision was taken to declare the state a republic on September 5th.
Mixed Fortunes
The Bolshevik offensive against the forces of Alekseev and Denikin that started on September 1st soon turned out to be a major disaster.
Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili, better known as Joseph Stalin, had convinced Lenin that he should be given command of the operations in the south, much to Trotsky’s chagrin.
Stalin had been sent to Tsarytsin by Lenin in spring of 1918 in order to improve the food situation of the Bolshevik territories. In Tsarytsin he had befriended the local Red Army commander Semyon Budyonny and his commissar, Kliment Voroshilov.
Budyonny’s 1st Cavalry Army, better known as “Konarmia”, became the principal force with which Alekseev and Denikin were to be defeated.
Lieutenant General Anton Ivanovich Denikin, the commander of the Volunteer Army, had gotten early warning about the planned offensive. News didn’t travel into one direction only in Russia.
With German help he had been able to arm his force with substantial numbers of machine guns and field howitzers. He also had assembled a sizeable fleet of armoured cars, mostly from Russian war time stocks, now kept running by a German motor transport repair unit.
Consequently, the “surprise” attack of the Konarmia on the “unsuspecting” Volunteers ran into outclassing fire and became an epic massacre. The fleeing remainders of the horse army were chased to death by the armoured cars and Denikin’s cavalry.
Desperately defending their headquarters at Elista, Budyonny, Stalin and Voroshilov died under the sabres of Ataman Pjotr Krasnov’s Cossacks. The Konarmia had ceased to exist.
While Alekseev, the political head of the counterrevolutionaries, travelled to Germany for medical treatment of his ailing heart, Denikin ordered advance on Tsarytsin.
In East Karelia the Finnish “Operation Viena” had also started on September 1st. It turned out to be successful beyond all expectations. The Bolsheviks offered only weak resistance and soon fell back. The Fins advanced along the railway lines, spearheaded by their armoured trains. After five days all lands north of Lakes Ladoga and Onega were in Finnish possession.
In Estonia, for the moment free of all foreign forces, the Estonian majority again declared independence on September 3rd, thus spoiling the old German plans of the “Baltic Duchy” (which the Ebert government hadn’t persecuted anyway) and Bolshevik aspirations of creating a “Peoples Republic”. Elections for a national constituent assembly were scheduled for the end of the month. Finland and Sweden were asked for military assistance. Konstantin Päts again became the leader of the Estonian Provisional Government.
The Czech Legion was still assembling east of Estonia. With the German decision of September 3rd, the need to liberate the compatriots in Czechia had suddenly vanished. There was no need for a fight with the Germans. The priority now was getting home.
Subsequently, a delegation was sent to Tallinn. Did the Estonians need an army?
Transcaucasian Affairs
At Baku, the Army of Islam had shown up in the meanwhile. Not much of an army, more like a weak division, expanded by hordes of shabby irregulars. General Maercker greeted Nuri Pasha outside of Baku – and told him to get lost...
Maercker had received some reinforcement, especially artillery and engineers, and two additional infantry regiments, making his Kaukasus Division almost corps sized.
A bunch of German diplomats had arrived as well, discussing treaty options with the Georgians and the Azeris. Maercker didn’t appreciate the fuzzy style of the diplomats, but his orders were clear: Support them, their wishes have priority. He understood that another bunch of diplomats had arrived at Yerevan and was talking with the Armenians. The idea was obviously to bring all three Transcaucasus states under a kind of German protectorate.
Maercker doubted that the Turks would like that.
On the other hand, the Armenians had little reason to like the Turks, as had the Georgians, both being christian nations. The Azeris were quite another affair, Turk speakers and muslims. But as Maercker soon had found out, not at all interested in being controlled by Istambul.
The situation was exacerbated by the fact that the three people had problems to live in peace with each other. The Transcausus Federation of the three states had lasted something like two months in early 1918.
