rast's A Shift In Priorities Retread

This is for the anniversary of rast's A Shift In Priorities. It turns 4 years old on the 17th. But I figured I'd have it out early. But it's for those of you who haven't been reading it or for those beloved fans who would like to re-read it. There is no discussion only updates in this thread. If you would like to see any recent or future updates also to discuss the TL head over to this link....A Shift In Priorities Anyway thank you rast for having such an awesome and ongoing TL. But here you go.....


A Shift in Priorities Retread

A Shift In Priorities

After Generals von Hindenburg and Ludendorff had already scorned the demonstration of the so-called “Bremer-Wagen”, an early but very flawed German attempt in tank construction, in March 1917, the failed Entente tank actions near Arras and Juvincourt in April 1917 did mislead the German high command to the believe that the tank was not a decisive weapon and should be neglected.
The prospect of success for the German tank designs that were to be demonstrated and tested near Mainz in mid-May 1917 thus was rather gloomy. The high command was represented by Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer, originally the specialist for heavy artillery, but now also responsible for resource allocation and cooperation with the home industries. Above all, Bauer had Ludendorff’s ear and was usually able to influence Ludendorff towards the way Bauer saw things. Regarding tanks, Bauer had a negative stance from the start. He knew that the horse supply was going down and was very much interested to get lorries and tractors built that could replace horses as means of traction for the artillery. Tanks would only drain resources away from this, therefore tank construction had to be limited to the minimum, if not to be stifled at all.
Tests on the sandy training ground near Mainz soon showed that the only project that promised some success was the A7V, but even the A7V was not really convincing. The Chief of Field Motor Transport, Colonel Hermann Meyer, was in the meanwhile propagating a far more ambitious project: The Kolossal-Kampfwagen (short: K-Wagen), a monster in the class of 150 metric tons.
To Bauer, all this amounted to waste of resources. The War Ministry was favouring their A7V design, Meyer wanted his K-Wagen. He would have to concede some further design and construction to both, just to placate them. But generally he had already decided to cut this waste as short as possible. Let the specialists toy along with their favourites, but direct almost all resources to really important goals.
This was the state of affairs, when – by chance, during a coffee break – Bauer came into conversation with Joseph Vollmer, the chief constructor of the A7V vehicle.
Vollmer freely admitted that the A7V had been his first attempt in tank construction, and that with the knowledge he had today, he could design far better armoured assault vehicles. He also thought that the K-Wagen was a waste of time, effort and resources and expressed his conviction that small fighting vehicles were best suited for actual combat and the meagre German resource basis.
On this Bauer replied that armoured fighting vehicles must not get in the way of mobility for the field artillery. The field artillery was the most important companion of the infantry, if their guns became immobile for lack of horses, the armoured fighting vehicles alone could decide nothing. Therefore it was better to allocate resources to lorries and tractors instead of tanks.
Vollmer pondered this for some seconds, then he asked: “So, why not put the guns on tracks? Instead of towing them along, let’s install them on the tracked chassis and protect the gun crew by armour plates. – Wouldn’t that be far better then mere traction?”
“And how many of these could be built with the few resources we have? – Consider: The are many thousands of artillery pieces.”
“If we skip K-Wagen and A7V and concentrate on small vehicles that just carry a 7,7 cm cannon with crew and ammunition, several hundreds. We could use the engines of existing passenger cars that have been mothballed for lack of tyres and petrol.”
Bauer hesitated. He had always sought a way to tow the guns into combat. This now was different – not applicable to all field guns in the German inventory, there were just too many of them – but certainly promising for an offensive, which always would have a rather small point of main effort… He also saw the advantage of not having to unlimber the guns under enemy fire; they would be combat ready and protected all the time.
“Let me have your ideas on short notice, with a sketch of a possible vehicle, the resources required and the time to come up with a prototype.”

Vollmer’s new design received the name “Kanonen-Mobil”, short “Kanobil”. It was a 18 metric tons tracked vehicle carrying the proven 7,7 cm canon FK 96 n.A., which was smaller and lighter than the more modern FK 16. The first prototype became ready in August 1917 – and it did convince Bauer, who in turn convinced Ludendorff…

So, when by the end of November 1917, the British ruptured the German front line west of Cambrai with hundreds of their rhomboid tanks, they did not shake the German high command out of a complacency regarding tanks. The news only made Ludendorff nod. Yes, Bauer had been right again. Good that 800 Kanobils were already under construction for the planned German spring offensive. Perhaps another batch should be ordered?
“Have Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer come over.” Ludendorff tasked an aide. “I need to talk to him.”

Trial and Experiment

Not without regret did Captain Willy Rohr, commanding officer of the elite Assault Battalion No. 5, watch how the Kanobils churned his former fine assault infantry training ground near Doncourt into a muddy mess. He had been charged with the task to find procedures and tactics for this new weapon. Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer knew that he, Rohr, was the most competent evaluator for technical equipment to be used in combat with the German Army, and he had no qualms to task him with developing this new arm into something useful.
30 Kanobils and their crews had arrived at Pierrepont rail station five weeks ago, accompanied by a technical echelon and a bunch of mechanical engineers, headed by Joseph Vollmer himself.
The Kanobil looked like a coffin fitted with tracks on both sides, the cannon sticking out front and the exhaust at rear. There was a small fixed turret on top, the observation post of the vehicle commander. The maximum velocity was about 15 km/h on hard surface and 9 to 10 km/h on soft ground. The Kanobil could travel approximately 40 to 50 kilometres if required to return to base, or 80 to 90 kilometres if fuel supply did follow up. It carried 120 rounds for the 7,7 cm cannon, in a mix of 40% grapeshot, 50% explosive and 10% massive shells. Technical reliability was still an issue: About one third of the vehicles didn’t start at all or went out of action before even commencing the mission, and more than half of the rest didn’t finish any given mission for technical reasons. But Vollmer was confident that serviceablity could be raised so that two thirds of the Kanobils sent out would successfully complete their task.
Bauer had only outlined that the Kanobils should accompany the infantry and act like conventional accompanying artillerie batteries. But Rohr had soon realised that the potential of the Kanobils was much higher. They were a weapon that could push forward the attack, so why waste them lingering around? Fire and movement was the key to success, the Kanobils had fire power and they could move fast even over difficult terrain. Shell holes were no real problem, but very wide trenches might stop them. This was a problem of reconnaisance before the mission. If there were wide trenches, the Kanobils could be equipped with fascines, like the English had done with their „Tanks“ at Cambrai five weeks ago.
The Kanobil could fire while moving, but tests quickly reveiled that this wouldn’t result in any hits. So, for aiming and shooting, the vehicle had to stop in order to be able to destroy the target. That meant one portion of the vehicles would move forward, while another portion covered them with fire. The artillerists, which formed the major part of the crews, suggested platoons of two vehicles, just like their two gun platoons in the artillery regiments. But that was of course nonsense, a platoon must be able to have two covering guns, two moving guns, plus the platoon commander, thus five Kanobils in total. That led to a company of three plattons with 15 vehicles plus the one for the company commander and two as his reserve, adding up to a total of 18 Kanobils in one company. That was exactly the fire power of one complete artillery battalion. It would be used in support of an attacking infantry battalion on front of 500 to 600 metres. That really would be a „Schwerpunkt“ (point of gravity).
But the Kanobils could do more, they could flatten wire obstacles by simply rolling over them. They could eliminate enemy strong points – and they could speed ahead and destroy the enemy artillery.
There also were shortcomings: The vehicles didn’t carry a single machine gun. They couldn’t straddle trenches and use machine guns to suppress the trench garrison.
Rohr had already proposed that the second lot of Kanobils should also encompass machine gun armed vehicles, and that those already completed as gun carriers should receive an aperture on each long side to operate a machine gun if required.
He also had proposed to construct some vehicles without guns, these could carry supplies and be used for recovery. A Kanobil battalion should have three companies of combat vehicles and one echelon of supply carriers and recovery crafts. Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer had already agreed to these changes.
Now, Lieutenant Krug, one of Rohr’s training supervisors, had come up with the idea to use gunless vehicles to carry along infantry squads, so that the Kanobils could have infantry protection when they tackled the enemy artillery.
Rohr sighed, he very clearly saw where this all was leading to. Thank Goodness that Lieutenant-Colonel Bauer was behind all this, otherwise the established brotherhood of those who rejected change in general and this revolution in special would already have thoroughly sabotaged the effort for a new kind of warfare. But the Bauer – Ludendorff connection warranted that all negative interference would be coldly suppressed. Rohr had spent three years attempting to optimise infantry attacks by close coordination of fire and movement. He had created the assault infantry. And now he had found something that was far more effective – and he was determined to bring this new arm to success. He would create the assault artillery! It was high time that this bloody war came to a positive end!

Getting Ready

Max Bauer very much enjoyed the struggle to integrate assault artillery – his assault artillery! – into the German tactic of all arms attack. General Ludendorff had been won over when inspecting the Leaders‘ and General Staff Training Course Sedan, where a whole division had demonstrated an attack, supported by two battalions of Kanobils. But others had still been entrenched in resistance to change. The mulish Chief of Operations Ia, Wetzell, had almost driven him to frenzy. The Ic, Major Vollard-Bockelberg, responsible for military hardware, was hardly better. Finally, Bauer had dragged both away from the supreme command staff and given them a free ride on some Kanobils, including a life fire exercise. That had done the job.
The younger officers of the supreme command staff (Oberste Heeresleitung – OHL) had quickly grasped the advantage that the Kanobils offered. Especially Captain Geyer, who had composed the original manual „Attack in Position Warfare“, was a great help in adapting the manual to incorporate Kanobil use.
But the paper lions of the War Ministry in Berlin were the worst of all. Still sullying that he had overridden them in Kanobil production, they had really done everything to throw sticks between his spokes. The Kanobils were motor vehicles, so they must go the motor transport branch! – Nonsense, the motor transport branch was a rear area service, the members of which were famous for their black market deals, not for their braveness in battle. It had cost him three weeks to get this imbecile idea revoked. The artillery had the right offensive spirit, the Kanobils would remain with the artillery. The motor transport branch proved even unable to provide a sufficient number of drivers, but the artillerists were eager enough to train drivers of their own.
Another problem had been to find the right kind of artillerists. His original idea had been to convert whole regiments coming from the eastern front into Kanobil units. But Captain Rohr had convinced him that this was not the best solution. Eastern front units weren’t used to western front conditions, they needed some time to customise. It was better to replace western front regiments by eastern front regiments and use the former for Kanobil crews.
Bauer had not lingered along and asked for volunteers for the new arm, transformation to Kanobil had been ordered. 25 field artillery regiments each had supplied one of their battalions.

21 Kanobil battalions were ready for the offensive, each counting 70 Kanobils. More were under formation, but would not become ready for „Michael“, which was scheduled to start next week, on March 21st.
Fifteen battalions would go to 17th Army and six to 18th Army. It had been another struggle to achieve this distribution, but it was pointless to scatter the Kanobils evenly all over the front. The vehicles were designed for use at the „Schwerpunkt“ (point of gravity), there were a breakthrough was intended. Bauer was very confident that the Britsh front lines at Arras and St.Quentin would be ruptured and British 3rd and 5th armies would be caught in a big cauldron.

Into Combat

Unteroffizier Hermann Schultz, commander of the Kanobil „Dagmar“ of 2nd Company, 7th Kanobil-Battalion, peered suspiciously in direction enemy. The artillery was still raging, and would continue to do so until 09:40 hours, still more than one hour...
Paulsen, the driver, was sleeping in his seat to the right side of the gun. Gräbner, the gunner, Velten, the loader, and Rothmann, the machine gunner, were playing Skat, while Kottmeier, the flashlight operator, was writing a letter. They all knew their task, they had exercised on three different training grounds, had been inspected twice and received the label „combat ready with excellence“. Nevertheless, the prospect of attacking a very strong enemy position left Schultz with a itching feeling of uncertainty. He looked again on his small scale map, produced from most recent arial photographs. This was not going to be easy...
„Dagmar“ was a Kanobil of most recent production, which Schultz and his crew had only received one week ago, handing in their old „Doris“. „Dagmar“ had a coaxial machine gun in an armoured cover besides the gun and apertures left and right to mount another machine gun. Gräbner was an excellent gunner, only rivalled by Sammy Katz of the „Frederike“ crew.
The 2nd Company would advance ahead of the infantry, their task was, together with 1st Company, to attain the enemy artillery positions as fast as possible and to destroy as many enemy guns as possible. While the 1st would turn right, 2nd would turn left once they were upon the enemy artillery. Their task was not to conquer ground but to subdue the enemy artillery so that the infantry was enabled to advance. 3rd Company would support the advancing infantry.

09:10 hours. Time to start the engine. „All right, fellows, put away your cards. Time to wake Dagmar! – And Paulsen!“
It took two men to turn the starting crank. „Dagmar“ today was uncapricious, the engine started at once. Vollmer’s initial idea to use engines of mothballed passenger cars for the Kanobils had soon been overtaken by reality. The Kanobils needed more powerful traction, the 160 hp Mercedes DIII engine of the obsolete Albatros D.II fighter had finally been chosen.
09:20 hours. „Combat stations! – Get ready, men.“
Damned fog! Schultz cast a distrustful glance at the compass that was installed in the turret top.
„Driver ready for action!“ Paulsen reported.
„Gun loaded and combat ready!“ That was Gräbner.
„Front machine gun loaded and combat ready!“ shouted Rothmann while checking the side apertures.
„L-Blink ready.“ Kottmeier shared the turret with Schultz, there was no need to shout.

09:40 hours. „Kanobil forward march!“
Schultz observed „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde““ move ahead of „Dagmar“ and „Erna“ while the platoon leader‘s „Clara“ sped forward to catch up with the vanguard.
The Kanobils crossed the German wire obstacles, then „Dagmar“ and „Erna“ went into a surveilling position while „Anneliese“, „Brunhilde“ and „Clara“ approached the first British trench.
„Damned fog! – Paulsen, move forward!“
Schultz noticed that „Erna“ did not move forward. Had Warnicke better eyes than himself? – This was going to be a mess! An uncoordinated mob of Kanobils speeding forward...

Now „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ were blasting away at something. Something that Schultz couldn’t see. Shells were raining down around them.
„Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ moved on, into the British wire obstacles, still firing at something.
Schultz checked his map and his compass. Yes, they still were on track.
Gräbner fired. 250 metres ahead, an enemy machine gun position went into oblivition.
„Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ now dropped their fascines into the first enemy trench and went into surveilling position.
„Go ahead!“
Paulsen hit the speed pedal. „Gudrun“ jumped forward. Reaching the trench, Paulsen reduced velocity and smoothly traversed the fascine filled trench.
While Schultz laboured to determine where „Gudrun“ really was, Gräbner and Velten had a big time shooting at every Englishman they could see.
„Gun crew! Save ammunition! – Machine gunner, Take over!“
Schultz saw how shells errupted around „Anneliese“. But the Kanobil moved on, her cannon blasting.
„Go ahead! – Machine Gunner! Machine gun position at ten hundred hours, distance 400 metres, annihilate!“
Rothmann hammered along with the coaxial machine gun. Yes, another trench.
„Slowly, we need to drop our fascine here!“
Gräbner and Velten retracted the cannon, Paulsen stopped the Kanobil at the right position, Schultz unblocked the fascine. It dropped exactly where he wanted it to come down.

Battling it out

Unteroffizier Schultz checked his watch. 10:12 hours, they were in battle for just half an hour...
„Anneliese“, „Brunhilde“, „Clara“ and his „Dagmar“ were still together, while „Erna“ was lost. And where was the rest of the company?
„Clara“ and „Dagmar“ pressed forward, with „Anneliese“ and „Brunhilde“ following slowly. Visibility still was bad, so was the chance of observation.
There was another Kanobil at right. Schultz used his binoculars. „Dietlinde“, written in white, 1st Company.

Gun blasts ahead. They had reached the enemy artillery. „Clara“ was hit and jolted but kept moving. The front armour of the Kanobils had a thickness of 40 millimetres, proof against field cannons.
„Paulsen, stop! - Gräbner, get them!“
But Gräbner had already taken aim and fired just when Schultz was shouting. The British gun rocked back, bodies were thrown into the air.
„Ten o’clock, another one!“
Paulsen took a slight curve to the left. This was the great drawback of the Kanobils, the limited traverse of their gun, only good between ten o’clock and 14 o’clock.
„Got him!“ shouted Gräbner. „Paulsen, stop her!“
Gräbner fired again, after Paulsen had arrested movement.
The platoon turned to the left now, following the line of the enemy guns.

Then „Anneliese“ was hit in the engine compartment and burst into flames. – There was a second line of enemy guns!
„Paulsen, swing to 15 o’clock! – Rothmann, machine gun on port side, see that they can’t turn their guns!“
„I see one!“ cried Gräbner. „Paulsen, stop her!“
The gun barked.
„Shit!“
But already two more shells found the British cannon.
Schultz watched how „Anneliese’s“ crew bailed out of the burning vehicle and took cover in a shell hole. At least there was no enemy infantry around with rifles and machine guns.
Rothmann engaged a British gun crew at „Dagmar’s“ left flank. These Tommies had grit. Working in the open, trying to pull their gun out of its emplacement and to swing around. Schultz saw them stagger and fall. Brave bastards!
Gräbner had espied another cannon and directed Paulsen to swing slightly to the right.
„Got it!“
Suddenly, a giant gong sounded, „Dagmar“ rocked, Schultz tumbled into Kottmeier and both went down.
Paulsen winced, holding his head. Gräbner looked up, his nose was broken and just starting to bleed. Velten and Rothmann seemed to be alright. Kottmeier kicked against the broken L-Blink 17.
„Paulsen! Reverse gear! Get us out of here!“
Rothmann opened fire with the coaxial machine gun, spraying the British gun positions ahead.

While „Dagmar“ edged slowly to the rear, Velten directing Paulsen, Schultz saw several bulky shapes closing in from behind. „Fredericke“ and „Gudrun“ he could make out. II. Platoon was arriving.
„About time...“ he muttered.
They found a small scrape where „Dagmar“ went into cover. Gräbner was out of action, nose broken, eyes swelling.
„Velten, can you do it?“
„Sure, I’m not Old Shatterhand Gräbner, but I’ll do what I can.“ Schultz motioned Kottmeier to take over Velten’s old position.

Schultz looked at his watch: 11:15 hours.
„Dagmar“ advanced again, joined „Brunhilde“. „Clara“ had been hit in the track, Vizefeldwebel Klein had relocated to „Brunhilde“.
Schultz saw Klein waving.
„Bring her alongside „Brunhilde““ he told Paulsen.

„II. and III. Platoon will roll up the artillery to the left. We two go straight. There must be some heavy guns ahead.“ Klein shouted over. „Let’s go!“

Hope and Confidence

Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer was seething with impatience. Nobody seemed to know anything, and nobody seemed to be worried because of that.

He had paced the floor at Avesenes-les-Sec, where the Operational Division of the OHL had taken quarter, waiting for news from the battlefield. The battle was raging for ten hours now. And what did OHL know about it? – „Oh, it’s going well.“ – „What is going on in your sector?“ – „Yes, we’ve breached the first enemy line.“ – „Where are your forward units now?“ – „No idea, we’ve lost contact.“ – It was utterly frustating.
There had been no point to drive to Mons, to the HQ of Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht, but the HQ of 17th Army was right in the next village, Saint Amand.
But did 17th Army know more than OHL? No, they did not.
The Chief of Staff, General Lieutenant Krafft von Delmensingen, wasn’t worried at all.
„Bauer, what do you want? – That’s normal. All orders have been given. – And the men are now out fighting, fighting for their life. – Do you think the divisional commanders know where their units are?“
„But how can you control the battle?“
„By the orders His Royal Highness is issuing and by the trust that our soldiers will follow these orders.“

Bauer had gone ahead and visited the aerodrome near-by. Perhaps the flyers did know something?
Schlasta 36 had had a busy day.
„Until the fog lifted, we could do little. But afterwards, it became a great day. – We’ve lost five planes, but we’ve also shown the Tommies who’s ahead. The Hannover is a fine aircraft for strafing.“
Yes, there was a huge gap in the British lines, into which the German infantry divsions were now marching. Kanobils? O Yes, they had done the job. On the map? Yes, sure.
„Willy and Oskar, come over please, I need some help with the map!“

To expect exact unit designations from the airmen was – of course – hopeless. But they could supply a general picture: South of Arras, a corridor about ten kilometres wide had been breached, approximately 15 kilometres deep by nightfall, own units were moving in, a lot of infantry and a lot of Kanobils, also guns and engineers about.
This sounded as if things really were going as planned...

The Bapaume – Peronne Pocket

During the night, the picture became clearer as reports were now coming in great number. 17th Army had broken through the British lines south of Arras and was advancing on Albert. 18th Army had broken through at St.Quentin and was heading for Chaulnes. 2nd Army kept up the pressure on the British lines between Moeuvres and Belleglise. A pocket was forming around British 3rd and 5th Armies.

It had been Lieutenant-Colonel Wetzell’s idea to avoid the „Somme Desert“ and most of the „Alberich Solitude“ by cutting along the Sensée towards the Ancre and along the land bridge between Omignon and Somme. There were some good roads that could be used to shuttle forwards supplies, but the masses of troops and trains nevertheless led to unbelievable congestions. This, however, had been anticipated, military police and special cavalry patrols were trying to sort out things.
The Kanobil Battalions did not suffer from major supply problems. The unarmed supply vehicles could drive cross country and all units were using the dark hours to re-stock ammunition and fuel, while the sergeant majors were struggling hard to bring the field kitchens forward.

The Germans expected British 3rd Army to try to break out to the northwest. This was the best way to link up again with the rest of the BEF, which could support the breakout by attacks from the north and northwest. For this reason the bulk of the Kanobil battalions had been given to 17th Army. It was hoped to succeed in closing the ring around the Brits between Albert and Chaulnes while these were attacking south of Arras.
There was a British tank battalion to the southwest of Arras, near Wailly, outside the pocket and belonging to British 1st Army. It was thought that this unit would attack in the early morning of March 22nd. If the Brits coordinated well, 3rd Army‘s three tank battalions around Bapaume might join the effort from inside the pocket.
British 5th Army’s reaction was more difficult to predict. They had three options: Joining 3rd Army in the drive to the northwest, try to break out in direction west or go southeast in order to link up with the French. The move to the west was the most dangerous variant, as this might spoil the closing of the cauldron. 5th Army’s three tank battalions could bring some unpleasant surprise here. Therefore, the numerous battle aircraft squadrons of 18th German Army had been tasked to especially strafe these tank battalions tomorrow.

Max Bauer finally decided to catch some sleep. Not much, only two or three hours, that ought to suffice. He was now confident that the two British armies could be annihilated. Once this had been accomplished, it was time to deal with the rest of the BEF.

Tanks versus Kanobils

Unteroffizier Hermann Schultz, commander of the Kanobil „Dagmar“ of 2nd Company, 7th Kanobil-Battalion, scratched his bald head.
Already during the night, they had transshipped ammunition and fuel from damaged „Clara“ to „Brunhilde“ and „Dagmar“. Unfortunately, „Anneliese“ had burned out completely, and „Erna“ still hadn’t turned up. Gräbner was still out of action, but Hofmann from the „Clara“ crew had now taken his place.
Gräbner and the others from the „Clara“ and „Anneliese“ crews had found shelter in a British dugout for the time being, armed with „Clara’s“ machine guns and what ammunition remained.
Some infantry had arrived at least. Two platoons, led by a lieutenant, were digging in two hundred metres south of the Kanobils. The II. and III. Platoons of 2nd Company were in position to their right, both hardly in better shape than I. Platoon. Schultz had no idea who was on their left side, he had heard Kanobil noise but seen nothing.
No supply had reached them yet. And it was dawning.

There was a noise coming from the left. Schultz grabbed his binoculars.
Yes, it was a Naschobil, an unarmed supply vehicle, and... – it was dragging a field kitchen...
„Hey, boys, look up! Soup is coming!“
On top of the Naschobil sat Grabowsky, the company sergeant major.
Another Kanobil followed behind: „Erna“! – Trust a sergeant major to find his men...
„I hope you don’t mind stew for breakfast!“ Grabowsky shouted.
„Do you have coffee?“
„Always!“
„Stew and coffee will be fine for breakfast.“

While the „Erna“ crew, who already had had breakfast, bunkered ammunition and fuel into „Brunhilde“ and „Dagmar“, Öffner, the cook, who had come with Grabowsky, ladled out pork and beans stew and coffee to the crews of the latter Kanobils.
Vizefeldwebel Klein scanned the sky, while he spooned his stew. A lot of planes already up there, at first light...
„Schultz, use your binoculars. – Which enterprise is that up there?“
Schultz scanned upwards.
„Some of ours, but most are Englishmen... – Yes, a lot of English!“
„Not good... – Let’s get ready! – Grabowsky, thank you much, but you should move on, II. and III. Platoons are that way.“

Ten minutes later, a runner from the infantry arrived.
„English tanks are coming! – Twelve to fifteen of them, right over there!“
Dark shapes slowly appeared on a distant ripple.
„First Platoon, get ready for combat! English tanks at 13 o’clock!“

Moving targets! They never had practised that. And now, it was Hofmann at the gun, whom he didn’t know, and not Gräbner, the marksman. Schultz sighed. At least they had enough ammunition and fuel.
„Brunhilde“ opened fire.
A fountain of mud arose in front of the English tanks.
More fountains arose around the Kanobils. British artillery! They had destroyed quite a number of guns yesterday, but there must still be a lot of them left. These Englishmen were quick at regrouping... But their shells rained down between the Kanobils and spared the German infantry.
„Hofmann, don’t fire – let them come closer.“
Smaller dots appeared behind the British tanks. Infantry, at least a battalion.

„Paulsen, move left, one hundred metres.“
„Dagmar“ jerked, turned, sped ahead, finally turned again.
„Okay, Hofmann, let’s have a first attempt!“
The cannon barked, the shell exploded close to one of the tanks. And already the second shell went out. Hit! The English tank stopped moving. Hofmann sent another projectile into it.
„He’s done. – Aim at the next one!“
Machine gun bullets hammered against the front armour.

„Dagmar“ accounted for four tanks, „Brunhilde“ claimed five kills, „Erna“ for another three. The remaining British tanks, not more than two or three, retired to the rear. The enemy infantry, strafed by the coaxial machine guns, quickly dispersed and fell back.
„Pooh, that went better than expected...“

Crisis

The first indication came from a reconnaissance flight: „Strong enemy elements moving westwards in direction Combles, no own forces observed between Bapaume and Combles.“
This was British 5th Army, apparently choosing the most unfavourable option, i.e. moving west.

The second indication was an attack on the forward elements of 17th Army. „Unkown fast British (?) tanks advancing northeastwards, attack repulsed, but high casualties of own infantry. – Ammunition of 12th Kanobil Battalion spent 90%.“

The next information came from the aviators again. „Approximately 100 enemy tanks approaching Albert from direction Combles.“
17th Army reported that they had no forces to counter this threat. 12th Kanobil Bn couldn’t be resupplied before March 23rd, 17:00 hours.
18th Army had 8th Kanobil Bn at Cappy at the Somme and could send them north, reinforced by infantry riding on the vehicles.

It was a trap. 8th Kanobils were caught in the flank by numerous British guns while attacking the enemy tank force. Losses were heavy, only 20 vehicles rallied at Bray-sur-Somme. The losses of the infantry were even more grave. The unprotected Kanobil riders were mowed down by British machine guns.

No own forces were now left to stop 5th British Army from breaking out of the pocket.

Closing the bag

The night from March 22nd, 1918, to March 23rd was one of extreme bustle at the OHL. The impending breakout of 5th British Army had to be prevented by all means. More convential artillery had to take over fire support for the infantry, thus releasing some Kanobil formations for another strike. The Kanobils had to manoeuvre to favourable positions. Air support had to be organised, a difficult task because the airfields still all were located on former „German“ ground, far away from the projected battlefield near Albert.

General Otto von Below’s 17th Army was responsible for the execution. For the task, they had been given Jastas 20, 23, 25, 27, 32, Bavarian 35, 49, 58 and 59; plus Schlastas 28, 29, 31, 34, 36, 37 and 38. Assault Battalion No.3 from 2nd Army was to reinforce their Assault Battalion No.8.
At 06:35 hours in the morning, they reported that Kanobil Battalions 1, 2, 3, 7, 14 and 17 would be tasked and that the attack was scheduled to commence at 14:25 hours, striking right through the „Somme Desert“ down to the Somme, where 18th Army held some bridgeheads north of the river.

The 7th Kanobils were gathering. The three combat companies together numbered 34 vehicles. Two days ago there had been 52.
The 2nd Company still had eleven Kanobils. First Lieutenant Pfeifer, the CO, was dead. Lieutenant Kubrich was now in charge. He had convened a commanders‘ meeting for 09:30 hours.
„Yesterday, the English have trapped our comrades by drawing them on their tanks and catching them in the flank with artillery. Therefore, we will follow behind 3rd Battalion and cover their flank. Behind us will be 14th Battalion with the task of covering our flank. – Our company will be in lead, behind us will come 3rd company, 1st company will follow on our right side. – Signal to develop will be the green flag. II. and III. Platoons will go in line, I. Platoon will follow centrally, ready to extend the front to the left.“

At 10:00 hours, the 7th Kanobils marched southwards to an assembly area north of Bapaume. At 11:30 hours, Grabowsky arrived with lunch. He also had some „Schnaps“ (booze), a bottle for each Kanobil crew, and tabacco, the good stuff from a conquered English quartermaster’s store. Schultz managed to talk two bottles of booze out of Grabowsky.

At 14:00 hours, everything was ready. To the right, there was an ad-hoc formation of about 30 Naschobils, carrying assault infantry squads. They had the task to take Bapaume, together with 17th Kanobils.
Above them, the sky was filled with aircraft. Great circus, this. Fortunately, the flyers were busy with their opposing colleagues and had no time to badger the men on the ground.

14:25 hours: Advance!
Schultz was thankful that there was no dust. The Kanobils threw up mud but visibility remained good. No fog today, good for the gunners.
They passed by Bapaume. Some guns fired on them but in turn were engaged by the 17th Kanobils. Then the Naschobils arrived and spat out assault troopers and flame thrower crews.

Gun fire from nine o’clock! One of 3rd Bn’s vehicles burst into flames. Green flag! Schultz passed the signal on.
„Gudrun“ veered to the left, „Erna“ and „Brunhilde“ beside her.
Schultz scanned the ground.
There they were!
„Gun emplacement at 11 o’clock, 500 metres!“
„Seen!“ shouted Gräbner who had taken his old position again. „Paulsen, stop!“
Another enemy battery opened fire in their flank. But already 3rd Company had attained their left side and engaged the English guns.

At about 17:30 hours it was over. The British enfilading positions were eliminated, the British tanks destroyed, the British infantry dead or in full retreat. The cauldron around British 3rd and 5th Armies had been closed. How many enemy formations had managed to escape during the night was not known. But the reconnaissance flyers reported only supply columns, no artillery, infantry or cavalry west of the Ancre.

Victory in Sight

Lieutenant-Colonel Max Bauer had ample reason to be pleased. His creation, the assault artillery, had earned Germany a dazzling success: Two British armies, approximately 15 divisions strong, had been caught in a huge cauldron. All attemps at breakout had been smashed. The number of British defectors from the cauldron was rising by the hour. 2nd German Army was now slowly but steadily advancing while the British were evacuating their old positions.
Own losses were admissible. In total, the infantry had not suffered much. Kanobil losses were around one third, but crew losses were far less. Replacements were under way. It had already been decided not to rise new formations but to replenish the existing battalions.
The air service had suffered most, being forced to fight far away from their bases and over enemy territory. This was unpleasant as skilled pilots were not in ample supply. Now more peaceful sectors of the front and the home defense forces were scanned for replacement pilots.

Technically, the Kanobils had stood the test. Their reliability was good with only 25 percent of the losses a result of technical failure. They had come out of combat clearly on top of the British tanks.
Vollmer and his gang of engineers had done an excellent job. At present, they were examining the new fast British tank type that had been met and knocked out in combat between Courcelette and Flers.
All Kanobil units had been relieved from infantry support by conventional artillery and were currently replenishing and resting.

To the south, three divisions of the III. British corps had not been stricken by 18th Army’s attack. It was believed that these divisions were now under French control while French forces were starting to arrive in numbers. Their attacks had all been repulsed so far.
To the west of the cauldron, there were about four British divisions, providing a weak veil but clearly incapable of offensive action.
To the north, arrival of first elements of the elite Canadian Corps had been detected around Arras.

General Ludendorff intended to strike at Arras and to advance in direction northwest into „the soft belly of the BEF“. In order to pin down the British forces, Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht was to conduct a diversionary attack west of Lille.
All Kanobil battalions would be relocated to the Arras sector. The plan was to strike on March 26th. The Kanobils had proven to be ideal for combat in urban environment. Their cannons could demolish even large buildings with a couple of shells.
The use of Naschobils as troops carriers had been a great idea by 17th Army. An order for more unarmed vehicles had already been placed.

Max Bauer thought that one more big battle would be fought around Arras. Thereafter, the British would be done. The Belgian King seemed to have the same impression. Secret negotiations between German and Belgian diplomats were already going on in Switzerland.

Preparing the Battle of Arras

Lieutenant General Konrad Krafft von Delmensingen, Chief of Staff 17th German Army, did not believe that the Canadian Corps had been deployed for the defense of Arras. The Canadians were renowned for their offensive spirit. Their task certainly was to open the cauldron and link with 3rd British Army.
For an attack, one thing was imperatively needed: Artillery. Aerial reconnaissance had already detected some new batteries, there might be a lot more yet undetected.
Another ingredient were tanks. The British tank force had been badly mauled: 2nd Tank Brigade almost annihilated in 3rd Army’s attempt to break out in direction Arras. 3rd and 4th Tank Brigades perished in the battle between Peronne and Albert. 4th Tank Battalion and the English Guards Division destroyed when they attacked in support of 3rd Army’s breakout attempt.
What remained was 1st Tank Brigade, found by the airmen northwest of Arras now, in an excellent dislocation to support the Canadians.
Krafft had little doubt that the Canadians were hastily preparing an attack. But he hoped that the German attack could be launched while the Canadians were still in the preparation phase.

Krafft knew that new methods, like the use of the Kanobils, could score some nice initial successes, but that the enemy eventually would come up with an own new way to counter one’s new method. Therefore he thought that the „conventional“ use of the Kanobils would run into difficulties this time.
He had convinced General von Below that the counter artillery Kanobil battalions would not precede the infantry attack from the south towards Arras, but would be launched from the east, from the old front line. They would advance north of the Scarpe and attack the British guns, which were aligned to fire southwards, from the side.
The bulk of the Kanobil force would of course advance from south to north in direct support of the attacking infantry, but the death blow for the British artillery was to be delivered by a dash from east to west.

As it happened, General Arthur W. Currie, the CO of the Canadian Corps, had realised that the Germans were preparing to attack his forces – and that he could not hope to beat them to it. So, he decided to serve them some nasty surprises.
Then, aerial reconnaissance reported that more than one hundred Kanobils had been seen moving north of the Scarpe. Now, this really was interesting...

No Quarter

„The Battle of Arras is remarkable for several reasons:

a. It brought about the destruction of the Canadian Corps, which in consequence led to the annihilation of the British Army in France.
b. It convinced King Albert and the Belgian Government to ask Germany for terms.
c. It was fought with unparalleled ferocity. The number of Canadian prisoners of war was the lowest of all western front battles in 1918.
d. It saw the introduction of effective anti-Kanobil measures, which formed the basis for post war developments in all countries.
e. It triggered the construction of turreted Kanobils by the Germans.

The Battle in fact started far north, on the Lys River, where the German barrage started at 04:00 hours on March 26th, 1918. The attack of units of the 6th German Army brought some important initial successes, which persuaded the British High Command to stop the transport of the Australian Corps to the Arras front.
Only at 10:00 hours, after the infantry attack at the Lys had already started, did the barrage around Arras commence. Shells started to rain from two directions: East and south. The Germans had concentrated more than 2,500 guns, orchestrated by the capable Colonel Georg Bruchmüller.
After four hours, German infantry and Kanobils advanced from the south, while a force of five Kanobils battalions pierced the British front line north of the Scarpe River. These latter units had been tasked to destroy the British-Canadian field artillery in their positions north of the river.
But because the Canadians had been warned about this force, all guns had been moved to the south bank of the Scarpe, quite a number of them now facing north. Consequently, the Kanobils suffered substantially from flanking fire but were hardly able to silence the enemy guns. Only in four places did Kanobil units manage to ford the Scarpe, but all vehicles were eventually destroyed. But the Kanobils nevertheless sealed off the north side of the battle ground and prevented reinforcements from getting in as well as retreating Canadians from getting out.
This left the decision to the infantry – Kanobil force that advanced from the south.

While above them German aeroplanes slowly eked out the upper hand over their British and French opponents, the German soldiers and their armoured support guns methodically annihilated their Canadian adversaries. The Canadians truly fought like lions. German veterans still today remember this battle as the fiercest one they ever were in. Land mines and hidden enfilading guns reduced the Kanobils as did bundled charges wielded by the Canadian infantry. But in revenge, the Kanobils destroyed machine gun emplacements, dug outs, field guns and command posts.

The street and house-to-house fighting in Arras was an epic battle inside the battle. Bavarian, Württemberg and Hessian regiments demonstrated that they were absolutely equal in ferocity and fighting spirit to the Canadian volunteers. They paid a high price, but they overwhelmed their foes.

On the morning of March 27th, it was over. The Canadian Corps had ceased to exist. General Arthur Currie was dead, killed at Saint-Catherine north of the Scarpe, where he had tried to organise a break out of his last battalions.
German casualties were heavy, very heavy in deed. Much heavier than on March 21st, almost as heavy as those of the Meuse passage in 1914. But while the Meuse passage had been fought only against relatively weak French rear guards, this one had been fought against the most elite formation of the enemy.
Kanobil losses were at 65 percent. But of these, only one fifth were total losses, the remainder could be repaired. Crew casualties were about 15 percent.

In the air, the German flyers had broken their British adversaries. The Royal Flying Corps had lost all offensive capacity. The prominent location of Arras in a triangle between the German lines had clearly favoured the Germans. But the Germans did not go unharmed: Richthofen, Udet, Loerzer and Goering were dead, as were too many of their co-pilots.

But despite all these losses, the Germans were the masters of Northern France. The end of the British Forces in France now only was a matter of time.“

from:
„Epic Battles of the Great War“ by Carl Koetsman, Amsterdam & Köln, 1935

Rest and Refit

Finishing the British Army in France was seen as a „normal“ operation now that could be executed by the „normal“ field army without Kanobil support. 17th Army was given the task of leading the march northwards into the „soft belly“ of the Brits.
The Kanobil force was concentrated around Cambrai for rest and refit.

„Dagmar“ had survived the Battle of Arras, as had her crew. But „Erna“ had been destroyed by a bundled charge thrown under her belly, and „Brunhilde“ had run on a land mine, shearing her left track. That meant that Vizefeldwebel Klein was now riding on „Dagmar“ too, something Unteroffizier Schultz did not appreciate very much.
The company was billeted at Awoingt, east of Cambrai. Right at the moment, there were only six Kanobils – but another eight were either already under repair or still awaiting salvage. Three complete Army Motor Transportation Depots had been dedicated to work for the Kanobil force.
Maintenance and small repairs on „Dagmar“ took three days. Then the whole crew was sent on leave for one week. Going home...

On April 10th, they were back at Awoingt. „Brunhilde“ was there now too, as was „Clara“, salvaged from the old breakthrough battlefield of March 21st. „Anneliese 2“ and „Erna 2“ had joined the platoon from the factory.

Lieutenant Kubrich had called for another commanders‘ conference.
„All right, gentlemen, we’re at 100 percent again. – And already have been given a new assignment. – We’ll entrain tomorrow here at Awoingt and travel to the Argonne!“
„The Argonne? – But that‘s no ideal battle ground for Kanobils!“
„You’re right, it isn’t. But it is ideal for concealing Kanobils. – My personal guess is that we will have to pince off the Verdun Salient by attacking from the Argonne in direction of St.Mihiel. But that is only a guess. – Although it would mean a heavy blow for French morale...“

A Prize of Glory

It was not without utter surprise that Colonel Edgar von Wolf had accepted his appointment as „Kommandeur der Kanobil Bataillone“ (commanding officer of the Kanobil battalions). He had been even more surprised when he learned that he would have two professional general staff officers on his staff. Himself being a Saxon field artillery man, his Ia was the Württemberg Major Friedrich Muff, who came from the Chefkraft (chief of motor transport) staff, and his Ib the Bavarian Major Hugo Baur, who had been a staff officer in the railway section of HQ Army Group Crown Prince Rupprecht.
A Saxon, a Württemberger and a Bavarian. Well, it almost seemed as if the Prussians were shy to get involved with the Kanobils. But, on the other hand, almost all his battalion commanders were Prussians.
While during the initial operations at the Arras – St.Quentin front, his staff had only been seen as a provider, and tactical employment had been executed in accordance to Assault Battalion No.5‘s manual on tactical use of the Kanobils and the intentions of 17th and 18th Army Commands, here in 3rd Army sector, they were seen as the specialists, which in deed they had become, for optimal usage of the Kanobil force.
From the original 21 battalions, two had been dissolved after Arras in order to allow the remainder to gain full strength again, and five were retained in vicinity of Cambrai as OHL reserve. That left 14 battalions for „Operation Roland“, the bold stroke to St.Mihiel via St.Menehould and Chaumont-sur-Aire.
At St.Mihiel, Armee Abteilung C would also mount an attack, of the conventional kind and with limited objective, while 5th Army would exercise some pressure north of Verdun.
The trick was to very rapidly rupture the enemy‘s front line, disable a sizeable portion of his artillery and thus to allow the own infantry to advance quickly. The seizure of St.Menehould would bring the rail line to Verdun under German control and thus effectively impede any French attempt to shuttle in reinforcements.

The weather was very bad, constant rain, ideal to get the Kanobils and the artillery into position without being detected by enemy aerial reconnaissance. The start of „Roland“ was now set for April 16th, 07:00 hours.

On April 13th, the encircled 3rd and 5th British Armies capitulated for lack of food and ammunition. On April 15th, 18th German Army finally took Amiens from the French, after more than one week of bitter street fighting. On the same day, 17th German Army took St.Omer and Hazebrouck.

„Roland“ took the French by complete surprise. They had expected the Germans to finish rounding up the BEF before they turned to the next enemy. Within few hours, the front line between Tahure and Apremont was breached, the artillery positions destroyed and command posts annihilated. German infantry, supported by Kanobils poured through the gap. Once the gap had been created, there was nothing to stop the Germans. French reserves had all gone to Picardy and the protection of Paris.
German losses were relatively light. Especially the anti-Kanobil measures of the Arras battle had apparently not yet been digested by the French in Lorraine. The famous French 75 mm field cannons proved to be as unable to penetrate the frontal armour of the Kanobils as previously had their British 18 pounder counterpieces.
And again, the logistic support provided by the Naschobils was an important contribution to victory.

On April 17th, 14:25 hours, the vanguard of the advancing „Roland“ force linked up with the vanguard of the „Olifant“ as the Army Detachment C attack had been duped. Now, the fortress of Verdun and the French part of the Argonne had become another huge cauldron.
At 19:30 hours, General Karl von Einem, CO of 3rd German Army, had the pleasure to put the decoration „Pour le Merite“ around Colonel von Wolf’s neck and to confide to him that his rank was now Major General.

On the same day, German 17th Army made contact with the Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque Line, where the last battle worthy units of the BEF, including the crack Australian Corps, were preparing to deliver a last ditch defense.

News of the British last stand resulted in an immediate order to deploy the OHL reserve Kanobils. At the same time, Major General von Wolf received a warning order that his „Roland“ battalions were urgently needed up north and that they should prepare for entrainement on April 18th.

War Council

While fresh infantry divisions, the Kanobil battalions and Georg Bruchmüller’s battering train moved towards the Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque Line, the German political and military leaders met at Spa on April 20th, 1918. The question was how to proceed after the BEF had been eliminated.
That it had to be eliminated was not in doubt. It could not be allowed to ship out to Britain. Every single British PoW was needed for the expected negotiations with Britain.

But how to handle France? Stage another offensive? Or offer peace? And if peace, which one?
And what about the Americans?

Foreign Secretary of State Richard von Kühlmann started by explaining the results of the negotiations with the Belgian and Luxemburg Governments:
The armistice with Belgium was already in effect and an agreement had been reached. Belgium would become an ally of the German Empire under its own king, its own laws and its own parliament. Belgium would be granted tariff union with the German Empire. Germany would recompense damages to personal health and private property caused by German Forces under a special agreement. There would be German Army garrisons at fortresses of Liège, Namur, and Antwerp, while the German Navy would have bases at Nieuwpoort, Oostende and Zeebrugge. A special treaty would regulate the size, rights and obligations of the German Forces in Belgium. The deployment of the German Forces in Belgium was currently limited until June 30th, 1928, but an option for extension existed if both parliaments agreed. Belgium would retain Belgian Congo as colony, but had pledged the intention to consider a colonial union with adjacent German colonies.
Luxemburg would become a state of the German Empire under Grand Duchess Marie Adelheid. The adjacent territory to the east and the north, ceeded to Prussia in 1815, would be returned to the Grand Duchy. Luxemburg would have one seat in the Bundesrat and elect two deputies for the Reichstag. Luxemburg would undertain one army regiment that would be part of the country’s peace time garrison of one division.

Then General Erich Ludendorff expounded the military situation:
The British Forces in France were already substantially beaten. 735,500 prisoners of war, English, Canadian, Australian, New Zealandian, Irish and Portuguese had been captured since March 21st. Almost more importantly, nearly 150,000 horses and huge quantities of fodder had been captured. This was a great boost for the mobility of the entire army.
There was little doubt that the position at Boulogne – Watten – Dunkerque would be breached in short order. Although the British were known to frantically evacuate troops to England, they had to keep their fighting units in line, thus only less important rear area formations could so far have been evacuated.
The final attack was planned to start the day after tomorrow. He was certain that the British pocket could be eliminated within two days.
The situation at the Verdun cauldron was calm and stable. The French forces were currently concentrated above Paris and no relief operation for Verdun seemed likely within the next fortnight.
The American forces were still neglectible, only four or five divisions could be considered combat ready right now.
The question was now: Attack the French first, inflict another defeat on them and offer negotiations after this – Or offer negotiations right now, after the British Forces had been eliminated? He proposed negotiations first.

As next, Vice Chancellor Friedrich von Payer reported on the civil situation:
Public morale was still good, borne by the hope of imminent peace – not victory, just peace. Everything that could be seen as prolongation of the war would have a negative impact on morale. People generally wanted the war to end, if this could be done victorously it would be appreciated. But, he reiterated, peace was more important than anything else. – The civil government therefore proposed an offer to France and the US for negotiations, once the British had been expulsed from French soil.

Admiral Henning von Holtzendorff, Chief of the Admiral Staff, referred about the naval situation:
The British submarine crews in the Baltic had scuttled their vessels in early April, therefore the Baltic was now completely under German control. – But apart from that, the general situation was unfavourable. The submarine war was not a complete failure but failed to produce decisive results, even the troop transports from the USA ran almost without being contested. The British had effectively mined the Dover Straights, this meant that the submarines in Flanders could no longer attack cross Channel traffic. The supremacy of the Royal Navy in terms of capital ships was compelling. Britain might be beaten in France, but Britannia still ruled the waves.

The meeting closed with the decision to offer negotiations to France and the US. Terms were to be worked out between General Ludendorff and State Secretary von Kühlmann.

Invitation to the Mouse Trap

On April 26th, 1918, at London, a thoroughly beaten Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig went into retirement and ignominy after having lost his army.
Initial counts established that only 545,800 men, of which about two thirds were wounded, had been evacuated to Britain. This meant a loss of almost 1,260,000 men since March 21st, 1918.
As the Germans admitted for 840,000 British and Commonwealth prisoners of war as a result of their „Great Battle in France“, that implied 420,000 dead and missing since March 21st. The debacle was acerbated by the fact that the unharmed evacuees consisted mainly of rear area scribes, rail and supply workers and non combatant Chinese and Negroe laborers, while the fighting units had perished in Northern France.
For all practical reasons, the British Expeditionary Force had ceased to exist.