There were territorial claims and unforgotten acts of mutual violence. For example, in March, the Armenians in Baku had helped the Bolsheviks to massacre the Azeris.
When Nuri Pasha and his ragtag Azeri irregulars approached, the Armenians in Baku feared retaliation. But that had not been the reason for Maercker to turn around the Army of Islam and send them home. Arthur Zimmermann, the chief diplomat, had told him to get rid of the Turks.
“No need for them to be here. They only will disturb our conversations with the Azeris. Tell’em to bugger off!”
North of the Caucasus, there was another state, the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus, recognised by Germany, Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan, one more unbelievable hodgepodge of ethnical groups. Zimmermann wanted him to move troops up there.
So far, Maercker had resisted this wish. His force was just large enough to control Georgia and Azerbaijan. If Zimmermann wanted troops north of the Caucasus, he must cable to Berlin and ask for them.
Now, with Denikin’s army in firm control of Tsarytsin, the Germans in the Ukraine were in a far better position to send an expedition to the north of the Caucasus. Maercker had no intention to scatter his force.
The Turks were gone for the moment, they might come back soon – after Nuri had reported to his big brother... May be they would send someone more fit next time.
Having been shooed away by the German general was extremely humilating to Nuri Pasha. But the German had appeared so coldly effective and determinative. And his men were so tidy and disciplined.
Nuri knew that he had no real control over his army. His second in command, Mursal Pasha, had some command over the Turkish regiments, but nobody really controlled the irregulars. Recognising that no big looting party at Baku would happen, most of these brigands were about to disappear anyway.
Nuri needed to talk to his brother Enver. He needed more men. More regular Turkish soldiers. Then he could make another advance on Baku.
To Unteroffizier Adolf Hitler, serving with the Volunteer Bavarian Kaukasus Rifle Regiment, it had been a wonderful experience.
General Maercker had crisply approached this pompous Turkish Pasha, had spoken some sharp and accentuated sentences to him, equally sharp and accentuated translated by the interpreter. Then the honour battalion, of which Hitler had been part, had executed some manoeuvres and handholds.
That had been enough to scare away the Turks and their subhuman allies...
The Man in the Red Brick House
General der Infantry Erich Ludendorff was seriously irritated.
Not enough that the Chief of the GGS had lost his direct report to the monarch (he really couldn’t complain about that, having himself advised the Kaiser to accept the demands of the parties), now he came under command and control of the war minister! Moltke Senior was due to rotate in his grave!
Agreed, General Field Marshal von Eichhorn was an acceptable superior. Far more intellectual and active than von Hindenburg, Eichhorn was a strategic mind of the first order, a worthy Chief of the GGS himself. As a man he was honourable and very educated.
But that Jew he had around him all the time, that Katzenstein! Was that an appropriate associate for a Prussian field marshal?
And that he had dragged Groener with him to Berlin... Groener was a good general staff officer and an excellent organiser, but so prone to succumb to socialist ideas...
The Ukraine was now managed by the duo Mackensen – Seeckt, that would work fine, they had no ounce of weakness in them. Von der Goltz in Finland and Maercker in the Transcaucasus were also doing fine.
But in the Baltic Lands, things were going awry... – The grand idea of the Baltic Duchy seemed to be dead. Lithuania and Estonia were now – recognised by Germany! – democratic republics.
Latvia was everything, a Democratic Republic for the Ulmanis government, a Baltic Duchy for the Landesrat and a Soviet Republic for the Bolsheviks – and a battleground for Yudenich’s forces and the Red Latvian Rifles.
Denikin controlled southern Russia up to Voronezh and Saratov now. He would advance on Moscow the next spring, while Yudenich headed for Petrograd.
The Czech Legion had just moved to Estonia, secured the country against the Bolsheviks – and begged to be transported home as soon as possible.
Okay, when the Czechs paid for the expenses...