It was therefore with rather subdued sentiments that the French leaders met at Paris to discuss the German note in the evening of April 26th.
Before the meeting started, General Philippe Pétain, Commander-in-Chief of the French Army, took Georges Clemenceau, the Prime Minister, aside. „I told you that the Germans would beat the British in open battle! – You didn’t believe me. – Well, they have been crushed and their debris swept from the continent. – And now it’s our turn to be beaten!“

The German note was rather short:
„In the light of recent events in Northern France, the Government of His Imperial Highness, Emperor Willhelm II, has come to the belief that further bloodshed will only prolongate human suffering without changing the outcome of the war. A request by the High Governments of the French Republic and the United States of America for an armistice therefore would be positively received.
Negotiations without preconditions for a peace settlement could be entered immediately after the terms of the armistice have been met.
Should an armistice not be requested until May 2nd, 18:00 hours Berlin time, the German Armed Forces will act according to the situation.“

President of State Raymond Poincaré posed the decisive question: „Do we have any prospect of checking them until the Americans are ready?“
At this, Pétain shook his head, but looked at General Ferdinant Foch, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Armies, to provide an answer.
Foch rose and explained: „Monsieur le Président, forget the Americans. – They cannot be ready in any sufficient number before September. The question thus is: Can we, the French alone, defeat les Boches? – And the answer is: No, we can’t. – They have the initiative right now and their strategy is to pinch off a portion of our strength, like at Verdun, digest it and thereafter isolate the next bit and munch it away. – Unfortunately, we do not have the means to stop them from doing that. They have wrecked the British Army in less than one month. They can and will do the same to us, if we do not ask for peace.“
„We should continue to fight!“ shouted Clemenceau. „We will fight in front of Paris, we will fight in Paris, we will fight behind Paris!“
„After fighting in front of Paris, there will be little left of our army.“ Foch replied.
„Then we’ll raise improvised armies, like in 1871!“
„That will work as badly as in 1871, devastate the country and provide the Boches an excuse to execute our men as Franc Tireurs. – Remember, we lost the war in 1871.“
„But perhaps we can delay them until the Americans are ready!“
„Perhaps, but it would require both armies, our’s and the Americans, to beat the Boches. Your proposal calls for the remainder of France turned into a desert – where the Boches then will beat the Americans after our army is long gone. – No, it’s hopeless. The Germans are right, we can prolong human suffering and utterly ruin our country, but we cannot change the outcome of this war.“
Now General Pétain took the word.
„I thank General Foch for his explanations. – Let me provide some annotations. As long as we are not beaten, our army remains an important factor in the bargain. The Boches know that we are no easy prey. They generally have more respect for us than they had for the British. If we allow them to cut us into pieces, this respect will vanish quickly. – Their new assault artillery, the Kanobils, are something for which we have no answer. We will have some hundred new Chars Renault combat ready in May, but they are no match for the German Kanobils, even less than the British tanks were. – Our men are tired of this war. If we do not accept the German offer, we risk mutinies like in 1917.“
„But as soon as we start negotiations, it will be impossible to bring our men to an offensive again!“ Clemenceau interrupted.
„As soon as we start negotiations, the same will most probably be true for the Boches. – By talking we can possibly get better results than by fighting.“

Armistice

Once the French leaders had arrived at the conclusion that a request for an armistice was inevitable, they still faced the task to arrange with their allies.

In Britain, Prime Minister David Lloyd George and his war cabinet were totally opposed to even talking with the Germans right now. This was a moment of maximum weakness, entering into pourparlers must be avoided, otherwise the Germans would get everything – and Britain would see happening all that for the prevention of which she had gone to war in 1914.
But the British were safe on their island, guarded by the mighty Royal Navy. The French had to face a very superior German Army on their own soil.
On the other hand, the Germans hadn’t even mentioned the British in their note. And diplomatic channels susurrated that the Germans had no intention to invite Lloyd George to negotiations. They waited for his downfall.

The Americans weren’t easy either. Although they had only a handful of divisions combat ready, the number of American troops in France approached one million. Neither President Wilson nor Secretary of State Robert Lansing were pleased by the French intention to ask for terms. The Creel Commission had done a good job in putting the nation in mood for this war to end all wars, and now this...
But General John Pershing, the commander of the American Expeditionary Force, as a professional soldier arrived at the same conclusions as Generals Pétain, Foch and Ludendorff. There was no chance to win or even hang on with this war right now, and the Germans would not wait until a sizeable portion of the AEF became operational.

Things accelerated when the fortress of Verdun surrendered.
The Germans had slowly reduced the cauldron until they attained the perimeter of the fortress. They had no intention of starting a costly dogfight, but they still had quite a number of their famous 42 cm siege guns, the Fat Berthas. When they started shelling Fort Dugny and Fort de Landrecour on April 29th, both forts quickly surrendered after the first few shells had made the earth tremble. The Germans quickly arrived at the impression that the French garrison of Verdun was battle weary and ready to give up. They pointed their Fat Berthas at Fort de Regret – and got another white flag after three shells. On April 30th, they repeated the exercise at Forts des Sartelles, de Choisel, du Chana and de la Chaume – and now the whole French force started waving white flags. – Interrogations soon reveiled that the French soldiers – and even a number of officers, mostly reservists – believed that the war was lost and that there was no use in risking their lifes for a lost cause. That the French forts to the south and southeast of Verdun were old, had never been modernised, and thus could not withstand the 42 cm shells, certainly had supported this decision.

On May 1st, 1918, the governments of France and the USA asked Germany for an armistice, which was granted on the same day, 18:00 hours Berlin time.

The German terms were rather straight:

1. All French and American forces currently manning the front line to a depth of 35 km will retreat 35 km to the rear. This move must be complete by May 3rd, 18:00 hours Berlin time.
2. All guns with a calibre greater than 105 mm will remain in position as will their ammunition and ancillary equipment and will not be moved to the rear.
3. No French or American forces additional to those which are present in France on May 1st, 24:00 hours Berlin time, will enter the country. French forces from other theatres of war, such as Italy and Greece/Bulgaria, will be garrisoned in Algeria.
4. All German prisoners of war and internees in French or US custody will be released and repatriated immediately. This also applies to prisoners of war and internees from other Central Power states.
5. The Government of the United States of America will repatriate its troops in France as fast as possible. Infantry units shall be shipped to the USA in first priority.
6. The Government of the French Republic will immediately start to demobilise the French Army to the peace time level of 1914. Demobilisation must be complete on June 15th, 1918.
7. The Governments of the French Republic and the United States of America agree to enter negotiations for a permanent peace treaty with the Governments of the Central Powers. The negotiations will be hosted by the Royal Dutch Government and will commence at Eindhoven on May 15th.
8. This Armistice is in effect until June 16th, 1918, and may be prolongated if the French and US governments have complied with the terms listed above.

Another Armistice

For their renegade former ally, Italy, the armistice terms of the Central Powers were rather austere. The Italians had asked for terms on May 1st – after several new German divisions had been detected in Friuli and Tyrolia.

1. All Italian forces must be withdrawn to the south bank of the Po river until May 14th, 1918.
2. All British, French, US and other former Entente forces must leave Italy until May 14th, 1918.
3. All guns with a calibre above 105 mm must immediately be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 8th, 1918.
4. 2,000 trucks of two to five ton cargo capacity must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 10th, 1918.
5. All tanks and armoured cars in Italy must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers in Italy. This must be completed until May 7th, 1918.
6. 1,500 airplanes, especially all SPAD, Niewport and Hanriot fighters and Caproni bombers, must be surrendered to the forces of the Central Powers until May5th, 1918.
7. The Dodecanes Islands must be handed back to the Ottoman Empire immediately. All Italian subjects on these island will become prisoners of war or civil internees of the Ottoman Empire.
8. All Italian forces in Lybia, Albania, Greece and Bulgaria must return to Italy immediately.
9. All Italian ships of war must be handed over to the naval authorities of the Central Powers in Triest, Pola or Cattaro until May 18th, 1918.
10. All Central Power prisoners of war and internees in Italian custody must at once be released and repatriated.
11. Italy will immediately start demobilisation of its forces to the peace time strength of July 1914. This strength must be attained on May 18th, 1918.
12. The Italian Government agrees to enter negotiations about a permanent peace treaty with the Central Powers. The negotiations will be hosted by the Swiss Government and start at Zürich on May 20th, 1918.
13. This armistice is effective until May 19th, 1918, and may be prolongated if the Italian Government meets the above terms.

The Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman governments had had a prominent part in formulating these terms. The Italian government had great pains to accept them, and only did so after Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando had resigned and been replaced by Giovanni Giolitti.
The future didn’t seem to look too bright for Italy. But Giolitti took hope from the fact that the Central Powers had invited for negotiations. Apparently, they were not planning to dictate a peace treaty. One could talk... May be that the Turks had bad feelings because of Lybia and the Dodecanes, but the Germans knew that he had been against abandoning the Central Powers and joining the Entente.

Armistice in the Balkans?

Matters on the Balkans were rather complicated: While the French and Italian units were ordered to evacuate the area without further fighting, the British and Serbians were determined to fight on. In Greece, civil war between Eleftherios Venizelos‘ followers and the royalists was imminent, now that the case of the Western Powers obviously was lost. The Greek divisions quickly broke apart, while units, sub units or individuals joined the rivalling factions.
French General Adolphe Guillaumat, the CO of the Armee d’Orient, had received orders to withdraw his divisions to Salonika and to embark for Oran and Algiers, while the Italian forces were to be withdrawn to the Albanian coast for transport to Italy.
Right then, on May 2nd, 1918, seven British and six Serbian divisions, together with two Russian brigades, now under the command of British General George Milne and Serb General Živojin Mišić respectively, started to move for Salonika because the British War Council had decided to evacuate them to Limnos Island.
Learning that the British and the Serbs were heading for Salonika, where open street fighting between the Greek factions had already started, Guillaumat asked the opposing Army Group Scholtz for an armistice and told them his intention to have his six divisions stay put.
This armistice was granted without further conditions. The Bulgarian and few German forces opposite the French were paralysed by their desperate supply situation and happy to stay just where they were. In consequence, a jolly fraternisation soon developed in the Ochrid – Bitola area between the French, Bulgarian and German soldiers.

The Serbs, after having reached Salonika, sided with Venizelos’s followers, who were just about to lose control of the city. The Serb support made the difference and the royalists were bloodily expulsed.
The British did not care for the internal Greek strife. They quickly embarked their ships and headed for Limnos. General Mišić, after the fighting was finally finished, had to disregard the orders he had received from his government and to stay in the Salonika area for some more days, the British had taken all available ships...

The Central Powers supreme commander on the Macedonian Front, General Jekow, on May 4th, gave a warning order to Bulgarian 1st and 2nd Armies to prepare for a move to Salonika, after the German Ambassador had conveyed a message from the German government to King Ferdinand. The message was quite short: „Take what you can, we’ll back you. – But leave Mount Olympus to the Greeks!“

Peace Aims

At Luxemburg, the new location of the OHL, Vice Chancellor Friedrich von Payer, Foreign Secretary Richard von Kühlmann, General Erich Ludendorff, the factual commander of the German Army, and Admiral Henning von Holtzendorff, Chief of the Admiral Staff, met on May 5th, 1918, in order to discuss the German peace aims for the upcoming negotiations with France, the US and Italy.
Ludendorff had disliked Kühlmann’s attitude at the peace talks at Brest-Litowsk, but the Brussels Treaty with Belgium had fully restored his confidence in the foreign secretary of state. To achieve the German maximum goals with full and unsolicited consent of the Belgians was no mean feat!

„Your victory over the English, General, makes Germany the master of the continent. But England is not beaten, they only lost a battle.“ Kühlmann argued. „It certainly was the worst defeat they ever have experienced, but their navy is still the strongest and largest in the world. – Our situation, therefore, is very much simular to that of Napoleon one hundred years ago, with one big difference: We have already vanquished Russia! – We should now try to separate France and the United States of America from England. This we can achieve by generous peace conditions. Once we have peace in the west, we can concentrate on consolidating our position in the east – and eventually eliminate Bolshevism. – So, what do you want from France?“
Kühlmann knew only too well that Ludendorff was – mainly via Max Bauer – completely under the spell of the Pangermanists and the big industrialists.
„We need the ore of the Longwy – Briey deposits!“
„What else?“
Ludendorff hesitated, then he shrugged. „I don’t know... – Reparations? Colonies? – What do you suggest?“
„I think we should take the right of exploitation of the ore deposits for 25 years without annexation of any French territory. And we should get the most-favoured-nation clause in our trade with France. In terms of colonies I’m going to demand French Congo, Dahomey and some minor adjustments to the north of Togo. – Together with Belgian Congo, we then have achieved Mittelafrika!“
Ludendorff contemplated this for a while.
„Shouldn’t we ask for more?“
Now von Payer intervened. „Look at the colonies we had before the war: Only 24,000 whites lived there, some of them Englishmen or Boers. The climate is so that Germans don’t go there, our emigrants went to North and South America, but not to our colonies. The colonies only required resources but never produced anything that compensated the costs. – Why should we burden us with huge territories that we neither can administer nor make profitable? Let’s take some small parts, just to prove to the French that they lost the war. But otherwise, let’s stay away from the white man’s burden. England did not become the dominant world power because she owned India but because she led the industrial revolution. India will be the millstone around England neck! Just wait and see! Our true colonies lie in Eastern Europe!“
With that he had Ludendorff’s full consent.
„Does the Navy have any wishes?“ Kühlmann addressed Holtzendorff.
„No, we’ve already got the Flanders bases. That’s all we need for the war with England.“
„Which war? – We’ll make peace with England sooner or later. They lost the war and they know it. The blockade is dead for all practical purposes since we started buying foodstuffs via France. They tried to encircle us and suffocate us, they failed. We will not accept any restrictions of our navy, but what can we gain from another war with England if we agree that we don’t need and want more colonies?“
„The Royal Navy still is a serious threat!“
„Agreed. But they lost the war, nobody will give them money before they have paid back their debts to the US banks. Germany now for all practical purposes owns Europe. We’ll outgrow them completely. Forget England, they were yesterday’s rival. Look at the US! – Do you have any demands on the US?“
Neither the general nor the admiral had.
„That’s fine. – My intention is just to let them go home without any constraints from our side. I predict that they will turn to isolationism after this disappointing experience, or perhaps turn their attention to the Pacific Ocean, or both... – Any demands in respect to Italy?“
Again, general and admiral shook their heads.
„Good. – I intend to cushion Austrian greediness. Italy had some problems with Austria, not with us. It may become a useful ally again.“
„But they betrayed us!“ exclaimed Ludendorff. „They must be punished!“
„Betrayal or not, they lost the war. That’s punishment enough.Why alienate them completely? – Any demands on the Balkans? – No? – Well, we’ve already given green light to the Bulgarians, as you know. We’ll support their Greater Bulgaria, that will solve one half of the Serbian problem. The other half we may entrust to the Hungarians, they are good at suppressing minorities. – I’ll travel to Bucharest tomorrow. The peace treaty with Romania will be signed on the 7th of May. You’ve seen and agreed to the terms.“
With this the meeting ended.

The Treaty of Eindhoven

Article I.
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and France and the United States of America, for the other part, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.

Article II.
France cedes part of her colonial possessions in French Equatorial Africa and French West Africa to Germany. The territories to be ceded are marked on the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the areas will be established by a Franco-German commission. The territories shall be handed over to Germany immediately after the ratification of this treaty.

Article III.
The right of exploitation of the ore deposits in the Longwy – Briey area, as indicated on the second map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace, shall be granted to Germany for the duration of 20 years. The exact fixation of the area will be established by a Franco-German commission. The exploitation period will start on the day this treaty is ratified.
France refrains from all interference in the exploitation of these resources. After the end of the 20 years exploitation period, Germany will have the purchase option.

Article IV.
As soon as a general peace is concluded and French demobilisation is carried out completely, Germany will evacuate the French territory currently occupied by her forces.

Article V.
France will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army. Furthermore, France will either bring her warships into French ports and there detain them until the day of the conclusion of a general peace, or disarm them forthwith. Warships of the States which continue in the state of war with the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, in so far as they are within French sovereignty, will be treated as French warships.

The barred zone around Great Britain continues as such until the conclusion of a general peace. In the Mediterranean Sea, and, as far as French power extends within the Atlantic Ocean and the Channel, removal of sea mines will be proceeded with at once. Merchant navigation within these maritime regions is free and will be resumed at once. Mixed commissions will be organized to formulate the more detailed regulations, especially to inform merchant ships with regard to restricted lanes. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.

Article VI.
The United States of America will transport those elements of their armed forces currently stationed in France back to the territory of the United States of America with highest priority. Germany agrees to the use for this purpose of German vessels confiscated by the United States of America. The United States of America will repair and renovate these vessels afterwards on their expense before they are handed back to Germany under the regulations of Article XII.

Article VII.
France and the United States of America recognise the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest. They will also recognise the Treaty of Zürich, once it had been concluded.

Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.

Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.

Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.

Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and France, the regulations contained in Appendices II-V are determinative.

Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with France and the United States of America, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.

Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and French texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and France; the German and English texts for the relations between Germany and the United States of America. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.

Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Berlin. The French Government obligates itself, upon the desire of one of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of two weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.

In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.

Executed in sixtuplicity at Eindhoven, 23 May, 1918.

The Treaty of Zürich

Article I.
Austria-Hungary, Germany, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and Italy, for the other part, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.

Article II.
Italy cedes the Dodecanes Islands to Turkey. The territories to be ceded are marked on the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the areas will be established by an Italo-Turkish commission. The territories in question have already been occupied by Turkey.

Article III.
Italy will cede Lybia to Turkey. The territories to be ceded are marked on the second map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. The exact fixation of the territory will be established by an Italo-Turkish commission. The territories shall be handed over to Turkey immediately after the ratification of this treaty.

Article IV.
The Italian province of Venetia shall be occupied by Austria-Hungary for 15 years. A plebiscite shall be held in 1933 whether the province or parts of it will return to Italy or remain with Austria-Hungary. The exact boundary of the province is marked on the third map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace. A special treaty between Italy and Austria-Hungary will regulate the details of the plebiscite.

Article V.
As soon as a general peace is concluded and Italian demobilisation is carried out completely, Austria-Hungary will evacuate the Italian territory currently occupied by her forces, except for the territory mentioned in Article III.

Article VI.
Italy will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army. Furthermore, Italy will either bring her warships into Italian ports and there detain them until the day of the conclusion of a general peace, or disarm them forthwith. Warships of the States which continue in the state of war with the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance, in so far as they are within Italian sovereignty, will be treated as Italian warships. Italy will immediately begin to remove sea mines in the Adriatic Sea and constantly inform the signatories of this treaty about her progress. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
The Italian warships and merchant vessels to be handed over to Austria-Hungary and Turkey are listed in Appendix I of this treaty.

Article VII.
Italy recognises the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Bucharest and Eindhoven.

Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.

Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.

Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.

Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and Italy, the regulations contained in Appendices II-V are determinative.

Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with Italy, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.

Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and Italian texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and Italy. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.

Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Vienna. The Italian Government obligates itself, upon the desire of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of four weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.

In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.

Executed in quintuplicate at Zürich, 3 June, 1918.

Fighting dies down

While continental Europe was slowly settling for peace, the situation in Great Britain and Ireland was gloomy at best.
After the initial trauma of the defeat in France had worn off, a series of strikes - escalating to open riots in Manchester and Liverpool - paralysed business and public transport.
In Ireland, loud voices called for independence, while in India there were discreet whispers about it.
American banks now refused further loans and forcefully asked for the repayment of old war credits.
On June 3rd, David Lloyd George resigned the office of prime minister. But it soon became apparent that his successor, Austin Chamberlain, could not move the nation ahead either. New elections were scheduled for mid-July.

In Palestine and Mesopotamia, local armistices came into effect in early June, after General Erich von Falkenhayn, the commander of the Central Powers forces in Palestine, had arranged a meeting with General Edmund Allenby, the commander of the Egyptian Expeditionary Force.
These were the only battlefields where Britain still proudly stood her ground, but Allenby sorely lacked reinforcements to exploit his successes of 1917 after 60 of his battalions had been sent to the front in France – and had just arrived in time to perish in the last ditch defence in front of Calais.

In Georgia in the Caucasus, the first units of a German expeditionary force arrived in early June. Their objective was Baku, which also was the designation of an Ottoman force headed by General Nuri Pasha, a brother of Enver Pasha. A British force that had been assembled to march to Baku too, but had been stopped by Russian Bolshevik troops at Enzeli in February and returned to Hamadan, now was ordered to stay at Hamadan.

At Salonika, the Bulgarian flag was hoisted on June 18th. This ended a fortnight of bitter fighting with the Serbs. The Serbian Army was now completely destroyed, the ongoing fighting had not allowed to evacuate them. Bulgarian artillery had set one troop transport ship aflame, after this, the other captains refused to enter Salonika’s port.

In Athens, royalists arrested King Alexandros and recalled King Konstantin I., while former prime minister Venizelos escaped to Crete where he formed a “Greek Republican Government”.

On June 15th, 1918, Admiral Ludwig von Schröder, the Commanding Admiral in Flanders, announced that submarine warfare against British ships would end on June 30th and that on the same day the war zone around the British Isles would be lifted.
On the same day, demobilisation of the German Landsturm and Landwehr commenced. Demobilisation of the Reserve soldiers was advertised to start after the ratification of the Treaty of Zürich.

...but not in Russia

With the defeat of the Western Allies, the Central Powers’ appreciation of the Bolsheviks quickly petered out. By mid-June 1918 the situation was as follows:

While fresh German troops arrived in the Ukraine to replace the old men, which had remained in the east while the younger soldiers had been sent to France and which were now earmarked for demobilisation, German emissaries arrived at the headquarters of Generals Alekseev and Denikin. They offered German support for the Volunteer Army.

In Estonia, General Yudenich had just arrived from France where he had been in exile. With massive German aid he now began forming his North-western Army.

At Cheliabinsk, the Czech Legion had just disarmed the Bolshevik forces and was now in train of taking control of the Trans-Siberian Railroad. The Czechs were in a bad situation. Most of them were former prisoners of war or deserters from the Austro-Hungarian Army. Their pledge for an independent Czechia as promised by the French and the Russians had come to nothing. Now they had received a proposition from the Austrian government, which offered them impunity and repatriation if they fought the Bolsheviks.

In Helsingfors, the German General Rüdiger von der Goltz, commander of the Ostsee Division, proposed to his Finnish comrade Carl Gustav Emil Mannerheim that Finland should take the whole Kola Peninsula and extend its territory to Lake Onega and the Onega Bay. German support for this move was warranted.

At Tiflis, now Tbilisi, the German General Georg Maercker, commander of the Kaukasus Division, was impatiently waiting for the arrival of two infantry regiments. He had been tasked by Ludendorff to take Baku before the Turkish force arrived there, but he needed more than the one regiment he already had. The Georgians were unable to provide assistance and constantly required his soldiers to protect them from Bolshevik bandits. Maercker knew that the Turkish speaking Azeris would eventually fall into the Ottoman sphere of influence, but right now, the town was under Bolshevik control and “liberating” it would certainly bolster German influence when it came to regulating the oil flow.

Interior View of a Victor – Germany


When the war started in August 1914, the German chancellor then, Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg, had not believed that the old social order could survive. Now, in June 1918, the old social order was still in place – and victorious…
Monarchal, authoritarian Germany, allied with powers which had comparable social orders, had defeated the western democracies.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. called this a splendid victory of the monarchic principle, calmer people called it sheer luck.
Germany had suffered considerably. 1.3 million soldiers were dead, 0.4 million were missing and most probably also dead, another 3.7 million had been wounded, many of these crippled, maimed or destined for an early decease. The civilian population had suffered another estimated 0.6 million deaths because of the British blockade.
The war fever was long gone. Since 1916, the majority of the people had only wanted the war to end. The victory in the March Offensive had met this purpose. But a hungry and depleted population, clothed in “Ersatz” and working with “Ersatz” soon realised that the end of the war did not mean the end of hardship.
The former middle class was practically broke. The war had mainly been financed by war bonds. Only if these were paid back could the middle class hope to prosper again.
The working class had improved its political position considerably but was suffering nonetheless from paucity.
The economy had been ruined by the infamous “Hindenburg Programme” and never recovered from this improper interference. But the industrialists were quick in changing to peace time production, new plants were already under construction while the fighting in front of Calais still was going on.
However, demobilisation brought back more and more working men and production was rising considerably, especially coal no longer was a scarce resource. Massive imports of food via France and Italy eased the nutrition situation, and although the British blockade had not yet been formally lifted, vessels carrying foodstuffs regularly could pass since the Treaty of Eindhoven was in effect. The US had told Britain that they would not tolerate interference in business with a nation that could pay for food imports, something which Britain could not without further loans from the US.

In the Reichstag, the democratic parties of (catholic) Centre, Social Democrats and Progressives had the majority. 228 seats out of a total of 397 belonged to them. But new elections were due anyway. Chancellor Hertling had fixed them for Sunday, July 28th, 1918.
Reform of the Prussian franchise still was an open issue. It had been promised during the war. Now the democrats agreed to press for it. Only if equal franchise was introduced in Prussia would it be possible to break the grip that the conservatives had on the power structure of the Reich. In the clear realisation that their majority would only grow in the next election, they decided to wait with their initiative until the new Reichstag met for the first time on August 21st.

Until 1914, the army had been a tool that could also be employed against internal unrest. The army right now was – in General Ludendorff’s appreciation – nothing but militia, totally unfit for internal use, a true people’s army. Although the professional soldiers were working hard to restore ancient military discipline, it would take some time to achieve this.
Therefore, the window of opportunity for the democratic parties still was wide open.

Interior View of a Victor – Austria-Hungary

If the situation in Germany was already difficult, that of Austria-Hungary was even worse. The monarchy had literally been dragged to victory by the Germans, her own drive long lost in hunger, war economy and strife between the nationalities. The Hungarians had refused to supply food to the Austrians, forcing the Austrians to commandeer Danube vessels that carried foodstuffs from Romania to Germany. The 10 years customs union between Hungary and Austria and the 50 years union between the two monarchies had both been due to be renewed in 1917. Because the Austrian parliament was paralysed by the brawl of its nationalities, Emperor Karl I. had asked Hungary for a suspension of the negotiations until after the war.
When the war had started in 1914, most Austro-Hungarian leaders had expected the empire to die in glory. Now in mid-June 1918, it was still alive but in agony.
The war losses were considerable. Almost one million soldiers had been killed in action, 1.7 million wounded, the number of civilian casualties was not known yet but believed to be possibly higher than the German one.

The Hungarians would ask much for the renewal of the union, they were the stronger part. They didn’t necessarily need Austria, but Austria needed them. The Hungarians had designs on Dalmatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Serbia and Montenegro, aiming at ruling these territories with the help of their Croatian subjects.
Their ambitions on Romania had already been spoiled by the Germans, now they were determined to get their way with the southern Slavs.

Cisleithania, the Austrian part of the dual monarchy, was incapable of action because the nationalties, Germans, Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Italians, Ruthenians, blockaded each other in the various parliaments.
Transleithania, the Hungarian part, was firmly ruled and dominated by the Hungarians who already had started to magyarise “their” part of Serbia.

In the north, the fate of the Polish Kingdom had not yet been decided, earlier plans to install an Austrian prince had now been superseeded by German schemes to create a German puppet state. Austrian weakness and Emperor Karl’s indecision had caused the Germans to discard the Austro-Polish solution.

Austrian designs to repossess Venetia had also been spoiled by the Germans who only had allowed an occupation period followed by a plebiscite. Nobody in Austria had any illusions on how the Italians would decide in 1933.

Only the swift defeat of the British in France had kept Georges Clemenceau from publishing the secret Sixtus letters that proved Karl’s attempt for a seperate peace in 1917. That would have undermined the Austro-Hungarian position completely.
On the other hand, the foreign minister Ottokar Czernin had obtained the trust and respect of his German colleague Kühlmann and had – so far – been able to stall all German advances to install their “Mitteleuropa”, which the Austrians viewed as an effort to dominate Austria-Hungary.

Interior View of a Victor – Bulgaria

While Bulgaria had achieved almost all its war aims – only the silly insistence of the Germans to alienate Romania not too much had denied Bulgaria the northern part of Northern Dobruja – the country was, after three wars in succession, impoverished and run-down. The victory over the Serbs at Salonika had cleared the path for Bulgarian possession of Macedonia, Kosovo and south-eastern Serbia, but it also had almost destroyed the army. In number of losses, it certainly had been a Phyrric victory.
If the Greeks weren’t so engaged in their civil war, they easily could chase away the Bulgarians from Salonika and southern Macedonia – even after the Bulgarians had captured a large supply of weapons, ordnance and clothing from the Greek divisions that had been under formation for the Macedonian front.

King – or Tsar – Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria had the distinct feeling that north of his country a greater Magyar Empire was forming.
His intention was to counter this with his greater Bulgarian Empire. It would be the only independent Slav state in the Balkans. One should beat the Slavic drum, that might help to integrate und „Bulgarise“ the Serbs.

He had refused to sign the Treaty of Bucharest and still continued to badger the Germans for the rest of the Dobruja, although the treaty would soon be ratified by the Chamber of Deputees and the Senate. The Dobruja was a cockaigne that was needed for Bulgaria – and as the Bucharest Treaty gave Bessarabia to Romania, they still had access to the Black Sea, so what? Why should the Germans in the long term deny such a prize to their most proven, successful and reliable ally?

Nevertheless, it was most important to enter into a period of peace. The country needed rest from war and time to recuperate.
Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov was already busy to sound out the allies about a peace treaty with Greece. Thank goodness that the Germans had no ideas of fostering the Greeks like they had done with the Romanians!

Ferdinand was intrigued what would happen to his neighbour in the east. Would the Ottoman Empire survive? Or would the spectres of separatism that these foolish Englishmen had aroused in the Arabic part of the Empire shatter it?
Well, in the latter case, eastern Trace and Byzantium might become available. The possession of Byzantium really would make him the foremost Tsar of all Tsars...

And in the west, Albania was waiting for an overlord. – The Italians had evacuated the country, the Greeks were busy with themselves, the Magyars not very interested because they currently manoeuvred for gaining Dalmatia from Austria... An empire that extended from the Adriatic to the Black Sea and had access to the Aegean as well? - Perhaps he should start to position his second son, Kyril, for the job of Albanian king?

Ferdinand really had to pat himself on the back for joining forces with the Central Powers (or had this been Radoslavov’s idea? - Anyway, all’s good that ends good...), although he disliked Wilhelm II. as much as this bumptious swashbuckler disliked him. And of Karl I. he even had a lesser opinion than of ancient Franz Joseph I., that „idiot and old dotard“.

Interior View of a Victor – Ottoman Empire

The Ottoman Empire, also known as Turkey or Turkish Empire, had only been saved by the German victory in France, that much was clear to its leaders.

Grand Vizier Mehmet Talat Pasha had little hope that the Arab revolt could be controlled. The damned British were still in the area and influenced the Arab leaders. Talat believed that now with Russia in turmoil, the Pan-Turan – or Pan-Turkish – idea of uniting the Turkish speaking peoples in Asia had more prospect of success than trying to harness the bloody Arabs.

Ismail Enver Pasha, war minister and chief of the general staff, also favoured Pan-Turanism, yet was unwilling to forgo Arabia. The outworn and starved Ottoman Army might be no match for Allenby’s troops, but once these were gone it would give the Bedouin ragtag short shrift.

Ahmet Çemal Pasha, known as the “Butcher” to the Arabs, the third of the “Three Pashas”, had no intention to let go the Arabs. The whole of the Arabian Peninsula belonged to the Ottoman Empire, as did Egypt, Cyprus, Mesopotamia and Kowayt!

The Treaty of Batum with the Republic of Armenia had just been signed, and General Nuri Pasha’s, Enver’s brother’s, “Army of Islam” was now to march on to Baku. The Turks were aware that the Germans were bringing troops to Georgia and also intended to march on Baku. This was the break in the German – Ottoman relations that Enver Pasha had already detected at Brest-Litovsk. Once Russia was out of the war, the peace aims of the Germans and the Turks no longer matched.
But did the Ottoman Empire have an alternative? Germany had been the only major power that had had no direct designs on Ottoman sovereignty and lands. Britain and France had been allied with the arch enemy, Russia. And today, Britain held occupied already too much Ottoman territory to be welcome. Britain and France had signed the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 that aimed at the segmentation of Ottoman territory into speres of British, French and Russian interest. No, one would have to work on with the Germans, but the going might get rougher.
Not that the Germans ever had been easy. Arrogant bastards! No patience and no understanding for the oriental way of life.

Nevertheless, the Germans had helped the Turks to get back the Dodecanes Islands and Lybia against the objections of the Austro-Hungarians. Their help would also be required to get the British out of Palestine and Mesopotamia.
The Empire needed time to recuperate and to improve its infrastructure. Here, again, the Germans were important. They must complete and develop the Baghdad Railway. Perhaps they could be won for an extension to Basora, as originally had been the plan. Then one could start arguing about Kowayt with the British...
The British were now firmly established in Persia too, controling the oil wells of Abadan, while the Russians were almost gone. One would have to discuss this issue as well. But the Empire needed time to gather strength first.
Enver didn’t think that the Germans would contest Pan-Turanism east of the Caspian Sea, one only had to be very careful in the Caucasus, where Georgia was becoming a German protectorate. But he sensed that the Germans were focused on Russia and yet had little interest in Central Asian affairs.

But Pan-Turanism needed money. Money could easily be gained by selling oil. Oil was the one resource the British had been after in the region of the Persian Gulf since 1908. If the Empire was to prosper from oil sales, the British had to be pushed out of business...

The Wind of Change

Elections for the British House of Commons were held on Saturday, July 14th, 1918. Although the Labour Party scored a striking success and captured 136 seats, it were the Conservatives who won the day. Acquiring 397 seats they could and would form the new cabinet alone, making Andrew Bonar Law the new Prime Minister. Of the remaining seats, the Irish Sinn Féin won 73, while the Liberals experienced a catastrophic defeat and almost disappeared from the House of Commons. This was a clear thank-you of the electorate to the Liberals for leading the nation into war and losing the French campaign.
The result was also significant because it meant the end of the moderate Irish Parliamentary Party and brought the meteoric rise of the radical Sinn Féin.
The Sinn Féin elected members immediately refused to take their seats in the British House of Commons but convened the Dáil Éireaan, the Irish Revolutionary Assembly, at Dublin. 47 of their members, however, could take no seat because they had been elected while sojourning in British jails.

Having lost his two eldest sons in the war, Bonar Law was known as a hardliner and close associate of Andrew Lloyd George, sharing the latter’s views about a „Knock-out-Victory“.
The victory of his party showed the defiance of the British people. The nation had lost a battle, but not the war. To many Britons it was absolutely unthinkable that Britain ever could lose a war...
But military affairs were only half of the truth. Britain, once the major financier of the world, today was broke.

To finance the war effort, Britain had loaned 2.17 billion $ to France, 2.84 billion $ to Russia, 2.07 billion $ to Italy, about 1.0 billion $ to the dominions, 0.43 billion to Belgium and 90 million $ to Serbia.
Moreover, the US banks had loaned 4.31 billion $ to Britain, 2.85 billion $ to France, 1.59 billion $ to Italy and 187 million $ to Russia.
There was absolutely no prospect that nations like France, Russia, Italy or Serbia could or would pay back any debts.
France was left alone with the devastated landscapes of position warfare and her northern districts systematically cleared of everything useable or valuable by the Germans. The Russian Bolsheviks had already declared that they wouldn’t pay anything. Italy was at the verge of political and economic collapse. And Serbia had simply ceased to exist. The sneaky Belgians, for whose liberty the nation had gone to war, had changed sides when it became clear that the Entente was a lost case and couldn‘t help them any more. But at least they were now entitled to get reparations from Germany, so may be they could some day also afford to pay back their debts to Britain...

It perhaps was best to cut the losses and make peace with Germany. That might allow the nation to recuperate. One must not submit to the Germans, one had not lost the war. There were some German prisoners of war to bargain with, although the Germans held much more British PoWs (almost 1 million in comparison to less than 100.000).
There were the colonies, the German possessions in the Pacific Ocean (except Micronesia, which was occupied by Japan), German South-West Africa and German East Africa, all occupied by British or Dominions forces (although in East Africa German resistance never really had been overcome and a German force still was in the field).
There was the Royal Navy, uncontested now by the German High Seas Fleet.
There were the British Forces in Palestine and Mesopotamia.
That all should sum up to an honorable peace...

The situation in Ireland might soon require more attention. It was generally thought that the Dáil Éireaan would declare Irish independence on its first session. The Irish Volunteers were known to regroup as the so-called „Irish Republican Army“.
If one didn’t make peace with Germany in time, the Germans certainly would massively support the Irishmen, dodging a blockade of Eire with their submarines.
There was a strong Irish community in the USA. One must not allow for a joint initiative of Germany and the USA. Better eliminate the Germans from the equation beforehand... It had been quite expensive to develop public opinion in the US in the British intend.

On July 20th, 1918, the British ambassador in Copenhagen paid a visit to his German colleague and delivered a very interesting proposal.

The Treaty of Copenhagen


While on July 28th, 1918, the Germans elected a new Reichstag with 133 seats for the SPD, 91 for the Zentrum and 52 for the FVP – thus together 276 seats from a total of 397, the delegations of Great Britain and the Central Powers met at Copenhagen. It took them two weeks to achieve this accord:

Article I.
Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey, for the one part, and Great Britain, for the other part, also representing her dominions, declare that the state of war between them has ceased. They are resolved to live henceforth in peace and amity with one another.

Article II.
Great Britain will withdraw her forces from Palestine and Mesopotamia and agrees to respect Turkey, hereafter referred to as the Ottoman Empire, in the borders marked in the first map submitted as an essential part of this treaty of peace.

Article III.
Great Britain recognises that Cyprus and Kuwait are integral parts of the Ottoman Empire. The Ottoman Empire endorses that the British administration of Cyprus and Kuwait may continue. A bilateral treaty between Great Britain and the Ottoman Empire will regulate details and duration of this administration and the remuneration to the Ottoman Empire.

Article IV.
Great Britain recognises that Egypt is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire under the rule of the Governor (Pasha and Wali) of Egypt. The Ottoman Empire concedes that the Governor of Egypt may act with sovereignty as far as internal matters of Egypt are concerned and may allow foreign presence in the country.

Article V.
Great Britain will withdraw her forces from the German colonies in Africa and in the Pacific Ocean.

Article VI.
Great Britain will, without delay, carry out the full demobilisation of her army and her navy. Great Britain will immediately begin to remove sea mines in the Atlantic Ocean and the North Sea and will constantly inform the signatories of this treaty about her progress. The navigation lanes are always to be kept free from floating mines.
The British warships to be handed over to the Ottoman Empire are listed in Appendix I of this treaty.

Article VII.
Great Britain recognises the validity of the Treaties of Brest-Litovsk, Bucharest, Eindhoven and Zürich.

Article VIII.
The prisoners of war of both parties will be released to return to their homeland. The settlement of the questions connected therewith will be effected through the special treaties provided for in Article XII.

Article IX.
The contracting parties mutually renounce compensation for their war expenses, i.e., of the public expenditures for the conduct of the war, as well as compensation for war losses, i.e., such losses as were caused [by] them and their nationals within the war zones by military measures, inclusive of all requisitions effected in enemy country.

Article X.
Diplomatic and consular relations between the contracting parties will be resumed immediately upon the ratification of the treaty of peace. As regards the reciprocal admission of consuls, separate agreements are reserved.

Article XI.
As regards the economic relations between the Powers of the Quadruple Alliance and Great Britain, the regulations contained in Appendices II-IV are determinative.

Article XII.
The reestablishment of public and private legal relations, the exchange of war prisoners and interned citizens, the question of amnesty as well as the question anent the treatment of merchant ships which have come into the power of the opponent, will be regulated in separate treaties with Great Britain, which form an essential part of the general treaty of peace, and, as far as possible, go into force simultaneously with the latter.

Article XIII.
In the interpretation of this treaty, the German and English texts are authoritative for the relations between Germany and Great Britain. For Bulgaria the Bulgarian text, for Turkey the Turkish text and for Austro-Hungaria the German and Hungarian texts will fulfil the role that the German text has for Germany in the first sentence.

Article XIV.
The present treaty of peace will be ratified. The documents of ratification shall, as soon as possible, be exchanged in Istanbul. The British Government obligates itself, upon the desire of the powers of the Quadruple Alliance, to execute the exchange of the documents of ratification within a period of two weeks. Unless otherwise provided for in its articles, in its annexes, or in the additional treaties, the treaty of peace enters into force at the moment of its ratification.

In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty with their own hand.

Executed in quintuplicate at Copenhagen, August 11th, 1918.

Making Money


When the Japanese ambassador to Denmark, Count Maeda Jikiro, received an invitation to have breakfast with the German foreign minister at the German embassy in Copenhagen on August 3rd, 1918, he immediately cabled to Tokyo and asked for instructions.

Richard von Kühlmann received Maeda with exquisite courtesy. While they talked about general matters and the murder of the Russian Tsar during the breakfast, Kühlmann approached his subject when they lighted the cigars.
“Well, Count Maeda, you certainly know that we are holding peace talks with the British here at Copenhagen. – Now, our countries are still at war with each other. Shouldn’t we try to end this?”
“We should always try to achieve a peaceful co-existence – if not friendship – between our nations, Herr von Kühlmann. My government would also be interested in ending the state of war.”
“You hold occupied our colonies, the Northern Marianas, the Carolinas, Paulau, and our naval base at Kiautschou.”
“The wish to have them back is understandable.”
“Well, we might consider to sell them to you…”
Maeda’s eyes went wide.
“Really? – Let me hear your price!”
Kühlmann named a sum.
“I will have to transmit this to my government.”
“Certainly. – Tell them that we also might consider to soon offer German New Guinea, the Marshall Islands, Nauru and West Samoa to the highest bidder.”

It was a very agitated Count Maeda that rode back to the Japanese embassy, already drafting the text of a very urgent and very secret telegram to Tokyo.

Going Home


General Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg was the man who had won the war, at least in the mind of most Germans. Only few insiders really knew how things had happened and that Hindenburg’s fame really was based on the performance of Generals Erich Ludendorff and Max Hoffmann and the initiative of men like Colonel Max Bauer. For the broad public, Hindenburg was the saviour of East Prussia and the victor over Russia, England and France.
Having received a considerable estate in East Prussia and a huge monetary dotation, the old man now went back into retirement, from which he had appeared in 1914.
On August 7th, in Berlin there was a huge parade and an immense cheering crowd when he left, and in Hanover a huge parade and an immense cheering crowd when he arrived. He was a living legend, a man as least as big as Otto von Bismarck – if not the greatest German that ever lived…
Compared to Hindenburg, Kaiser Wilhelm II. had become a trivial and marginal figure. No crowd had cheered when he had arrived in Berlin. If anything, the war had shown the Germans how redundant their princes and princelings were – and how little they were able or willing to influence things.

In Berlin, in the red brick building at the Königsplatz that traditionally housed the German Great General Staff, General Erich Ludendorff now worked in the room, which before him had served as study for the brilliant elder Moltke, the genial Count Schlieffen and the unlucky younger Moltke.
Demobilisation was almost complete now, but this was the responsibility of the war minister, General Hermann von Stein, not that of the Chief of the GGS. Ludendorff’s interest was turned on the east, where things still were in abeyance. Neither the Polish question had yet been resolved, nor the issues about Lithuania, the Baltic territories and Finland.
The Ukraine had developed into a true witch’s cauldron. At Kiev, Field Marshal Hermann von Eichhorn and his chief of staff, General Wilhelm Groener, were doing everything to control the situation. They had replaced the unreliable Central Rada by a government led by Ataman Pavlo Skoropadsky and were fighting the Machno bandits with their volunteer units that had replaced the demobilised Army Group Eichhorn.
Further east, the counter revolutionary forces – now openly supported by a Germany that had severed all ties with the Bolsheviks – made slow progress. But that did not worry Ludendorff, a long civil war would further weaken Russia…
To the south east, things were not going well either. The double monarchy was on the verge of breaking up. Kaiser Karl I. proved unable to achieve cooperation of the nationalities in Cisleithania and the Hungarians were now distinctly manoeuvring for an independent Hungarian Empire. – The Hungarian Empire didn’t bother Ludendorff, he always had favoured the stout Hungarians over the floppy Austrians, but the expected turmoil in Cisleithania did. Plans for an intervention had to be developed.

At Wünsdorf, to the south of Berlin, Vizefeldwebel der Reserve Hermann Schultz handed over the battle proven Kanobil “Dagmar” to a young Unteroffizier who yearningly looked at Schultz’ Iron Crosses 1st and 2nd class. Schultz was the last of the “Dagmar” crew to leave service. The others had already gone home, and now it was his time. He looked forward to return to his home town of Thorn and to resume his business as carpenter. It was also time to find a decent wife and found a family. There was a pretty Polish girl in the neighbourhood that already had caught his eyes during the last home leave…
Wünsdorf had been chosen as home of the 7th Kanobils, the 8th were also here, together forming the 4th Kanobil Regiment now. New barracks for them were already under construction. Until their completion, the regiment was housed in the old PoW camp. Just another reason why Schultz was glad to go home.

At Posen, Colonel Max Bauer, decorated with the coveted Pour-le-Merit, was taking over command of the 5th Heavy Artillery Regiment, as the old foot artillery was called now. He regretted to be unable to provide further counsel to General Ludendorff, but becoming a regimental commander was an important step in one’s career. And in one or two years he would return to the GGS…

At Friedrichsfeld near Wesel, Major Willy Rohr watched his men pass the obstacle course. He was glad that the assault battalions finally had been incorporated into the budget. Initially, the idea had been to dissolve them on demobilisation. But that would have meant that all the experience and expertise would be lost. With considerable help from Colonel Bauer and General Ludendorff, Rohr had managed to get one assault battalion per army into the budget.
They had 45 former Naschobils turned into mechanised assault infantry carriers and were experimenting in armoured assault together with the 7th Kanobil Regiment.
His war time soldiers had now all gone home, except the career NCOs and some officers. The new recruits were in no good shape, two years of hunger and depletion had left their mark. It would take some time to cocker them up and form them into an efficient force.

A Meeting in the Night


On Monday, August 12th, 1918, at 22:00 hours, the leaders of Zentrum, FVP and SPD met at the Imperial Chancellery in Berlin.
75 years old Chancellor Georg von Hertling, himself a member of the Zentrum, sat cushioned in an armchair, covered by a blanket – despite the warmth – and occasionally falling asleep. The other Zentrum men were Matthias Erzberger, Felix Porsch and Konstantin Fehrenbach. The FVP was represented by Friedrich Naumann, Friedrich von Payer and Ludwig Quidde, while Friedrich Ebert, Philipp Scheidemann and Eduard David spoke for the SPD.
They all agreed that on the first session of the new Reichstag on August 21st they would elect the leader of the largest parliamentary party, Friedrich Ebert, as new chancellor.
If Kaiser Wilhelm II. admitted this election, the constitution could be changed accordingly. However, it was almost certain they he would not accept it.
“I will step down on August 21st.” declared Hertling. “But the Kaiser can nominate someone else, you know that.”
They knew. Their answer was: General Strike.
“The Kaiser may use the military!”
“He certainly will order them to suppress the strike” said Erzberger. “The question is: Will they obey?”
“You know our officers and generals.”
“Yes, I know that those will obey. – No, I’m talking about the average soldier. – We have in service the age-groups 1898, 1899 and 1900. The 98er and 99er have all been in the war, as have some of the 1900er. – I doubt that they will shoot on the own population, their relatives and friends. Those 1900er that have not seen the war are too fresh and not yet completely trained.”
“Let us hope, your right, Herr Erzberger.”
“We must take the risk, these antiquated structures of a personal monarchy have proven to be inadequate. – What did the Kaiser do during the war? Battlefield tourism – no, not battlefield, that was too dangerous – rear area tourism, he and all lesser princes indulged in it. Has he led us? Did he make great decisions? Did he choose the right persons? – Undecided Bethmann, incompetent Moltke Junior, the Butcher Falkenhayn… No democratic process of filling top positions can be so catastrophic as Wilhelm’s personnel decisions!”
“What about Hindenburg and Ludendorff?”
“Forced upon him by Bethmann, his wife and some others. – He didn’t want them, was jealous of their popularity.”
“Okay, once we’re on strike, what shall we demand?” asked Scheidemann.
“Change of the Prussian franchise to Reichstags standard. Election of the Imperial Chancellor by the Reichstag. Election of the Prussian prime minister by the Prussian Landtag. The end of Wilhelm’s personal personnel cabinets.”
“But we must keep the Kaiser. Remove him from power, but keep him in position” remarked von Payer. “We need him and the other sovereigns to keep the military in the boat.”
“Well, Ludendorff might continue without him. The two of them are no friends. – But you’re right, for most officers he is the core of their loyalty.”