Ludendorff had no proximity to former Austria-Hungaria, therefore the ongoing preparations for plebiscites down there didn’t really worry him. He wondered about the consequences this would have for Poland and the Prussian eastern provinces with their high percentage of Polish inhabitants.
He needed someone to discuss these issues with... – Bauer, that was the one. Bauer always had a good explanation how things should be. He called his first adjutant.
“Get a line to Colonel Bauer at Posen. I want him here as soon as possible. I need to talk to him. – Thank you. Dismissed.”
The Ebert government might have strange ideas about national self-determination, but they really did not neglect the army. That Ludendorff had to grant. His proposal to expand the peace time army so that all healthy young men could serve in the forces had been received positively. The army was now – slowly of course, because funding was a severe problem – growing to a peace time strength of 40 army corps, thereof seven Bavarian, five Saxon and two Württemberg.
The army was now no longer foreseen for use inside Germany against strikers or protesters. The individual states were creating riot police forces for that. Ludendorff had no problem to accept that.
The Kanobil Force was also growing steadily. A new prototype with the cannon in a revolving turret was presently tested at Sennelager training ground. Major General von Wolf and his staff bustled with new ideas. And Major Rohr had some very good inputs about mechanised assault infantry.
The only bad news was that the English had now discarted their hopeless rhomboid “Tanks” and were going to construct their own copy of the Kanobils – if they ever could spare enough money for that.
General Conrad had done a great job in Bohemia and Moravia. General Field Marshal von Eichhorn had already agreed that Conrad would receive command of the one of armies that were to be created from the former Austrian lands.
Yes, the little Austrian, who had so little general staff training in the Prussian sense at all, was an excellent commander.
By the way, the addition of the Austrian Germans territories would provide another fifteen army corps as Ludendorff had had computed by his staff.
Well, the future was not that bleak...
The Man in the Grey Brick House
If General Ludendorff in the GGS building near the Reichstag was irritated, Admiral Reinhard Scheer, Chief of the German Admiral Staff, in Navy’s office building at the Königin-Augusta-Straße in Berlin-Tiergarten, was outright unhappy.
The army was getting all the funds that were available, the navy got almost nothing.
The new government was of the opinion that Germany was a continental power and should concentrate on the army. They had no concept of “Weltgeltung” or “Weltmacht”.
The High Seas Fleet was big enough, no more costly big ships were required.
Some meagre funds were made availabe for research in U-Boats and aircraft carriers, but the battle fleet would only receive the two missing “Bayern”-Class battleships and the “Mackensen” and “Ersatz-Yorck” great cruisers, the construction of which had already started during the war, and that was to be it. End of the fleet building programme!
Okay, Scheer was enough of a realist to recognise that Grand Admiral Tirpitz’ theory of the “Risk Fleet” had not worked at all. The High Seas Fleet never had been a fleet for the high seas, but only for the “Wet Triangle” of the North Sea. And even there, it had been caged by the Royal Navy.
Yes, one had controlled the German Bight and had had the upper hand in the Baltic, all this necessary for the final victory, but one had never played the role Tirpitz and the Kaiser had had in mind when creating the fleet.
Perhaps the government was right, not new ships were the answer, new ideas were needed. Scheer decided to get in contact with Albert Ballin of the HAPAG at Hamburg and Philipp Heineken of the Norddeutsche Lloyd at Bremen. They might contribute some useful ideas for the future.
The second largest merchant navy of the world was not something to be forgotten. The HSF had never been able to protect it, a major shortcoming.
But right now, it was at work again. As was the notorious German salesman all around the world, offering better quality for a better price.
And as a fleet in being, the HSF had played its important role. No, Scheer would not resign.