“Can we already decide who gets which position?”
“Must we?”
“Better to have a plan than being surprised…”
They quickly agreed that Richard von Kühlmann should remain as foreign minister and von Payer as minister of the interior. Erzberger would become the finance minister.
But who should become war minister?
Traditionally, a military had had that position. Was there a general that would accept such a position in a parliamentary government?
“Perhaps Groener” proposed Scheidemann.
“Perhaps, but he’s no senior to Ludendorff. – What about his current boss, Eichhorn?”
“A true Prussian general of the old school, yet very educated. – Certainly better than the ultra monarchists Hindenburg or Mackensen. – Well, let’s ask him. If he says no, we still can ask Groener.”

A Tempest of Change


The second half of August 1918 would later become known as the “Fortnight of Revolution”.

On August 16th, Gabriele D’Annunzio, a man of letters and politics and an ardent nationalist, led a raiding party of 2,500 so-called “Arditi” into occupied Venetia. His hope was that the population would rise in support of his action and oust the Austrian occupants. The Austrians he considered incapable of action because of the ongoing strife of the nationalities that paralysed public life.
But while Cisleithania in fact was paralysed, the Austrian occupation army in Venetia was not. Field Marshal Count Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf, the commanding officer on the Italian front, had quite distinct ideas how to deal with armed Italian intruders.
D’Annunzio and quite a sizeable portion of his followers were killed in the ensuing fight. In pursuit of the bolting remainder of the Arditi, the Austrians entered Italian territory and showed little respect for life and property of uninvolved Italians.
Although the Austrians voluntarily withdrew after two days of rather indiscriminate killing and looting, the events led to socialist revolution in Italy. In Northern Italy and Rome armed workers dominated the streets. Giovanni Giolitti’s cabinet fled to Naples, then on to Palermo when the revolution spread southwards. In Milano, a provisory socialist government was established by Filippo Turati, Amadeo Bordiga and Palmiro Togliatti. They claimed that right wing irredentist machinations had caused the tragic Austrian invasion and promised peace, social justice and an end to the misery caused by the nationalists and irredentists, which had driven Italy into the war.

On August 18th, Hungarian Prime Minister Sándor Wekerle declared that Hungary would not renew the union with Austria. Emperor Karl was welcome to continue his reign as King IV. Károly of Hungary if he resigned all titles in Cisleithania. Hungary annexed Dalmatia and added it to Croatia. Bosnia, Montenegro and Hungarian Serbia were now under joint Hungaro-Croatian administration.

On the same day, the Dáil Éireaan in Dublin declared Irish independence, the constitution of the Irish Republic and the establishment of the Irish Republican Army. After this declaration, the Irish parliament went underground as the British government showed no inclination of recognising the Irish Republic. The Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Field Marshal Viscount John French, the suppressor of the 1916 uprising, alerted the British military and police in Ireland and tasked them to arrest those members of the Dáil Éireaan not yet in jail.

On August 20th, the Czechs in Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia declared their independence from Austria. A provisory Czech National Assembly based on the Czech representatives of the three Landtage installed a provisory government led by Karel Kramář, whom Emperor Karl had released from prison in 1917. To their displeasure, only the Russian Bolsheviks cared to recognise the new Czech state.
In response, the Germans in the three provinces, a strong minority of 3.2 million people (and in Silesia a majority over the Czechs) compared to 6.2 million Czechs, organised their own assembly, the German Convent at Eger, which did not recognise Czech independence from Austria.
In Prague, bloody street fighting began between Czech and German militias, while the former mixed units of the Austrian Army in the provinces fell apart, each nationality joining its side.

On August 21st, the Reichstag at Berlin met for its first session after the elections.
After the ceremonial opening, Chancellor Hertling resigned and Friedrich Ebert was elected new Imperial Chancellor.
Kaiser Wilhelm II. – by chance in Berlin – immediately rejected this election. Under the constitution of the German Empire it was his privilege to appoint the chancellor. The election was illegal and he would not accept it. He called upon Hertling to resume his office, which the old man declined in a public declaration.
At 18:00 hours, the joint committee of SPD, Zentrum and FVP proclaimed that a general strike would commence the next morning at 8 o’clock. Special edition newspapers explained the aims of the strike.
At 19:00 hours, Kaiser Wilhelm II. tasked Generals von Stein and Ludendorff with the suppression of the general strike in Berlin and the corps commanders all over Prussia to do the same thing in their areas of responsibility.

On the same day, a peace treaty was signed between Bulgaria and the Greek Kingdom, which the Greek Republic did not recognise. Bulgaria acquired Salonika and Southern Macedonia. The northern border of Greece now ran from the southern end of Lake Prespa to the Gulf of Salonika south of the town.

The Tempest Proceeds

In the morning of August 22nd, 1918, strike pickets went into position all over Germany. During the night, Generals Ludendorff and von Stein had convinced Kaiser Wilhelm II. that they were not in a position to command the troops in and around Berlin. The Kaiser had consequently given order to suppress the strike to Prince Eitel Friedrich, his second oldest son and recently appointed commander of the Gardekorps.
The guards units were comprised of hand picked able bodied young men from all over Prussia. They had no special affiliation to Berlin and neither friends nor relatives in town.
It took Eitel Friedrich some time to get the moves of his corps coordinated and only around noon did the first units move out of their barracks in Potsdam and Berlin.

Also on August 22nd, around 10 o’clock in the morning, did General Maercker‘s Kaukasus Division strike on Baku. The Bolsheviks knew that they didn’t have the slightest chance against the Germans. Thus they had evacuated the town during the night and the Germans could march in completely unmolested. The population seemed friendly and even welcoming.
Maercker was rather pleased. The Turkish army under Nuri Pasha was still bogged way down southeast by incessant guerilla attacks of Armenian rebells. His specialists were already at work and investigated the possibilities to resume oil production. If things went according to plan one could ship some millions of barrels to Germany before the Turks even arrived.

On the Arabian peninsula, the indomitable General Mustafa Kemal Pasha, hero of Gelibolu, started his campaign to pacify the rebellious Arab tribes. He thought this might take him some time but he had no doubt that he would succeed. These people would either submit to him or die. He knew his Turkish soldiers, under his leadership they were invincible. And now that the English were gone, his aeroplanes could scout on the Arabs without any risk.

Still in the morning of August 22nd, Field Marschal Viscount John French’s car was ambushed by IRA fighters when driving from Dublin Castle to the officers‘ mess. The ambush turned out to be a plain success. French was killed by twelve bullets, his driver and his aid de camp died with him. The second car managed to ecape with one dead and two wounded police constablers.

In Central Russia, the Czech Legion changed sides. The news of Czech independence had reached them very quickly. The Bolsheviks offered them free passage to Poland if they helped crush Yudenich’s nascent force. This was the only way to arrive early enough in Czechia to be of help.

In Prague, the Czechs made the unwelcome experience that the Jews were siding with the Germans. The Jews felt no propinquity with Czech nationalism and would be happy to remain a peaceful part of a German dominated society. They did not join the fighting but gave unrestricted non-combatant support to the Germans.
The fighting remained low intensity all through the day, in some places even local armistices came in effect. Both sides were still lacking general direction and operational guidance.

Heavy Gales

In the early afternoon of August 22nd the Garde Korps deployed into the Berlin and Potsdam streets. It soon became apparent that the population solidarised with the strikers. And while the guards soldiers did not openly solidarise with the population, they almost all refused to use force against unarmed civilians, women and children.
There was one case, where a NCO fired into a crowd with his rifle, only to be shot by the men of his platoon. In other cases, officers and NCOs ready to use force were struck down or „immobilised“ by their subordinates. In front of the Siemens plant, a platoon did get into a kind of brawl and opened fire, but then, seeing women being hurt, stopped and started to provide first aid.
Everywhere, the populace would approach the soldiers and tell them not to fight against their fellow Germans. Many war veterans among the protesters would show off their decorations. The strikers and protesters remained absolutely peaceful, following the instructions distributed by trade unions, SPD, Zentrum and FVP. Attempts of USPD adherers to create a „revolutionary situation“ remained generally ineffective.

At 17:15 hours, General Prince Eitel Friedrich ordered his regiments back to their barracks. At 18:30 hours he arrived at the New Palace in Potsdam, to which location his father had „retreated“ during the night. He was not a man to hold back in front of the Kaiser. After all, he really had been in the war. His personal braveness was proven. And that was more than could be said of his father or his elder brother, the Crown Prince.
„Forget it. – The army does no longer follow your orders. If my guards units refuse to crush the strikers, I can imagine that in other corps districts units will have gone over to the protesters.“
But because of the strike, there was no rail traffic, no telegram service and only those newspapers that the strikers did want to be released. So, the imperial court was rather uninformed about the general situation. What was known now was that the guards corps had failed in Berlin and Potsdam. That meant loss of control over the core of Prussia and Germany.
The Crown Prince, who was also present, said something about not giving up. The forces loyal to the crown and the traditional order might still gather.
„Rubbish!“ exclaimed Eitel Friedrich. „I’ve seen them in the streets, solidarising with the strikers. – And those I’ve not seen were the ones speaking for the old order.“
„Come what may,“ insisted Wilhelm II. „I will not accept this socialist chancellor, never!“
„Then it may happen that this chancellor, who has at least 75% of the German population behind him, tells you to relocate to some nice cosy place in exile! – What do you think which percentage of Germans still backs you? Three percent or as many as five?“
The Kaiser was obviously shocked.
„Father, be glad that they have not yet opted for a republic. They still want to keep you as emperor, only in a constitutional monarchy – like in Britain. Would that really be so bad?“

In France, people were watching events in Europe with disbelief. Revolution in Germany? Austria-Hungary breaking apart? Revolution in Italy? Civil war in Great Britain and Ireland?
Well, the Germans had meticulously conducted their redeployment to Germany and now were all gone. Some tens of thousands of Americans were still around, but their numbers were becoming smaller by the day.
France had suffered considerably: 1.5 million soldiers and civilians dead, 4.1 million wounded, mutilated, maimed. And a population that was decreasing, and had already been so before the war.
31 billion Francs war debts abroad, total cost of the war 177 billion Francs, thereof 80% financed by war bonds.
So far, the Clemenceau government was still in office, but the calls for new elections grew louder every day.
Georges Clemenceau himself still was wondering about the Treaty of Eindhoven. He knew what he would have demanded from a vanquished Germany. And the victorious Germans? The Lorraine minettes for some years, some minor pieces of colonial estate, that was all. Unbelievable! No reparations, no annexations, no restrictions... What did these arrogant Germans think they were?
But of course they did not have 20.000 destroyed factories, 812,000 destroyed houses, 54,000 kilometres of destroyed roads, 120,000 hectares of devastated territory...
And Alsace-Lorraine was their’s still.
Georges Clemenceau was not prone to tears, but thinking about this damned war and its results he felt a mighty urge to kick someone’s butt.
There had been a strange flu in late June and early July, apparently gone thereafter. People thought the Americans had brought it over. Now, a new outbreak of flu, said to be worse than the earlier one, had been reported from Brest, where there still were many Americans.
They really haven’t helped us in the war, now they infest us with their diseases, thought Clemenceau. If they only would abate our debts...

In a first official statement, the British Prime Minister condemned the assassination of Viscount French at 18:00 hours on August 22nd. Britain would never back down opposite murderers and other criminals. The Irish Revolutionary Parliament was illegal. Ireland would remain an integral part of the Empire.

On the same day at Vienna, the German deputies of the various Cisleithanian parliaments constituted the „National Convent of the German Austrians“. After six hours of debating, a decision was made with 68% majority: German Austria would request admission to the German Empire.

In the Eye of the Storm

In the evening of August 22nd, 1918, the Joint Committee of SPD, Zentrum and FVP could establish that the general strike was an overall success.
Nowhere in Prussia had the army succeeded in suppressing the strike. While in Berlin and Potsdam the guards corps had been withdrawn to its barracks after the soldiers proved unable – or unwilling? – the remove the strike pickets, in most other Prussian army corps districts the troops had openly fraternised with the strikers. A number of officers and NCOs had been shot, far more had been „isolated“. General opinion of the populace was favourable to the strike. A vast majority of Germans believed that the old system no longer was acceptable. When the whole population was required to fight a war, then the whole population should also decide – and not only some few privileged conservative heraditary holders of offices.
In most other states, the military had remained in their barracks. In Bavaria, Saxony, Baden, Württemberg, Hessen and the Hanse towns no attempt had been made at all to suppress the strike. Some of the minor states had sent out police officers who had achieved nothing.
In Prussian Saxony and adjacent West Saxony, where the USPD had won the 17 seats they held in the Reichstag, the independend socialists had tried to take over control of the strike. This had been spoiled by the trade unions, which succintly followed the SPD course and had no interest in radicalising the strike.
The trade unions, by the way, had done a great job in conducting a strike that paralysed public life but did not imperil food supply to the population. They really had become professional during the war.

In Venetia in Austrian occupied Italy, first elements of the Austrian Army in Italy started to board the trains for the journey to Bohemia and Moravia in the evening of August 22nd. Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf had purged his army from all Slavic elements. The regiments now consisted of Germans only, reliable Tyrolians, Austrians, Styrians and Carinthians. Conrad had decided on his own that his army was more useful in Moravia and Bohemia than in Venetia. His excellent connections as former chief of staff of the Austro-Hungarian Army ensured that trains and supplies were provided as required.
His army was three corps strong, 8 divisions in total. He would need four days to get them to Brünn, Budweis and Eger respectively. Munich had already signalised that the Eger Corps could transit Bavaria, the general strike in Germany would not impede this rail move. The trade unions had agreed to do everything to make it possible in minimum time.
It was unbelievable... Conrad was struggling with the concept that socialists also might be patriots.

At about the same time, the first elements of the Czech Legion at Cheliabinsk and Yekaterinburg boarded the trains that would bring them to Petrograd.
The Bolsheviks had won a strong ally with these Czechs – and now no sizeable White force remained that could hinder Bolshevik spread to the east and southeast...

At Vienna, Empress Zita had finally talked her husband into accepting the Hungarian offer. He could be the independent king of a greater Hungary or a minor king or arch duke of some minor state in the German Empire. Was there any other reasonable alternative?

In Athens, at 22:30 hours, an assassin attacked King Konstantin I and his wife. Two shots hit the King when a left the opera, a third bullet hit Queen Sophia. Konstantin was severely wounded and hurriedly evacuated to the military hospital. Sophia, a sister of Kaiser Wilhelm II., was only scratched by the projectile. Enraged, she assumed regency und swore revenge to the Greek Republic and it’s founder, Venizelos.

In the Line of Fire

In the morning of August 23rd, 1918, an eerie discovery startled the Czechs in Prague. A mass grave had been discovered in a wood northwest of the city, containing the bodies of 13 woman and 28 children, all identified as Czechs.
Who other than the Germans could be responsible for this?
The combats now assumed a tougher pace when Czech hotheads „in revenge“ indiscriminately shot unarmed Germans and Jews. This, in turn, caused German hotheads to lay fire to Czech houses and then to snipe on the Czech fire brigades.
Until noon the fighting had reached an intensity that convinced a great number of citizens to leave Prague. Subsequently, columns of German refugees moved north or north-west and Czechs columns headed south or south-east, while fires raged in many quarters of the town.
Fighting was now also reported to have started in Pilsen, Budweis and Brünn.

On the same morning, at Agram, a meeting took place between Hungarian and Croat leaders. Gyula Count Andrássy Junior, the designated interior minister of Great Hungary, explained how the Hungarians intended to run business in the Southern Slav regions.
„We trust in you, my friends,“ he addressed the Croats, „to rule over the Serbs and Montenegrins. You speak their language. You can penetrate their secret circles. – We do not object to a Croatia that comprises Bosnia, Montenegro and our part of Serbia. We also do not mind when you rule them with a heavy hand, if need be. We also agree if you enlist the Bosniaks to help you.“

At Athens, the condition of King Konstantin was reported serious but stable. Queen Sophia confered with Prime Minister Spyridon Lambros how to crack down on the followers of Venizelos.
„We need allies in this struggle. Not the Germans, not the Turks. I bear in mind the British. They have what we need: Ships. And we can offer them more than Venizelos can on his miserable island. Try to get us a compact with the Brits. – And, dear Spyridon, have the police and the secret service purged from all Venizelos‘ men.“

In Paris, the authorities now had established that the new flu, which had broken out in the Brest area, was also reported from Sierra Leone and Boston in the USA. They decided to name it „La Grippe Americaine“ – American Flu, and to try to shut off the infected zone.

In Vilnius, designated capital of the Lithuanian state, the Council of Lithuania finally decided not to ask for a German prince. Following the German victory in the west, the pressure on Lithuania to become a German puppet kingdom had been strong. However, following advice by Matthias Erzberger, the Lithuanians had prevaricated successfully. With the general strike going on in Germany they hoped for a democratic Germany that would allow them to become a fully independent state and a democracy, which was what they desired.

Nikolai Nikolayevich Yudenich had been one of the most successful generals of Tsarist Russia, having defeated not only Enver Pasha but also Mustafa Kemal on the Caucasus Front.
Since two months he was in Estonia and Livonia, organising an army that he intended to lead to St.Petersburg (he had never adapted to use „Petrograd“) and thereafter to Moscow, destroying the Bolsheviks wherever he met them. He hoped that the Tsar’s family was still alive so that the monarchy could be restored.
Now he learned that the Czech Legion had changed sides and had been charged with eliminating his army. News travelled fast in Russia, where individuals and units often changed sides and wandered between the fronts.
His army was not yet ready, Yudenich knew. Better to retreat to Courland and build a defensive line behind the Dvina...

The Kaiser caves in


Until noon of August 23rd, various messengers had arrived at Potsdam by car. The picture of the situation was devastating: The conduct of the Gardekorps had in deed been commendable. Everywhere else, the units sent out had gone over to the strikers.
Pressure on Wilhelm II. was mounting. Now his wife, Auguste Viktoria, Crown Prince Wilhelm and Prince Eitel Friedrich tried to talk him into accepting the conditions of the majority parties – before these changed their mind and went for a German republic…
Only the chief of the Kaiser’s civilian cabinet, Friedrich von Berg, spoke of refusal. But even he could offer no other way out.
At 12:30 hours, General Ludendorff arrived. He had no better information about the conduct of the army than the one already known. But he had serious concerns about the situation in Bohemia and Estonia.
“Your Majesty, you know that I’ve called our army a militia, already some months ago. Now this has been proven as a fact. They may still be good against an external enemy, but they are useless against the own population. This may change over time when discipline can be restored to pre-war standards, but for the next few months we’ll have to accept it as it is.
Nevertheless, we will soon need the army and the rail network. The situation in Bohemia and Moravia is deteriorating. Fighting spreads all over the country. We may soon be forced to intervene.
And the Czech Legion has changed sides, they’re fighting for the Bolsheviks now, which have given them the task to destroy the White forces in Estonia. After that – or even before that, if the situation in Bohemia escalates – the Czechs may try to force passage through Poland in order to support their compatriots.
Now, Estonia and Poland belong to our sphere of influence. We cannot tolerate a Bolshevik or otherwise hostile force there.
We need a functional army and railway. The strike must end.”
“But that would mean that I yield to these insolent demands!”
“Your Majesty, as far as I can see, you will remain nominal Commander-in-Chief of army and navy, as before. You never had direct command of the army, as you well know. You now may lose your privilege of direct intervention in naval warfare. – So what?
You will remain head of state in Germany and Prussia, but you will lose the prerogative of selecting the main players. I think that would be good. Let’s face it, your choices were miserable: Bülow, Bethmann, Michaelis, Hertling, Moltke, Falkenhayn, Ingenohl, Pohl… Should I continue? – And what’s more, once you had chosen an individual, there was no way how you ever could control his actions.”
Wilhelm was staring at Ludendorff in plain consternation. He could accept a lot of truth and a lot of criticism in a tête-à-tête conversation. Ludendorff knew this.
“Your Majesty, I’m no friend of the socialists, but they have loyally supported the war effort, as have done the Zentrum and the FVP. They will form a strong government. And a strong government is what Germany needs right now. We’ve won the war, we must win the peace now.
You can remain Emperor of a strong united German Empire and King of Prussia – or you can become a ruler in exile, once they lose patience and declare republic.”
With this, Ludendorff saluted and left.

On August 23rd, 1918, at 15:15 hours, Kaiser Wilhelm II. formally accepted the concepts of the Reichstags majority and appointed Friedrich Ebert as Imperial Chancellor and interim Prime Minister of Prussia, until the constitution had been changed according to said concepts.

On August 23rd, 1918, at 16:00 hours, the Joint Committee declared the end of the general strike in Germany.

Transit


General Jan Syrový, the commander of the Czech Legion in Russia, was driven by inner unrest. His deal with the Bolsheviks had given them control over the Trans-Siberian Railway up to Vladivostok in exchange for transit to the west. So far, so good.
But his objective was not to fight a bloody battle with the Whites that threatened Petrograd. His forces were needed at home. News of the fray in Prague had already reached him. And he had no illusions about the German stance regarding Czech independence.
It would take weeks to assemble his men – at present strung out in hundreds of trains between Chelyabinsk and Vladivostok – in the triangle Petrograd – Novgorod – Narva. He doubted that Czechia could wait that long. But there was no other way.
“Find out” he tasked his staff, “how we can best move from Novgorod to Minsk and from there to Czechia. Take into account that we will have to fight the Bolsheviks in Russia and the Germans in Poland. We must become a moving and fighting camp! – And keep the planning secret! The Bolsheviks must not know about it!”

In the afternoon of August 23rd, 1918, the first units of General Conrad’s army arrived at Budweis and Brünn. This was a major boost for Austro-German morale and a severe setback for Czech aspirations.
At 17:00 hours at Vienna, the National Convent of the German Austrians sent an open address to Berlin asking formally for acceptance of German Austria into the German Empire.

At 18:00 these news reached Rome, where envoys of Giolitti’s government were engaged in secret parleys with representatives of the revolutionary socialist government.
The Italians were deeply agitated by this development. They knew that the Germans had no interest in Venetia and that only Austro-Hungarian pressure had led to the occupation of the province. Now, Hungary had no interest in Venetia either. May be one could re-negotiate the Treaty of Zürich? But better to speak with only one tongue in these negotiations…

At about the same time, the French authorities had to realise that their attempt to insulate the disease had failed. The American Flu was now also reported from Bordeaux, Le Mans and Rouen. With more than 2,000 people already dead they decided to declare national emergency.

The news of the Austro-German address to Berlin did also incite Emperor Karl I. to turn to the public. At 19:30 he issued a statement to the press, announcing his decision to abdicate as Austro-Hungarian Emperor, King of Bohemia and Arch Duke of Austria – and his intention to remain King of Hungary and Croatia.

Little Causes, Big Impacts


In the early morning of August 24th, 1918, a fire broke out in Essad Pasha Toptani’s house in Tirana, Albania. When the strong man of Albania and his family hastily evacuated the burning edifice, a gunman, who managed to escape unidentified, shot Essad Pasha.
As Essad had many enemies, his family and his followers had no clue who might be responsible for the assassination.

On the same day, in Ireland, in the County Tipperary, the dead bodies of three officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary were discovered. In the evening, in front of the barracks of the Royal Irish Constabulary at Limerick a bomb exploded, killing two innocent pedestrians and causing major damage to the building, but leaving all constables unharmed, except for some torn eardrums.

In London, General Sir Herbert Plumer was appointed new Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Prime Minister Bonar Law asserted him that five regular army divisions would be at his disposal, should he deem their use necessary. There was absolutely no reason to accept the ideas of the Irish separatists. Ireland would remain a part of the empire.

In Posen in Germany, a very angry Colonel Max Bauer disbanded the Freikorps, which he had formed from loyal soldiers of the garrison. Now that the Kaiser had caved in and the general strike had ended, the voluntary formation was no longer needed. However, Bauer kept a list of all names of his Freikorps. You never know…

In Copenhagen, Japanese ambassador Maeda received a telephone call from his German collegue, Count Ulrich von Brockdorf-Rantzau.
“Dear Jikiro, my boss is on his way. – What would be a suitable time and proper place for you to sign the treaty?”

In Sortavala in Finland, on the north shore of Lake Ladoga, the first train of the volunteer “East Karelia Force” arrived. Lieutenant Kurt Martti Wallenius and his German trained „Jäger” formed the core of this first trainload.
Their job was now to prepare quarters for the rest of the unit.
Wallenius was confident, he had seen the armoured trains that were currently put together in Vyborg. One would use the tactics that the Germans had employed against the Bolsheviks in February and March: Advance by railway.
But one also had to take care of “Reds” before that, there still were some bands around in the area. They had to be eliminated before they had opportunity to report about the East Karelia Force to the Russian Bolsheviks.

Trotsky at Work


Lev Davidovich Bronstein, better known as Leon Trotsky, People’s Commissar for Army and Navy Affairs, was not at all surprised when he learned about the planned desertion of the Czech Legion. He never had expected that the Legion would fight for the Bolsheviks. The Czechs had handed over the Trans-Siberian Railway to the Bolsheviks, that was what counted and why he had supported their initial change of sides. Now, they were about to concentrate their units south of Petrograd. His spies told him that Syrový had given order to plan a march to Czechia via Minsk and through Poland. Trotsky had no intention to try to stop them. The Czechs were too strong for the fledgling Red Army anyway, and when they clashed with the Germans that was something to Trotsky’s liking.
The Czechs had another welcome effect: Yudenich was withdrawing from Estonia and Livonia. So, that piece of real estate would become eligible for bolshevikation soon. Best to install an “Independent” Estonian People’s “Republic”. That would spoil the German ideas about a United Baltic Duchy a little bit. Once the Czechs were on the move, the Red Latvian Riflemen could be inserted against Yudenich who was relocating to Courland. One could use the Red Latvian Rifles and the Latvians in Livonia to establish an “Independent” Latvian People’s “Republic”, then the Germans could bury their idea of a Baltic puppet state.

That the Fins were about to invade what they called East Karelia could not be helped. The Bolsheviks had no supplies to expect via Murmansk. One could deal with the Fins later. Better they were kept busy in East Karelia than they got interested in attacking Petrograd.

With the threat of the Czechs and Yudenich removed, the Red Army now had the opportunity to deal with Alekseev and Denikin.
The Germans in Poland and the Ukraine had a defensive stance, they would not attack – or at least not before receiving sizeable reinforcements.
The Germans in Georgia and Azerbaijan were quite a nuisance, Trotsky hoped they would clash with the Turkish Army of Islam. To his knowledge, Enver had composed this force without any German participation and with the possibility in mind to use them against the Germans, if need be. But that stupid Turkish general was still bogged down in Armenia and didn’t move, while the Germans had the railway from Poti to the Caspian Sea running and were shipping oil out of Poti like crazy.
The Germans in the Caucasus could provide a solid base for Alekseev and Denikin to fall back, that had to be kept in mind. The Red Army was not yet capable of tackling the Germans. Trotsky didn’t know this General Maercker, but he seemed to be a vigorous character.
He knew General Hoffmann, however, who had been tasked to coordinate the German effort against the Bolsheviks. He had learned to respect that sottish fellow at Brest-Litovsk. Hoffmann was not to be underestimated as a soldier. He was perhaps the best operational head the Germans had. But he was no politician…

In Germany, a kind of revolution seemed to have happened. The social democrats were now ruling together with the papists and the progressives. Perhaps Georgy Chicherin could talk them into a more accepting mood towards Soviet Russia. – But that was outside of Trotsky’s reach…

He grabbed the telephone. “Ephraim, can you come here? – We’ve got to plan a campaign against Alekseev and Denikin.”

The Treaty of Elsinor


To avoid confusion with the Treaty of Copenhagen, the German-Japanese Peace Treaty was signed at Kronborg Castle at Elsinore on August 28th, 1918.
Japan at first had been quite reluctant to pay for territory that she had already conquered. Only the German hint that the High Seas Fleet was now – after peace had been concluded with Great Britain – rather unoccupied and that many Japanese cities lay close to the sea had finally led to a change in attitude.
The Germans had supplied coal for the Russian fleet travelling from the Baltic to the Chinese Sea in 1905, they certainly would be capable of supplying coal for the High Seas Fleet as well. The Japanese fleet had only four dreadnoughts and four modern battlecruisers to oppose nineteen German dreadnoughts and five battlecruisers.
These considerations soon brought about a more postive stance regarding the purchase of the German territories.

Japan reimbursed Germany for the infrastructure of the naval base and the city of Kiautchou with 50 million $.
Japan paid another 150 million $ for the right to take over Germany’s role in the lease agreement with China.
Japan bought the German Carolinas, Marianas, Palau Islands and Marshall Islands for 3.8 billion $.

Germany and Japan were at peace now. The Japanese also revoked the declaration of war they had issued to Austria-Hungary in 1914.

Matthias Erzberger, the new German minister of finance, is said to have remarked that this was the first time that any of the German colonies had produced something like profit.

A Greater Germany?


The request of the Austrian Germans for admission into the German Empire meant the fulfilment of the dreams of several generations of Germans and Austrians. But not everywhere was this request met with joy.

The Germans already had severe problems with the 3.5 million Poles in Germany, they had no wish to add 6.2 million Czechs to the empire. Seperating Germans and Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia was almost impossible without committing acts of violence.

The Austrian Germans were all catholic, they would turn the inner-German balance of confessions into a catholic preponderance.

That also meant that the SPD would gain less voters than the Zentrum. Although the Austrian Social Democratic Worker’s Party, the equivalent of the SPD, had been the strongest parliamentary group in the Reichsrat, the equivalent of the German Reichstag, before the war it was clear to the SPD leaders that the Zentrum would attract more voters in the less industrialised Austro-German states.

It was therefore with mixed feelings that Friedrich Ebert’s cabinet met on August 28th. The foreign minister was absent, signing the Treaty of Elsinore.
As could be expected, vice chancellor Erzberger was completely in favour of accepting the request.
But discussion soon reveiled that a solution would not be easy to be found.
The SPD ministers were ready to accept that the Zentrum might gain more voters from the annexation. But the Czech problem had to solved.
The FVP ministers were of the same opinion.
Only Konstantin Fehrenbach, the minister for economy, and Felix Porsch, the post minster, the two other Zentrums representatives, backed Erzberger, although their enthusiasm was much reduced in comparison to Erzberger.
Hermann von Eichhorn, the war minister, who did – like Richard von Kühlmann – not belong to one of the three ruling parties, had had his confidant Robert Katzenstein, a Jewish solicitor, examining the situation.
“Traditionally, Czech was spoken by the countrymen, while the towns talked in German. This has changed since the mid of the last century. Today, Czech is spoken everywhere. There is a complete mix. The only solution that might be possible is autonomy for the Czechs within a German state. – But then, we would have to grant this to our Poles and French too, and to the Italians in Southern Tyrolia. – The other solution would be a Czech state with an autonomous German minority. But do we really want a Czech state in the midth of Germany?”

After three hours of animated discussion, the cabinet parted without having reached a decision.

The Storm calms down


In Bohemia and Moravia, Conrad’s army was complete. Three divisions secured Budweis and advanced along the rail line to Prague, three more were around Brünn and controlled Moravia, while the two that had arrived at Eger had marched to Pilsen.
Conrad had issued an order that forbade fighting and threatened everyone – except his soldiers – who carried a weapon to be court martialed. To everyone’s surprise, this order was observed.
Karel Kramář’s government issued an appeal to the Czechs to follow the order, while the Germans were contend to obey Conrad.
It took two days for the fighting to die down, but on Saturday, August 31st, 1918, it had stopped everywhere.

Unbeknownst to the contemporaries, the “Fortnight of Revolution” was about to end.

In Italy, Giolitti’s government merged with the socialists into a “Government of National Concentration”. There was no use in wasting effort with civil strife when the possibility arose to regain Venetia and perhaps even to liberate the compatriots in Tyrolia.

At Laibach, a provisory Slovene National Committee had established itself. The Slovenes – for the first time in their history – had the chance to have their own state. But many saw also the risks of such a move. The idea of an common south Slav state was dead for the time being. Thus “Slovenia” would be sandwiched between Hungary, Italy and Germany. The Italians were known to have designs on the western part of the future Slovenia. Opposite Germany there would be large zones with mixed population inviting for border quarrels. The Hungarians had, as far as was known, no designs on Slovenia, but their Croat underlings might soon arrive at the idea to add it to their domain because there were Croats living in the Küstenland. Ending up in the Hungarian Empire was the least desirable alternative.
There were only 2.5 million Slovenes, was this really enough for an independent nation?
After seemingly endless debates the Slovene National Committee declared the foundation of an independent Slovenia, consisting of the former countries Carniola and Küstenland. For Styria and Carinthia, a referendum was demanded, that should allow the Slovenes living in the south of these countries to join Slovenia. The German population of the Gottschee area and the Croats and Italians living in the Küstenland were promised autonomous areas.

At Rabaul, the capital of German New Guinea, situated on the island of New Pomerania, naval captain Joseph Kutzner supervised the hoisting of the German flag.
He had been told not to invest too much effort, just show the flag and see that all Australians and English evacuate the real estate – before it is sold to the highest bidder…

A Greater Germany


On Monday, September 2nd, 1918, the Reichstag met in Berlin to debate and decide upon two proposals how to deal with the request of the Austrian Germans.

Proposal 1, the Erzberger Proposal, foresaw the admission of the countries in the boundaries they had had in Austria-Hungary, regardless of ethnic distribution. Slovenia was to be recognised in the borders of Carniola and Küstenland.

Proposal 2, the Scheidemann Proposal, recognised that ethnic distribution and national self-determination required referenda in various areas and demanded that new borders should be drawn observing the results of these referenda. Independence of Czechia and Slovenia would consequently be accepted, southern Tyrolia might join Italy. Those areas that declared for Germany would join the empire.

The debate raged for two days. At 22:15 hours on September 3rd, the ballot was finally cast. With a narrow majority of 202 to 195, the Scheidemann Proposal was accepted.
Poles, Elsaß-Lothringers and Danes had – for obvious reasons – reinforced the 185 deputies of SPD and FVP.

This decision evoked different reactions in different countries. While Great Britain, Great Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria condemned it because it shook the “traditional” boundaries and threatened to open the nationality Box of Pandora in Europe, the reaction in France, Italy, Denmark, the Netherlands, Finland, Sweden and the USA was very positive. Karel Kramář’s government voiced acceptance and proposed negotiations.

The Poles, which until now had kept conspicuously quiet, took hope. Perhaps a Polish Rzeczpospolita could be forged that was not a German puppet and united all Poles in one state?
In Lithuania, the decision was taken to declare the state a republic on September 5th.

Mixed Fortunes


The Bolshevik offensive against the forces of Alekseev and Denikin that started on September 1st soon turned out to be a major disaster.
Ioseb Besarionis dze Jughashvili, better known as Joseph Stalin, had convinced Lenin that he should be given command of the operations in the south, much to Trotsky’s chagrin.
Stalin had been sent to Tsarytsin by Lenin in spring of 1918 in order to improve the food situation of the Bolshevik territories. In Tsarytsin he had befriended the local Red Army commander Semyon Budyonny and his commissar, Kliment Voroshilov.
Budyonny’s 1st Cavalry Army, better known as “Konarmia”, became the principal force with which Alekseev and Denikin were to be defeated.

Lieutenant General Anton Ivanovich Denikin, the commander of the Volunteer Army, had gotten early warning about the planned offensive. News didn’t travel into one direction only in Russia.
With German help he had been able to arm his force with substantial numbers of machine guns and field howitzers. He also had assembled a sizeable fleet of armoured cars, mostly from Russian war time stocks, now kept running by a German motor transport repair unit.

Consequently, the “surprise” attack of the Konarmia on the “unsuspecting” Volunteers ran into outclassing fire and became an epic massacre. The fleeing remainders of the horse army were chased to death by the armoured cars and Denikin’s cavalry.
Desperately defending their headquarters at Elista, Budyonny, Stalin and Voroshilov died under the sabres of Ataman Pjotr Krasnov’s Cossacks. The Konarmia had ceased to exist.
While Alekseev, the political head of the counterrevolutionaries, travelled to Germany for medical treatment of his ailing heart, Denikin ordered advance on Tsarytsin.

In East Karelia the Finnish “Operation Viena” had also started on September 1st. It turned out to be successful beyond all expectations. The Bolsheviks offered only weak resistance and soon fell back. The Fins advanced along the railway lines, spearheaded by their armoured trains. After five days all lands north of Lakes Ladoga and Onega were in Finnish possession.

In Estonia, for the moment free of all foreign forces, the Estonian majority again declared independence on September 3rd, thus spoiling the old German plans of the “Baltic Duchy” (which the Ebert government hadn’t persecuted anyway) and Bolshevik aspirations of creating a “Peoples Republic”. Elections for a national constituent assembly were scheduled for the end of the month. Finland and Sweden were asked for military assistance. Konstantin Päts again became the leader of the Estonian Provisional Government.

The Czech Legion was still assembling east of Estonia. With the German decision of September 3rd, the need to liberate the compatriots in Czechia had suddenly vanished. There was no need for a fight with the Germans. The priority now was getting home.
Subsequently, a delegation was sent to Tallinn. Did the Estonians need an army?

Transcaucasian Affairs

At Baku, the Army of Islam had shown up in the meanwhile. Not much of an army, more like a weak division, expanded by hordes of shabby irregulars. General Maercker greeted Nuri Pasha outside of Baku – and told him to get lost...
Maercker had received some reinforcement, especially artillery and engineers, and two additional infantry regiments, making his Kaukasus Division almost corps sized.
A bunch of German diplomats had arrived as well, discussing treaty options with the Georgians and the Azeris. Maercker didn’t appreciate the fuzzy style of the diplomats, but his orders were clear: Support them, their wishes have priority. He understood that another bunch of diplomats had arrived at Yerevan and was talking with the Armenians. The idea was obviously to bring all three Transcaucasus states under a kind of German protectorate.
Maercker doubted that the Turks would like that.
On the other hand, the Armenians had little reason to like the Turks, as had the Georgians, both being christian nations. The Azeris were quite another affair, Turk speakers and muslims. But as Maercker soon had found out, not at all interested in being controlled by Istambul.
The situation was exacerbated by the fact that the three people had problems to live in peace with each other. The Transcausus Federation of the three states had lasted something like two months in early 1918.
There were territorial claims and unforgotten acts of mutual violence. For example, in March, the Armenians in Baku had helped the Bolsheviks to massacre the Azeris.
When Nuri Pasha and his ragtag Azeri irregulars approached, the Armenians in Baku feared retaliation. But that had not been the reason for Maercker to turn around the Army of Islam and send them home. Arthur Zimmermann, the chief diplomat, had told him to get rid of the Turks.
“No need for them to be here. They only will disturb our conversations with the Azeris. Tell’em to bugger off!”

North of the Caucasus, there was another state, the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus, recognised by Germany, Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan, one more unbelievable hodgepodge of ethnical groups. Zimmermann wanted him to move troops up there.
So far, Maercker had resisted this wish. His force was just large enough to control Georgia and Azerbaijan. If Zimmermann wanted troops north of the Caucasus, he must cable to Berlin and ask for them.
Now, with Denikin’s army in firm control of Tsarytsin, the Germans in the Ukraine were in a far better position to send an expedition to the north of the Caucasus. Maercker had no intention to scatter his force.
The Turks were gone for the moment, they might come back soon – after Nuri had reported to his big brother... May be they would send someone more fit next time.

Having been shooed away by the German general was extremely humilating to Nuri Pasha. But the German had appeared so coldly effective and determinative. And his men were so tidy and disciplined.
Nuri knew that he had no real control over his army. His second in command, Mursal Pasha, had some command over the Turkish regiments, but nobody really controlled the irregulars. Recognising that no big looting party at Baku would happen, most of these brigands were about to disappear anyway.
Nuri needed to talk to his brother Enver. He needed more men. More regular Turkish soldiers. Then he could make another advance on Baku.

To Unteroffizier Adolf Hitler, serving with the Volunteer Bavarian Kaukasus Rifle Regiment, it had been a wonderful experience.
General Maercker had crisply approached this pompous Turkish Pasha, had spoken some sharp and accentuated sentences to him, equally sharp and accentuated translated by the interpreter. Then the honour battalion, of which Hitler had been part, had executed some manoeuvres and handholds.
That had been enough to scare away the Turks and their subhuman allies...

The Man in the Red Brick House

General der Infantry Erich Ludendorff was seriously irritated.
Not enough that the Chief of the GGS had lost his direct report to the monarch (he really couldn’t complain about that, having himself advised the Kaiser to accept the demands of the parties), now he came under command and control of the war minister! Moltke Senior was due to rotate in his grave!
Agreed, General Field Marshal von Eichhorn was an acceptable superior. Far more intellectual and active than von Hindenburg, Eichhorn was a strategic mind of the first order, a worthy Chief of the GGS himself. As a man he was honourable and very educated.
But that Jew he had around him all the time, that Katzenstein! Was that an appropriate associate for a Prussian field marshal?
And that he had dragged Groener with him to Berlin... Groener was a good general staff officer and an excellent organiser, but so prone to succumb to socialist ideas...

The Ukraine was now managed by the duo Mackensen – Seeckt, that would work fine, they had no ounce of weakness in them. Von der Goltz in Finland and Maercker in the Transcaucasus were also doing fine.

But in the Baltic Lands, things were going awry... – The grand idea of the Baltic Duchy seemed to be dead. Lithuania and Estonia were now – recognised by Germany! – democratic republics.
Latvia was everything, a Democratic Republic for the Ulmanis government, a Baltic Duchy for the Landesrat and a Soviet Republic for the Bolsheviks – and a battleground for Yudenich’s forces and the Red Latvian Rifles.
Denikin controlled southern Russia up to Voronezh and Saratov now. He would advance on Moscow the next spring, while Yudenich headed for Petrograd.
The Czech Legion had just moved to Estonia, secured the country against the Bolsheviks – and begged to be transported home as soon as possible.
Okay, when the Czechs paid for the expenses...

Ludendorff had no proximity to former Austria-Hungaria, therefore the ongoing preparations for plebiscites down there didn’t really worry him. He wondered about the consequences this would have for Poland and the Prussian eastern provinces with their high percentage of Polish inhabitants.
He needed someone to discuss these issues with... – Bauer, that was the one. Bauer always had a good explanation how things should be. He called his first adjutant.
“Get a line to Colonel Bauer at Posen. I want him here as soon as possible. I need to talk to him. – Thank you. Dismissed.”

The Ebert government might have strange ideas about national self-determination, but they really did not neglect the army. That Ludendorff had to grant. His proposal to expand the peace time army so that all healthy young men could serve in the forces had been received positively. The army was now – slowly of course, because funding was a severe problem – growing to a peace time strength of 40 army corps, thereof seven Bavarian, five Saxon and two Württemberg.
The army was now no longer foreseen for use inside Germany against strikers or protesters. The individual states were creating riot police forces for that. Ludendorff had no problem to accept that.
The Kanobil Force was also growing steadily. A new prototype with the cannon in a revolving turret was presently tested at Sennelager training ground. Major General von Wolf and his staff bustled with new ideas. And Major Rohr had some very good inputs about mechanised assault infantry.
The only bad news was that the English had now discarted their hopeless rhomboid “Tanks” and were going to construct their own copy of the Kanobils – if they ever could spare enough money for that.

General Conrad had done a great job in Bohemia and Moravia. General Field Marshal von Eichhorn had already agreed that Conrad would receive command of the one of armies that were to be created from the former Austrian lands.
Yes, the little Austrian, who had so little general staff training in the Prussian sense at all, was an excellent commander.
By the way, the addition of the Austrian Germans territories would provide another fifteen army corps as Ludendorff had had computed by his staff.

Well, the future was not that bleak...

The Man in the Grey Brick House

If General Ludendorff in the GGS building near the Reichstag was irritated, Admiral Reinhard Scheer, Chief of the German Admiral Staff, in Navy’s office building at the Königin-Augusta-Straße in Berlin-Tiergarten, was outright unhappy.
The army was getting all the funds that were available, the navy got almost nothing.
The new government was of the opinion that Germany was a continental power and should concentrate on the army. They had no concept of “Weltgeltung” or “Weltmacht”.
The High Seas Fleet was big enough, no more costly big ships were required.
Some meagre funds were made availabe for research in U-Boats and aircraft carriers, but the battle fleet would only receive the two missing “Bayern”-Class battleships and the “Mackensen” and “Ersatz-Yorck” great cruisers, the construction of which had already started during the war, and that was to be it. End of the fleet building programme!

Okay, Scheer was enough of a realist to recognise that Grand Admiral Tirpitz’ theory of the “Risk Fleet” had not worked at all. The High Seas Fleet never had been a fleet for the high seas, but only for the “Wet Triangle” of the North Sea. And even there, it had been caged by the Royal Navy.
Yes, one had controlled the German Bight and had had the upper hand in the Baltic, all this necessary for the final victory, but one had never played the role Tirpitz and the Kaiser had had in mind when creating the fleet.

Perhaps the government was right, not new ships were the answer, new ideas were needed. Scheer decided to get in contact with Albert Ballin of the HAPAG at Hamburg and Philipp Heineken of the Norddeutsche Lloyd at Bremen. They might contribute some useful ideas for the future.

The second largest merchant navy of the world was not something to be forgotten. The HSF had never been able to protect it, a major shortcoming.
But right now, it was at work again. As was the notorious German salesman all around the world, offering better quality for a better price.

And as a fleet in being, the HSF had played its important role. No, Scheer would not resign.

Supplementing one’s Income

While Belgium, the Netherlands, Spain and Portugal reported first cases of the American Flu in early October 1918, the German colonial minister, Gustav Noske (SPD), announced that on Wednesday, October 16th, German New Guinea and West Samoa would be auctioned off to the highest bidders in Berlin at the Reichskolonialamt. The real estate would be on offer in the following parcels:

- Kaiser-Wilhelms-Land, starting-price 6 billion $
- Neu Pommern and the isles west of it, starting-price 2 billion $
- Neu Mecklenburg, Admiralitäts Inseln, Neu Hannover and Matthias Gruppe, starting-price 2 billion $
- Bougainville, Buka and Nissan, starting-price 1 billion $
- Savaii, starting-price 1 billion $
- Upolu, starting-price 1 billion $.

The number of interested parties was limited: Japan, the USA and Great Britain, represented by her dominions, the Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand.
The Australians were rather frustrated to have to buy territories they had conquered only some years ago. But, okay, that was the price of losing a war... – Nevertheless, they had no intention to welcome Japanese or North American neighbours on their home turf.
New Zealand was ready to bid for Savaii and Upolu.

The results of the auction made German minister of finance Matthias Erzberger a happy man.

- Kaiser-Wilhelms-Land, sold for 10.8 billion $ to Australia
- Neu Pommern and the isles west of it, sold for 5.4 billion to Australia
- Neu Mecklenburg, Admiralitäts Inseln, Neu Hannover and Matthias Gruppe, sold for 6.3 billion $ to Australia
- Bougainville, Buka and Nissan, sold for staggering 7.6 billion $ to Japan
- Savia, sold for 6.4 billion $ to the US
- Upolu, sold for 7.5 billion $ to the US

That meant that one hundred percent of the German war bonds could be repayed immediately, pumping massively money into the pockets of the middle class, and that sufficient money remained for critical investments such as enlarging the peace time army and providing reparations to Belgium. One might even consider to buy Spanish Guinea in Africa from Spain...