Supplementing one’s Income
While Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and Portugal reported first cases of the American Flu in early October 1918, the German colonial minister, Gustav Noske (SPD), announced that on Wednesday, October 16th, German New Guinea and West Samoa would be auctioned off to the highest bidders in Berlin at the Reichskolonialamt. The real estate would be on offer in the following parcels:
- Kaiser-Wilhelms-Land, starting-price 6 billion $
- Neu Pommern and the isles west of it, starting-price 2 billion $
- Neu Mecklenburg, Admiralitäts Inseln, Neu Hannover and Matthias Gruppe, starting-price 2 billion $
- Bougainville, Buka and Nissan, starting-price 1 billion $
- Savaii, starting-price 1 billion $
- Upolu, starting-price 1 billion $.
The number of interested parties was limited: Japan, the USA and Great Britain, represented by her dominions, the Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand.
The Australians were rather frustrated to have to buy territories they had conquered only some years ago. But, okay, that was the price of losing a war... – Nevertheless, they had no intention to welcome Japanese or North American neighbours on their home turf.
New Zealand was ready to bid for Savaii and Upolu.
The results of the auction made German minister of finance Matthias Erzberger a happy man.
- Kaiser-Wilhelms-Land, sold for 10.8 billion $ to Australia
- Neu Pommern and the isles west of it, sold for 5.4 billion to Australia
- Neu Mecklenburg, Admiralitäts Inseln, Neu Hannover and Matthias Gruppe, sold for 6.3 billion $ to Australia
- Bougainville, Buka and Nissan, sold for staggering 7.6 billion $ to Japan
- Savia, sold for 6.4 billion $ to the US
- Upolu, sold for 7.5 billion $ to the US
That meant that one hundred percent of the German war bonds could be repayed immediately, pumping massively money into the pockets of the middle class, and that sufficient money remained for critical investments such as enlarging the peace time army and providing reparations to Belgium. One might even consider to buy Spanish Guinea in Africa from Spain...
Erzberger was embarked on a reform of the German tax system, which had shown its limitations before and during the war. The financial administration would have to be completely restructured. Income tax would in future be deducted directly. More centralisation was required. And the wealthy and rich would have to pay more.
Erzberger knew that the SPD would wholeheartedly agree to these changes.
He did not mind that he had lost to SPD and FVP in the question of the new states and had no intention of looking for other political combinations.
Working together with SPD and FVP was the best solution, until the Zentrum gathered sufficient voters to rule on its own...
Luckless Men
One could call the month of October 1918 the month of the luckless men.
Georges Clemenceau lost his office as French prime minister to Charles Maurras of the monarchist Action Française when the long awaited parliamentary elections in France brought a distinct shift to the right and ultra right parties and groups.
Nestor Makhno, the leader of the Anarchist Black Army, which he had formed in September 1918, lost his life when he was publicly hanged in Kiev on October 19th. His army had been destroyed by the Hetmanate’s forces and their German “advisors” near Yekaterinoslav in mid October.
Jukums Vācietis, commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen, lost his life and his unit in the Second Battle of Riga that lasted from 15th to 30th October and ended with a complete victory of the combined Yudenich-Landeswehr force.
Millions of men around the globe lost their lifes due to the American Flu, which at the end of October reached its maximum of mortality.
One of the approximately 7 million Indians that were killed by the pandemia was a certain Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, a lawyer who had fought for the rights of the Indians in South Africa before the war and now was said to be preparing a nonviolent movement for Indian independence.
Eleftherios Venizelos, leader of the Greek Republic based on Crete, lost his job when the Greek Royalist Army invaded the island on October 27th, discreetly supported by the Royal Navy’s Mediterranean Squadron. Although Queen Sophia, still ruling in place of her convalescent husband, wanted him shot on the spot, Venizelos finally ended in jail, facing a trial for high treason.
In appreciation of their cordial support, the British were invited to establish a naval base at Souda Bay.
Wilhelm Friedrich Heinrich Prince of Wied and Prince of Albania and his familiy lost their lifes when their car crashed down a steep slope in the German Black Forest on October 30th. Police investigation soon revealed that the brakes of the Benz had been manipulated. It was widely believed that Albanian supporters of the late Essad Pasha were responsible for this murder.