Erzberger was embarked on a reform of the German tax system, which had shown its limitations before and during the war. The financial administration would have to be completely restructured. Income tax would in future be deducted directly. More centralisation was required. And the wealthy and rich would have to pay more.
Erzberger knew that the SPD would wholeheartedly agree to these changes.
He did not mind that he had lost to SPD and FVP in the question of the new states and had no intention of looking for other political combinations.
Working together with SPD and FVP was the best solution, until the Zentrum gathered sufficient voters to rule on its own...

Luckless Men

One could call the month of October 1918 the month of the luckless men.

Georges Clemenceau lost his office as French prime minister to Charles Maurras of the monarchist Action Française when the long awaited parliamentary elections in France brought a distinct shift to the right and ultra right parties and groups.

Nestor Makhno, the leader of the Anarchist Black Army, which he had formed in September 1918, lost his life when he was publicly hanged in Kiev on October 19th. His army had been destroyed by the Hetmanate’s forces and their German “advisors” near Yekaterinoslav in mid October.

Jukums Vācietis, commander of the Red Latvian Riflemen, lost his life and his unit in the Second Battle of Riga that lasted from 15th to 30th October and ended with a complete victory of the combined Yudenich-Landeswehr force.

Millions of men around the globe lost their lifes due to the American Flu, which at the end of October reached its maximum of mortality.
One of the approximately 7 million Indians that were killed by the pandemia was a certain Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, a lawyer who had fought for the rights of the Indians in South Africa before the war and now was said to be preparing a nonviolent movement for Indian independence.

Eleftherios Venizelos, leader of the Greek Republic based on Crete, lost his job when the Greek Royalist Army invaded the island on October 27th, discreetly supported by the Royal Navy’s Mediterranean Squadron. Although Queen Sophia, still ruling in place of her convalescent husband, wanted him shot on the spot, Venizelos finally ended in jail, facing a trial for high treason.
In appreciation of their cordial support, the British were invited to establish a naval base at Souda Bay.

Wilhelm Friedrich Heinrich Prince of Wied and Prince of Albania and his familiy lost their lifes when their car crashed down a steep slope in the German Black Forest on October 30th. Police investigation soon revealed that the brakes of the Benz had been manipulated. It was widely believed that Albanian supporters of the late Essad Pasha were responsible for this murder.
 
Elections, Referenda and another Treaty


Elections for the Prussian Landtag were held on Sunday, October 27th, 1918. It were the first elections in Prussia with equal vote, and the first elections in Germany where women were allowed to vote. Of a total of 402, the SPD won 154 seats, the Zentrum 95 and the FVP 26.
The same coalition that ruled the German Empire would now also run the Prussian government. Paul Hirsch (SPD) was subsequently elected Prussian prime minister.
The USPD, which had gained disappointing 24 seats only, now changed its name to Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD).
Following the Prussian example, all German states would introduce universal suffrage until 1920.

The referenda in Bohemia, Moravia and Austrian Silesia were held on Sunday, November 10th, 1918. In Austrian Silesia the German and Polish majority voted for joining Prussian Silesia. In Bohemia and Moravia the Czech majority in the core areas voted for an independent Czechia, while the German majorities on the fringes voted for joining Prussian Silesia, Saxony, Bavaria and Austria, depending which state was the direct neighbour of the voting area.
According to the agreement between the German Empire and the Kramář government, the German enclaves around Brünn, Austerlitz, Budweis, Iglau-Deutsch Brod, Zwittau-Trübau and Deschna-Olmütz in the new Czech Republic would be granted autonomy with an own bi-lingual administration.

On the same day, Vorarlberg, Tirol and Salzburg voted for joining the German Empire as Arch Duchy Tyrolia with Arch Duke Leopold Salvator as head of state. The Italian majority and the Ladines in southern Tyrolia opted for joining Italy.

The referenda in Carniola, Küstenland, Styria and Carinthia for a Slovene Republic were held on Sunday, November 24th, 1918.
Disappointingly, for the Slovene nationalists, many Slovenes in Styria and Carinthia voted for remaining with Austria, while the Italians and Friules in Küstenland opted for Italy. Only the Croats in Küstenland and the Germans in Carniola accepted autonomy within Slovenia.
A special case was the city of Trieste, which – although mainly inhabited by Italian speakers – voted for remaining with Slovenia, which represented a major disappointment for the Italian irredentists.
On November 26th, Germany recognised Czechia and Slovenia in the borders of the plebiscites. Until December 10th, most other nations around the globe followed.

On Sunday, December 15th, 1918, Lower Austria, Upper Austria, Styria and Carinthia voted for joining the German Empire as Arch Duchy Austria with Arch Duke Joseph Ferdinand Salvator as head of state.

Galicia and Bukovina held their referenda on Sunday, December 29th, 1918.
The Poles in Galicia opted for joining the Polish Kingdom. The Ruthenians in Galicia and Bukovina voted for joining the Ukraine, while the Rumanians in Bukovina went for Romania.

Cisleithania, the Austrian part of the former dual monarchy had now ceased to exist. The Austro-Hungarian navy had been taken over by Great Hungary, a move that had been favoured by the facts that a Hungarian, Vice Admiral Miklós Horty, was fleet commander and that most of the ships were either stationed at Pola or Cattaro.

On January 15th, 1919, the Treaty of Bozen between Italy and Germany, for all practical reasons, revoked the Treaty of Zürich.
Italy became an ally of Germany, following the Belgian example. In exchange, the occupation of Venetia ended and southern Tyrolia and western Küstenland with their Italian majorities were allowed to join Italy. Germany warranted the coal supply of Italy and gained the right to undertain German naval detachments at La Spezia, Taranto and Palermo. Entry of Italians into Germany and vice versa was facilitated.
After some diplomatic shuffle and bustle, Great Hungary, Bulgaria and the Ottoman Empire accepted this treaty. The Dodecanese Islands and Libya remained surrendered, as did the ships that Italy had extradited to Austria-Hungary, now in Hungarian possession, and Turkey.
The Italian liberal-left-socialist government had found it easy to arrive at terms with the German centre-socialist-progressive government. The socialists all knew each other from before the war and were happy to work together again. And after all, the new Germany was destined to lead Europe, perhaps Italy this time might profit from choosing the right side?

Highflyers


General Wilhelm Groener and Robert Katzenstein formed General Field Marshal von Eichhorn’s private think tank. He had found their discussions helpful already in Kiev, but here in Berlin they proved indispensable.
Groener was an excellent general staff officer, a professional equivalent to Ludendorff, but with a much higher social competence. Katzenstein was a brilliant jurist and a man of sound judgement. Both had contacts to people in various strata and places of German society.
Eichhorn had the difficult task to shape the German armed forces so that they could master a future conflict. This in the first place was aggravated by the fact that Germany had won the war. If you lose a war, every politician and general will understand that something went wrong and new ways might help to cure this. If you win a war, all went well, so why change it?
That was of course nonsense, a lot of things hadn’t worked as they were supposed to. And the Kanobils that had had an important effect for winning the war were a product of happenstance. An engineer had made a proposal and Colonel Max Bauer, Ludendorff’s prompter, had grabbed it. Had the engineer made his proposal to any other officer, nothing at all would have happened.
This Bauer was a remarkable fellow. Eichhorn had thought about adding him to his think tank. But he found the man so full of Pangermanist ideas and so linked to heavy industry interests that he finally had refrained from asking him. Not that Groener and Bauer would have harmonised either.

As war minister, Eichhorn was now also responsible for the navy. The old Reichsmarineamt, Tirpitz’ power platform, had come under his authority.
Tirpitz “risk theory” had not worked. The fleet had not deterred Britain from war with Germany. Nor had the fleet been able to prevent the British blockade.
But as fleet “in being” the High Seas Fleet had kept the Royal Navy out of the German Bight and the Baltic. So, curiously, Tirpitz had been quite correct with his sixty percent estimate, as the corresponding number of modern capital ships in both navies demonstrated.
As long as the Royal Navy kept its high number of dreadnoughts, the High Seas Fleet would also have to keep its big ships. This was clearly a waste of money but couldn’t be helped.

Now, Groener and Katzenstein propagated the creation of a third service, the air force, to be called “Luftwaffe”.
During the war there had been an army air service and a naval air service, both of which had been drastically reduced during demobilisation. Army and navy were to retain some air assets, but the majority of aircraft and the national air defence organisation should go to the new air force.
Neither Eichhorn nor Groener or Katzenstein believed that strategic bombing could decide a war, but they were well aware that Britain had planned the creation of an “Independent Force” for strategic bombing of Germany in early 1918. Documents about it had been captured, also about the intended merging of the Royal Flying Corps and the Royal Navy Air Service. And in Italy, a character named Giulio Douhet made a lot of fuss about strategic bombing. It was certainly not advisable to discount such possibilities and neglect development.

Groener also developed interesting ideas about a joint service general staff, replacing the army general staff and the admiral staff, both of which had never succeeded in working smoothly together – and in most cases hadn’t worked together at all. Eichhorn didn’t believe that the army general staff and the admiral staff should be replaced, he thought about placing a joint service general staff above the – then – three single service general staffs. And these staffs should already exist in time of peace. The GGS should permanently shift to OHL, the Admiral Staff zu SKL, and the new Luftwaffe general staff to LKL. Above these Eichhorn imagined the OKW – the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, the armed forces high command.

He had already prevailed in making army staffs and army group staffs permanent. The old solution, to assemble them only upon mobilisation, was no longer applicable in modern warfare. Right now, Germany had ten permanent army staffs and three army group staffs.

The next thing was to get rid of the horses. Eichhorn was a keen horseman, despite his serious riding accident before the war, but he realised that horses had no place in a war of fire, wire and mire. Railways, motorisation and mechanisation were the answers that the Great War had produced.
For railways, Groener was the specialist. Eichhorn saw no need to get involved here.
The old army had refrained from motor vehicles because they were strictly road bound, while the horse drawn forces could negotiate all terrain. But the machine gun and the modern artillery had shown that the horse drawn forces could go nowhere anymore. The British “Tanks” and the German “Kanobils” – even the French “Chars” – had provided the solution to cross country mobility.
Officers should still learn to ride, Eichhorn supported this. It was an essential skill being able to direct an animal. But they also must learn to drive a motor vehicle.
And the cavalry must be converted to a motorised and mechanised reconnaissance force. That would not be easy, the horsemen would fiercely resist.

The Polish Question


The Germans, and the Prussians in special, had had no problems with redistributing the former Austrian lands. But solving the Polish question gave them a thorough headache…
Not only the old elites, also the new democratic government of Prussia did not favour the release of the former Polish lands to the new Polish Kingdom-without-king. Even conducting plebiscites was not considered a good solution.
There had been 3.5 million Poles in Prussia, according to the 1910 language count. So, probably today it were 3.8 million.
Thereof, the Posen Province had 1.3 million. Silesia had 1.2 million now. West Prussia had 0.6 million Poles and approximately 100,000 Kashubians. East Prussia had 160.00 Poles and 130,000 Mazurs, most people of both groups belonging to the protestant faith.
The rest of the Poles lived all over Prussia, but primarily in the Ruhr area where 0.5 million had been counted in 1910.

Silesia had been conquered by King Frederick the Great in 1740. The former owners had been the Austrian Hapsburgs who had owned the country in their role as Kings of Bohemia. It was unthinkable to give Silesia – or part of it – to the Polish Kingdom.
West Prussia had been won in the first partition of Poland in 1772. It provided the long desired land bridge between East Prussia and the rest of the lands of the Hohenzollern. Although the territory had belonged to Poland, many inhabitants already then had been Germans. Today, the province had a German majority of two thirds.
The Poles in East Prussia were the descendants of protestant Poles that had emigrated from catholic Poland, they had little interest to be re-joined with catholic Poland.
The Posen Province had come to Prussia in the second partition in 1793. It was the only province in which the Poles formed the majority, according to the 1905 population census: 1.156 million Poles versus 0.829 million Germans, today believed to be 1.3 million versus 1 million.
But even holding a referendum in Posen Province would only give a small part of the total Polish population in Germany to the Polish Kingdom, more than two million would remain anyway.
So, why not keep also Posen Province? Giving it away would not stop Polish discontent.

Like in the Czech case, the Germans did discount those politicians that had gone to the Entente and the US in order to influence them in favour of the Polish nation.
So, like Masaryk and Beneš, neither Roman Dmowski nor Ignacy Paderewski had any influence on them. Jósef Piłsudski was still in jail at Magdeburg.
There were a number of Polish politicians that were or had been members of the Reichstag or the Cisleithanian Parliament, these men formed the main contacts for the German government, as did the Regency Council in Warsaw and the prime minister of the Kingdom, Jan Steczkowski, and of course, the German Governor General, General Hans Hartwig von Beseler.


Unpleasant Things

In March 1919 a book was published in Germany that was to affect people all over Germany. The author was Armin Theophil Wegner, the title was “Der Weg ohne Heimkehr” (The road of no return). It was basically a collection of letters and notes Wegner had written while witnessing the Armenian Genocide when he had served as German medic in Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The book also contained the photographs Wegner and other Germans had taken in 1915/16, which illustrated the suffering of the Armenian people.

To say that the publication produced an immediate outcry in Germany would be an exaggeration. The Germans had just survived a British genocide attempt that had killed more than a million of their countrymen at home. They had suffered horrible losses in terms of killed and wounded in the “shooting” war.
Nevertheless, their attitude towards the Turks changed. Generally, the Turks had been seen as somewhat backward but stout and reliable allies. Their image had been romanticised, not least by some of the books of the popular author Karl May before the war.
Now, they were considered rather as cold-blooded killers. – And there were some voices, which actually called for a review of the relations with the Ottoman Empire.

The initial reactions in other countries that had suffered grievously in the war remained quite similarly subdued. One had other problems but to pity the Armenians.
In the former enemy and neutral countries, the Armenian Genocide had been well observed and described by the press during the war, here Wegner’s book was seen as a grim confirmation but hardly as new information.

Things got a new quality when it became known that the German and the Austro-Hungarian governments had known about the genocide but had refrained from any protests at the Sublime Porte in order not to alienate this precious ally.
Discussion now turned to inner-German affairs and experienced an escalation. Pacifists and communists fielded evidence for the harsh fate of Russian and Romanian PoWs in Germany and for the forced deportation of Belgian workers to Germany.
Finally, even the behaviour of the Germans in Belgium in 1914 and unrestricted submarine warfare came under scrutiny.

While the right foamed about this “defilement of national honour”, the centre-progressive-left majority instituted a parliamentary board of enquiry. Chaired by Dr. Eduard David (SPD) the board was to investigate all charges and finally issue a detailed report to the Reichstag and the German public.
“If national or international laws have been violated or rules of war been broken, the perpetrators will be asked to explain their actions and motives before the board. The board reserves the right to transfer cases to the courts of justice. We will not tolerate that German reputation is befouled by criminal acts of few. Punishable acts must be punished and victims must be recompensed.” Dr. David explained in a press interview. “The board will not focus on the Armenian Genocide. This is beyond German jurisdiction. We will focus on German actions during the war. – We are not going to stage a witch hunt, but some persons then in charge will have to answer our questions. The enquiry will not be open to the public, only the findings will be released.”

It soon became known that former chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg and former foreign secretary Gottlieb von Jagow would be the first persons to be interviewed.

When the quick suppression of the Polish insurgency had not startled Europe, the news about the enquiry did. This was something that nobody had expected.

Minor Clashes

On March 5th, 1919, Bölükbaşı (company commander) Kadir Muharip led his force of two squadrons into the territory of the British Aden Protectorate. Muharip had only recently been promoted to his position because of his energy and his outstanding ability to lead and inspire men. His task was to eliminate a band of Arab insurgents that had fled to the Aden territory in order to evade Turkish pursuit.
Muharip’s scouts soon had traced the camp of the Arabs. In a surprise attack it was surrounded and the insurgents were annihilated. Yet three of them managed to escape.
Muharip wanted all of them.
His scouts were able to find the track of the escapees. They led to a small village. Apparently, the villagers had accepted them as guests.
That complicated Muharip’s task. – The villagers could not be expected to surrender their guests, they would defend them.
Muharip saw two alternatives:
- Remain in the area, wait until the Arabs quit the village and get them.
- Attack the village, finish off the Arabs.
The first course of action was quite promising, but would require time, which Muharip did not have on British territory. The second course of action was risky but would provide a quick solution.
In a dawn attack, the Turks stampeded the village, rounded up all males, isolated the insurgents and shot them.
While Muharip was still negotiating with the village men, a British patrol was sighted, approaching from the east.
Muharip now thought it was time to depart and get back to Ottoman territory.
Unfortunately, the British were in a position to cut his way back – and did not hesitate to do so.
The British force was much weaker than Muharip’s, but they had picked an advantageous position to check the Turks. The British leader, through an Arab interpreter, challenged the Turks to surrender their weapons and to follow the British to the south, where they would be interned.
This was not acceptable. Muharip ordered attack.
The British had made the mistake not to dismount. Their horses now provided them only unstable bases. Nevertheless, their rifles took a heavy toll from the Turks. But after the Turks had closed in, their greater number decided the outcome.
The British force, mostly natives in British service, was dispersed, about one third of them got killed, one of these the British leader, an English lieutenant. The remainder fled in several directions. Muharip saw no possibility to get them all. He ordered retreat to Ottoman territory, his wounded soldiers needed medical treatment.
24 hours later the story was in the British press and received head lines like: “Turkey challenges Britain!” or “Ottomans advance on Aden!”

On the island of Sakhalin, or Karafuto as it was known to the Japanese, Bolshevik forces landed on March 10th, 1919, and took over the administration of the Russian part of the isle from the hitherto operative governor at Alexandrovsk who had served already under the Tsar and the Provisional Government.
For the Japanese, this changed a lot.
They had a treaty with Russia, not with some internationalists and revolutionaries that called themselves Bolsheviks and which Japan did not recognise as legitimate Russian government.
The government at Tokyo took not long to reach a decision.
On March 17th, a small fleet of five troop transports, eight destroyers and the battle cruiser “Haruna” departed from Kure and set course to Karafuto Chō (South Sakhalin).
On March 21st and 22nd, 1919, Japanese troops occupied the northern part of the island.
The Japanese government announced that they still stood on the ground of the Treaty of Portsmouth and would hand back the northern part to a responsible Russian government. But for the time being, Japan would safeguard the island against criminal forces.

In Ireland the situation was deteriorating. The IRA had a guerilla and terror campaign going, mainly against the Royal Irish Constabulary, shooting individual officers and bombing or setting on fire RIC barracks. A secondary campaign was wielded against the British administration, which was paralysed by civil disobedience and strikes.
Now, on March 24th, 1919, a RIC barracks in rural Connacht was outrightly attacked by Irish gun men, the garrison overwhelmed and transported away while the buildings went up in flames. Two days later the dead bodies of the officers were found.
This was too much for Sir Herbert Plumer. He took the telephone and asked for the regular troops the Prime Minister had promised him.
The arrival of the British soldiers was a major boost for the anti-British press campaign in the USA that was financed and entertained by the Irish Americans.

Doing Fine


Because the US American population had been massively manipulated to support the war effort, there was a widespread disappointment at first when the war came to an end before the American Expeditionary Force could even become effective in France.
But American losses were very light, almost negligible when compared to French, British or German casualties. So no real bitter feeling – but also no hero worshipping – originated from the war’s end, which the Americans did not see as an American defeat. The allies – foremost Britain and France – had been defeated before American help could become a decisive factor. The AEF was unbeaten in the field.
The moderate peace treaties that the Central Powers concluded with the vanquished did a lot to mollify American public opinion as did the voluntary German cessation of unrestricted submarine warfare.
With arrangement of the armistice, Germany became a major customer again, buying huge quantities of foodstuffs and cotton – and paying cash for them.
Soon, the Americans of German origin were no longer seen as potential enemies, thus German lore and customs revived and many Germans that had anglicised their names returned to the German version – or a version that comforted both languages. American “patriotic associations” quickly fell apart.
The democratic switch in Germany was seen very positively. After all, the “War to make the World safe for Democracy” had led to a smooth democratisation of the wartime “Host of Autocracy and Militarism”. The example of German universal suffrage was a major argument that led to the decision to let women vote in the 1920 presidential elections.
Although the ruling elites of the USA and Great Britain still remained rather close, wider public opinion started to regard Great Britain more questioning after the civil war in Ireland began. The very vociferous American Irish community entertained a pro-Irish – and therefore automatically anti-British – propaganda and raised considerable funds in support of the Irish “Freedom Fighters”. After the British had deployed regular army troops to Eire, public sentiment became sceptical and sometimes even slightly hostile towards Britain.
President Wilson was a “lame duck” now, serving his term until the end but unable to influence the public any more. He had been re-elected because he had kept the USA out of the war in Europe. Then he had led the nation into just that war. But then the war ended before the American effort could make the difference. And quite apparently, Europe did not need America to institute democracy and national self-determination. Isolationism was on the rise, Europe became rather remote again. Like before the Wilson era, American foreign interest focused on the Americas and the Pacific Ocean. American intervention into the civil war in Russia was no issue – until the Japanese occupied northern Sakhalin…

The “Red Scare” had died down quickly after the armistice, Wilson had even been unable to get his Sedition Act past congress. The economy had smoothly switched to peace time production. The agricultural sector now went for automation and mechanisation, as had done industrial production before. Prosperity seemed to lie ahead.
That the former Entente nations did not repay their war debts was a minor nuisance but no real issue for the largest economy of the world.
The purchase of the West Samoan Islands – not quite a cheap deal, but better so than to have the Japanese for neighbours – had incited a new hunger for colonial expansion. Attempts to gain some former British or French real estate in exchange for redemption of the war debts had been turned down. Neither the conservative British nor the ultra conservative French government had the slightest intention to relinquish any territory.
Weren’t there still some Portuguese colonies around? East Timor? Cape Verde in the Atlantic Ocean? Macao in China?
Automatically, American eyes shifted also in direction of China. The Germans were no longer present there, and Russian influence had vanished. So, China would be an affair between the USA, Japan and Great Britain. The British might cling to what they had but were hardly in a position to advance. Then Japan would be the co-competitor.

The fleet building programme was still up and running. The USS Idaho had just been commissioned. The Tennessee Class ships were the next batch to become ready.
A navy “second to none” was the American aim.
The Germans had all but stopped their naval expansion, but the British were still in the game as were the Japanese. The Brits, after their army had been devoured by the Germans, now projected and concentrated their national pride on the Royal Navy, which was seen as saviour from German and all other foreign domination – on of course as the instrument of British world power.
Well, as far as America was concerned, Britannia would rule no waves on which US ships sailed.
The Japanese were eager to catch up, at least to the German standard. Weren’t the Japanese still British allies?

The US Army had quickly been reduced to pre-war size, but kept a keen eye on technical development such as the Kanobils, aircraft and poison gas.

Fermentation


In March 1919, the British Raj in India passed the Rowlatt Act, indefinitely extending the “emergency measures” that had been put in effect during the war.
This was a slap into the face of the Indians who expected British return service for their contribution to the war effort. More than 800,000 Indian troops had fought in the war, of which more than 47,000 had been killed or were missing and at least another 65,000 wounded. The contribution to the British Empire’s war effort had pushed India’s economy to near bankruptcy, inflation was soaring and taxation depressing. Even worse, approximately 7 million Indians had just perished due to the American Flu, which in India was widely seen as caused by the war.
Now, the Rowlatt Act sparked massive outrage all over India.

The British, on the other hand, were well aware of the widespread Indian movement for either home rule or complete independence. There were connections to the Irish rebels and to the Bolsheviks. During the war, the Germans and the Turks had tried to inspire Afghan and Indian rebellions, which had been prevented due to superior British intelligence and draconian control measures.
In Afghanistan, a succession crises was just taking place, with two sons of the deceased Amir contending for the throne. This might lead to further instability, as the border to Afghanistan, the infamous Durand Line, had been drawn right through the centre of the tribal area of the most important Afghan tribe, the Pashtuns. Thus, any unrest in Afghanistan could easily spill over into British India.
The Indian Army was only a shadow of the formidable force it had been in 1914. Many units were still abroad, in Egypt, Al Kowayt, Persia and Africa – or just in the process of coming home. Territorial units of dubious value had taken their places on the sub-continent.
The conservative British government, in alliance with the numerous Rajas and Maharajas who had no intention to abate or waive their privileges, was hostile to change. In 1918, it had already turned down the Montagu-Chelmsford Report that had proposed introduction of limited self-government in India and protection of minorities. The motto was: India must remain the crown of the British Empire. – Hadn’t the Indians rallied loyally in 1914 in support of Britain? Once the revolutionary elements were weeded out, wouldn’t the mass of the people return to their traditional way of life?

In response to the Rowlatt Act, the Indian National Congress in alliance with the All Indian Muslim League called for protests against it. The response of the population was overwhelming: Protest and civil unrest were spreading all over the country, with the Punjab becoming a special hot spot.
In the first week of April 1919, immense crowds of protesters clogged the streets in Lahore, capital of the Punjab. Railway and telegraph communication were temporarily disrupted, civil services broke down.

On April 10th, riots broke out in Amritsar, also in the Punjab. Soldiers fired into the crowd. Now, violence escalated and several banks, government buildings and the railway station went up in flames. At least five Europeans were reported to have been killed. Soldiers repeatedly fired into crowds, killing some twenty people.

For the next few days, Amritsar remained calm, but riots and violence continued to rock the Punjab region. Several more Europeans got killed in the turmoil.
On April 13th, the British Raj declared martial law for the Punjab.

On April 17th, several thousand people gathered in Amritsar, in a garden near the Golden Temple, in order to celebrate “Vaisakhi”, the most important holiday of the Sikhs. Many people had travelled for days in order to attend the celebration. They were not going to heed the ban on assembly imposed by martial law.
Some 90 soldiers of the Indian Army, accompanied by two armoured cars, approached the garden. The ACs had to be left behind at the garden entrance. Under the command of Brigadier General Reginald Dyer, the riflemen opened fire on the crowd.

The British Raj later admitted 379 dead and 200 injured, rumours soon knew of 1,000 dead and 2,000 wounded.

If anything was needed to escalate matters further, the Amritsar Massacre provided it. Riots and violence paralysed all of India. Moderate voices went unheard. Independently, several groups decided to adopt Irish methods of dealing with the Brits. British government officials, business men and officers were shot or stabbed all over the country. Indian soldiers were prompted to desert, which several hundreds did, carrying their weapons with them.

The crown of the British Empire was aflame.

Concupiscence


The occupation of Sakhalin had proven that the Bolsheviks in far east Russia were weak. This raised the question of Outer Manchuria. Who would impede Japan to acquire Outer Manchuria under the same pretence that had served her well in the case of Sakhalin? Would there be something like a new Triple Intervention?

The German ambassador, Wilhelm Solf (FVP), soon signalised that his government would not oppose a Japanese “safeguarding” of Outer Manchuria. Germany was interested in quelling the Bolshevik danger. Japanese intervention would be seen as supporting that goal.

The US attitude turned out to be not so positive. Ambassador Roland S. Morris made clear that the US administration did not mind action against the Bolsheviks. But continued Japanese presence in Outer Manchuria, which had been part of China before the Russians had taken possession, would be seen quite critical.
“We think that once you have Outer Manchuria, the question of Inner Manchuria would be next on your list.” He explained to Japanese foreign minister Count Uchida Yasuya. “And you know that the US are opposed to territorial expansion of foreign powers in China. We want an open door for everyone, no new colonies.”

The British government had no objections. Protective safeguarding of Russian territory against the Bolsheviks was acceptable.

Now pressure mounted on Prime Minister Hara Takashi for an intervention in Outer Manchuria. Hara was just engaged in de-fusing the situation in Korea after the March Rebellion and under parliamentary pressure because he was stalling the introduction of universal suffrage. He very soon gave in to the demands of the military, better keep them busy in Russia than have them meddling in Korea.

Army and navy had already drawn preliminary plans for “Shiberia Ina Zuma” (Siberian Lightning). Ten infantry divisions were to be deployed plus an independent cavalry brigade of six regiments.
Of special importance was the early capture of Vladivostok. Here naval landing forces would have to assist. A secondary landing would take place at the mouth of the Amur River.
The Japanese battle fleet would cover the sea side of the operation and provide fire support, if required.

On April 21st, 1919, the Taishō Emperor gave his formal consent.

On April 28th, the invasion fleet hoisted anchors. On April 30th, the landings started.

Bolshevik resistance was weak at best and completely disorganised. The initial Japanese force landed almost uncontested. The Bolsheviks soon fell back, but rather effectively managed to destroy the rail infrastructure during their retreat.

On May 7th, the Japanese approached Khabarovsk. Here the Bolsheviks offered serious resistance, now organised and led by Mikhail Tukhachevsky, the Bolshevik far east commander.
When the Japanese had landed, Tukhachevsky had just been busy in eliminating the “Provisional Government of Autonomous Siberia” at Omsk, which had dared to interrupt traffic on the Trans-Siberian Railway.
Now, he was back and ready to teach the Japanese dogs some new tricks.

For the lack of any other infrastructure, the Japanese advanced along the embankment of the Trans-Sib and the parallel mud track, only to be attacked by two armoured trains, which smashed the Japanese vanguard with deadly cannon and machine gun fire. Until Japanese field guns were ready for action, the trains were gone again, leaving behind several hundred dead and wounded Japanese soldiers.

The Japanese advance became more cautious now, field guns were kept in supervising positions while moves forward occurred. But now the Bolsheviks had prepared booby traps. Repeatedly, Japanese platoons were annihilated when detonation charges sent stones, sleepers, pieces of track and human bodies swirling through the air. Snipers, undetected in the wilderness, constantly harassed the force, preferably killing officers, gunners and engineers. Cossacks, out of the nowhere, attacked supply trains and rear area installations.

The Japanese pressed on, regardless of casualties. From May 9th to 15th, urban combat wrecked Khabarovsk and killed and wounded as much as 25,000 Japanese and 15,000 Bolsheviks. In the early morning of May 16th, the Bolsheviks fell back to the west bank of the Amur, utterly destroying the rail bridge behind them.

The Japanese were now in possession of the eastern part of Outer Manchuria, while the Bolsheviks firmly held the west bank of the Amur River and grew stronger by the hour, regiment after regiment being shuttled in by the Trans-Sib.

Vive le Roi!


On Wednesday, April 23rd, Charles Maurras staged his coup d’état.
Initially all went well, Raymond Poincaré was arrested and transported to an “undisclosed locality”. The parliament had been summoned routinely for that day, but most Socialists failed to show up, being successfully detained or delayed by the Camelots du Roi. In the session, the right wing majority – a great number of more moderate deputies had been talked, bribed or threatened into accepting Maurras’ ideas – with more than two thirds of the votes accepted the proposed new constitution that made France a monarchy again.
Army and police stood by and watched with sympathy.
Early reactions in most foreign countries were moderate or even welcoming.

But then all hell broke loose.
The socialists and the trade unions called for a general strike. Left newspapers called for public resistance. Committees popped up, called “conseils” – the Russian translation being: Soviets – which forcefully organised civil disobedience and public resistance.
Most rural areas remained completely untouched by this resistance, but all urban centres were heavily affected.

Charles Maurras was too young to remember the horrors of the Paris Commune, but – like every Frenchman – he had heard and read a lot about it, had even talked to participants and eyewitnesses.
He sincerely intended to avoid a repetition of this terrible experience.
About one fifth of the French voters supported his views, another fifth actively supported the Socialists. But his followers were dispersed and inhomogeneous, those of the Socialists concentrated in the urban areas.

Maurras was no pacifist, he didn’t completely disregard the use of force. But a civil war had to be avoided. France was already at the bottom, further violence would utterly wreck her.
The army provided the answer: Not as suppressor of strikes and protest marches, but as supplier of essential services. Not with ultimate expertise and efficiency but generally reliable, soldiers operated power stations, trains, water works and other important facilities.
This was Marshal Pétain’s vital contribution.
Not that the Socialists had any intention to let that happen. Frequently, soldiers were harassed or even attacked. When that didn’t work, sabotage was executed. But all that cost the Socialists sympathies, especially with the three fifth of voters that stood between the extreme wings.

Slowly and painfully, Maurras’ government gained acceptance from the majority of the Frenchmen, who – after all – preferred law, order and personal safety over wild political ideas.
Maurras had no problem in introducing universal suffrage. He had believed since long time that women would vote far more in favour of king and church than most men.
His moderate course of action brought him wide acceptance abroad. Frenchmen that had access to foreign newspapers could see that his government was widely accepted and appreciated in Europe and the world.
Even the US Americans clearly favoured a constitutional monarchy over socialist anarchy.

Behind the scenery, pourparlers between left and right took place all the time. The Socialists gained important commitments regarding social security, old age pensions, hours of work and workers’ participation.
In the end, the French “Royaume Nouveau” – as it was to become known – contained far more socially advanced features than the 3rd Republic had ever possessed.

By the end of May, resistance had died down. Not completely, some districts of Paris, Lyon and Marseille still proved rather virulent, but sufficiently so to invite the Duke of Orléans to France and to schedule the coronation for Sunday, June 8th, 1919.
It would take place at Reims (Rheims for some English), the ancient coronation place of the French Kings. The Arch Bishop of Reims would conduct the spiritual part, representing the French Catholic Church. The crown would be put on Philippe VIII.’s head jointly by the Arch Bishop and Maurras, symbolising the union of church and people in France.
Unavoidably, the event required foreign majesties and statesmen to attend. Reluctantly, Maurras sent invitations to Germany, Great Hungary and their puppets. That was the most disgusting part of it, to have the German Kaiser attend the ceremony…

Losing Ground


In early May 1919, the offensives of the White Russian Forces under Generals Yudenich and Denikin commenced.
Both armies had used the winter to multiply their numbers and to train their soldiers and staffs. German advisors had been very helpful. The German obsession with training sometimes really was irritating to Russians, but the results – one had to admit – were convincing.
Yudenich had also received 164 ex-British Mk.IV and 15 ex-British Medium A “Whippet” tanks, all captured by the Germans in France and repaired, refurbished and improved by them before delivery. Unfortunately, they had arrived too late to be integrated into the opening phases of the offensive. The tank crews still sweated and cursed on various training grounds in Estonia, merciless drilled by their German instructors.
Denikin had gained some more armoured cars, also from German capture in France, Italy and Russia, and an impressive number of armoured trains, some from former Austrian stocks, others specially built for him in Germany.
Both armies had excellent air arms now: Deadly Hannover and Junkers ground strafing craft, potent Fokker, Pfalz and Siemens-Schuckert fighters, Gotha bombers, Halberstadt and Albatros reconnaissance and artillery observation planes. Many pilots were German veterans or new Luftwaffe trainees, but also a number of Italian, French, Belgian and British mercenaries, all war veterans, manned the aircraft.
The stockpiles of supplies for both armies were enormous. They had ammunition, clothing, gear and foodstuffs in unending quantity.

Leon Trotsky knew that his Red Army stood no chance against these assailants. Cut off from Ukrainian coal and Caspian oil, weakened by hunger and lack of everything – except human cannon fodder – the Bolshevik forces were no match against the Whites.
Trotsky had done what he could and had achieved a lot, but it would not suffice.
He did not regret Stalin’s death, but the gutting of the Konarmia had been a severe blow for the Bolshevik war effort, as had been the annihilation of the Red Latvian Rifles.
There had been long discussions in the Central Committee all winter long. What should one do?
Defend Petrograd? – Urban combat favoured the defender, even simple riflemen could hold up the attacker for hours. Nevertheless, one had to invest at least as many men as the attacker, and one needed artillery and a lot of ammunition to be really able to cling to built-up areas. If the attacker only encircled and besieged the city, the force would be lost for further operations.
Did Yudenich have sufficient forces to lay siege to Petrograd and continue operations? – It would slow him down considerably, but he had the potential to carry on. If the Fins took over the northern part of the confinement, his force would even be as dangerous as before.

Discussion of all possible courses of action finally revealed that the Bolsheviks had no hope of beating the Whites and retaining control over most of European Russia. They would be annihilated if they didn’t retreat out of their own. One had to trade space for time. And one must not let all the population of European Russia fall into the hands of the Whites.
In March 1919, all over Bolshevik controlled Russia, miserable convoys of peasants and workers, guarded by Red soldiers, started their track to the Volga and beyond. Some were lucky and got a train ride, but – for lack of coal – for most it was horse cart or foot march. The number of victims of this “Great March East” – as it later would become known – remains unknown but most often is estimated at 2 million people.

Consequently, the White offensive met delaying resistance and scorched earth. Wherever the Whites advanced, burning villages and towns, poisoned wells, devastated rail lines and blown up bridges welcomed them.
Cattle that could not be evacuated had been slaughtered and now lay rotting.
Petrograd fell in mid-May, after short but intensive fighting, relatively intact into General Yudenich’s hands. All rail infrastructure was destroyed, as were port installations, but the city itself had only suffered from the fighting.
But behind St.Petersburg, as the town quickly was renamed, Yudenich’s army encountered scorched earth, as had Denikin’s from the start on.
In late July, both armies converged on Moscow. Here, the Bolsheviks had had time enough to do substantial damage. Most houses had been made unusable, whole quarters had burned down, others were without roofs, many booby-trapped.
The Red Army was deeply entrenched and fortified and for the first time offered adamant resistance. The Battle of Moscow ended on August 21st, 1919. The Whites were now in possession of an enormous pile of rubble.

Pursuit of the Red Army continued until early December, but no decisive battle came about. With general exhaustion and over-extended supply lines, the chase ended on the line Astrakhan – Samara – Vyatka.
The Bolsheviks retreated about 100 km further east before they settled down for winter positions.

Invasion


The Afghan invasion of British India started on May 1st, 1919.
Amir Amanullah, who had finally overcome and imprisoned his brother Nasrulla, found it almost impossible to gain acceptance from the conservative elements of the Afghan society. They acutely jeopardised his rule.
The civil unrest in India that seemed slowly to escalate into full scale civil war provided him with a formidable opportunity to stabilise his hold on power. Wasn’t it time to liberate the kinsmen beyond the ridiculous Durand-Line from British yoke? Wasn’t it time to regain the territories lost to the Englishmen in the past? Weren’t Peshawar and Quetta ancient Afghan cities?
These questions found the conservatives ready – if not eager – to follow his lead.

If Amanullah had any illusions about the quality of his army, the designated chief of the “Afghania” operation, General Mohammed Nadir Khan, soon dispelled them.
Nadir Khan had been trained and fostered by the British, but had come to hate and despise them. He had some own aspirations to royal power, but these would best be served if he successfully ended the war.
The Afghan Army was not an instrument capable to defeat the British. He knew both the British Army and the Indian Army. They were able to make minced meat out of the Afghan Army – even if detracted by widespread civil war. Only if the formations guarding the border were withdrawn for other tasks elsewhere, could the Afghan Army hope to march to Peshawar unharmed.
No, the real asset of Afghan military power were the tribesmen, the tribal warriors. They basically were a strong, well armed and experienced guerilla force – at home on both sides of the border. Some presents and promises would have to be made to the tribal chiefs, certainly, but then a huge guerilla army of perhaps 60,000 fighters could be mobilised.
Planning a campaign with so many guerrillas, which were not used to and would not accept military command and control was a nightmare on its own. To be workable, the plan had to be very simple.
The Afghan Army would slowly proceed along the Khyber Road towards Peshawar – and would leave it to the guerilla forces, led by their own chiefs, to attack side and rear of the enemy, to cut supply lines and communications.
The British would have air superiority. That could not be helped. But it remained to be seen whether the spotters from above were able to identify all the irregulars moving through this difficult terrain.

On May 1st, the attack on the first Khyber forts began. The Afghan army had some nice state of the art Krupp guns, which served them well for this purpose. The forts had been constructed to provide strong points against tribal war bands equipped with nothing more than small arms. They did not withstand modern 75 mm and 105 mm shells.
Slowly and methodically, the army worked its way along the Khyber road, smashing and taking the forts, which were manned by mercenary units paid by the British Raj, one by one.

The British formations near the border still amounted to one composite infantry division plus three regular border brigades and a bag full of frontier militia and mercenary corps. The other formations had already been called away to deal with the mutinies in central India.
The border brigades and the militias were already tied up in a bitter bush war with superior enemy guerilla forces. This left the infantry division to deliver a blow that sent the Afghans running home.
This blow never was delivered.
The British advance quickly bogged down in a maze of ambushes, traps and raids on supply services. Messengers never arrived, patrols were found dead and looted down to the naked skin, motor transport vehicles were stopped by boulders dumped on the road and then riddled with bullets, while the drivers desperately tried to shift to reverse gear. The Brits often inflicted more casualties on the attackers than they suffered, but they nevertheless remained hopelessly outnumbered.
Although wireless communication and aerial reconnaissance still worked, it really didn’t help. Casualties were mounting from multiple pinpricks. Concentration helped, large camps with strong guarding kept off the attackers, but the terrain did not favour concentration.
Finally, the North-West Frontier Force commander, Lieutenant General Sir Arthur Barret, had to acknowledge that every yard of advance only further weakened the force. On May 4th, after furious discussions with the British Indian Government, he ordered general retreat to the Punjab, abandoning the North-West Frontier Province to the Afghans and their Pashtun allies. Better save the force for the showdown in central India than waste it without decisive result in a sideshow. One could deal with the Afghans later.

On May 6th, columns of irregulars descended on Peshawar and Quetta. The warriors were coming to get their reward. But the looting did not escalate into a general bloodshed. The guerrillas knew who was kin and had to be spared. And those Punjabis, Sikhs and other Indians who lived in the towns – and had been unable to get away – knew that generous handing out of merchandise could save their lifes. All Englishmen had wisely evacuated the area together with the force. And abandoned property always had been an invitation for comprehensive looting.

On May 8th, 1919, at Kabul, Amir Amanullah proclaimed the re-unification of Afghanistan complete and offered peace talks and a new border treaty to the British Raj. Subsequently, Nadir Khan was promoted Commander-in-Chief of the Afghan Army. Poor Nasrulla had meanwhile died in prison from “haemorrhagic fever”.

Frustration


Events in India busted the dams in Britain. The first to learn this was General Sir Herbert Plumer. On May 4th, 1919, he was told that four of his five infantry divisions, which hardly had arrived in Eire, were to embark for India. He was to receive four tank battalions and one armoured car battalion instead.
Plumer needed infantry for area control. Against the enemy he was fighting, tanks and armoured cars were of no help. He told London they should send the tanks and armoured cars to India and leave the infantry in Ireland.
Consequently, tanks, armoured cars and infantry were sent to India.

This left Plumer with one infantry division.
With this small force he could only hope to hold the greater Dublin area. The RIC, after appalling casualties, had already evacuated the Irish expanse. Now the army followed suit.
Ninety percent of Ireland were thus left to the control of the rebels, a completely unacceptable status.

Plumer travelled to London, tried to convince the war minister, the foreign secretary, the prime minister. He needed manpower to control the expanse, that was the only way to contain the rebellion. – They understood his arguments and agreed to his policy, but… The crown of the British Empire was in danger, one had to improvise. Plumer would get volunteer units and Territorial Force brigades, such as could be mobilised from scrap.

Plumer learned that General Sir Charles Monro had been relieved from his position as commander-in-chief of the Indian Army. General Sir Edmund Allenby had already disembarked at Bombay to take his place.
A Royal Navy squadron of ten dreadnoughts and all required ancillary vessels had been sent to the Indian Ocean in order to stop arms supply to the Indian insurgents. – Wouldn’t a blockade of Ireland help as well?
So far, the IRA had only used pistols, revolvers, shotguns and some customary rifles. Explosives had been home made. But Plumer knew that the American Irish were collecting money to buy more sophisticated stuff and ship it to Ireland. And the Germans could be trusted to supply weaponry as well.
Yes, a close blockade of Irish ports, in accordance with international maritime law, might help to avoid escalation.
Plumer also learned that re-introduction of compulsory service was hotly debated. He didn’t think this was a very bright idea. It would rather ruin the staggering economy completely. Why not hire those without jobs, of which more than plenty were available? – Had been tried, he was told, and didn’t work. Most of the unemployed had been in the war, they preferred poverty and misery over another ordeal in arms. One would have to force them to put on an uniform again…

Returned to Dublin, Plumer organised the control of the wider Dublin area. This was not more than a bridgehead on an enemy shore. Absolutely uncontested, the IRA in the meanwhile started to butcher the Protestant militias in eastern Ulster, starting an exodus of Protestants to England and Scotland.
The alternative, moving the remaining forces to the north and abandoning Dublin had been discussed, but finally been rejected. After all, Dublin was the capital. Giving up the capital was like accepting defeat. One would send volunteers to Ulster.

In early June, the first volunteers arrived.
When inspecting them, Plumer despaired. He was used to command soldiers, not armed rabble. These were untrained youngsters from Liverpool and Manchester, lowest lower class, uneducated and primitive. Plumer knew that it took two years of severe drill to turn such fellows into reliable soldiers.
On June 6th, 1919, he asked to be relieved from his position.

On June 8th, 1919, General Henry S. Rawlinson was appointed new Viceroy and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Rawlinson had a reputation for finding unconventional ways to solve a problem. It was hoped that he might be able to square the circle. After arrival in Dublin and seeing the situation, Rawlinson is rumoured to have said: “Why don’t we pull out the plug and scuttle this miserable isle?”

Rout


General Prince Nashimoto Morimasa, the commander of the Shiberia Ina Zuma force, and his chief of staff, Lieutenant General Yui Mitsue, were now faced with an opposed river crossing.
Both agreed that this required thorough preparation. The railway line to Vladivostok had to be repaired in order to bring the bridging material forwards, the artillery had to be positioned and – the troops had to be trained in their tasks… It had been soon found out that most of the infantry regiments had no experience in that kind of activity, while the engineers were well versed with operating ferries and building bridges but had hardly ever practised together with infantry or cavalry.
The Amur was no mean river, nobody in the Japanese force had ever tried to forcefully cross such a wide stream.

The Japanese held absolute air superiority and were keeping a close watch on their enemy on the west bank of the Amur. With the help of their British advisors, they were also testing artillery observation by airplane.
The Japanese now also had moved in their tanks, five Mk.Vs and three Whippets, which they had bought from Britain. The Mk.Vs had come too late to see action in the war, they were a vast improvement over the old Mk.IVs, so the British advisors said. The Whippets had seen action in France on March 22nd, 1918, when their battalion had been shredded by German 12th Kanobils, nevertheless, they were fast tanks, considered well suited for pursuit.
The Japanese enjoyed artillery superiority as well, their guns outnumbering those of the Bolsheviks five to one.
Reinforcements had landed at Vladivostok, making good the losses of the previous engagements.

On the west bank of the Amur, Mikhail Tukhachevsky was not thinking that he should waste time with thorough preparations. The Central Committee’s decision to abandon European Russia had given him ample reserves, but the Red Army did not possess all this sophisticated equipment the enemy had. He had rifle units, sometimes even equipped with one or two machine guns. He had cavalry, mainly Cossacks. And he had some few guns without much ammunition. And four armoured cars, of which one was operative.
Some infantry and the guns he had brought into position opposite Khabarovsk, where the Japs apparently intended to cross the river. These units were now the focus of Japanese attention.
Tukhachevsky had noted that the Japanese aircraft didn’t leave the vicinity of Khabarovsk. Obviously, the pilots had fear to be forced to make an emergency landing somewhere in the wilderness, so they stayed close to their Japanese brethren on ground.

On May 22nd, he sent two Cossack corps north. They would cross the Amur some 50 to 60 verst to the northeast of Khabarovsk and afterwards proceed into the back of the Japanese. They didn’t need bridging material, they were Cossacks, they could swim through the river together with their horses.
This amounted to 8,000 Cossacks to disrupt the Japanese supply lines.

The commander of the two Chinese divisions that had moved up north in order to screen Japanese activities and secure integrity of Chinese territory could easily be talked into letting two rifle Red divisions pass through the Chinese turf. – Everything that was bad for the Japanese was good for the Chinese.
The divisions would cross the Ussuri River south of Khabarovsk at night and hide in the woods adjacent to the Ussuri, until ordered to attack.

His main force, Tukhachevsky led up to the northeast in night marches. The men had to carry boats and empty oil drums for constructing rafts.
In two nights, from May 28th to May 30th, the Red force crossed the Amur. Tukhachevsky lost about 600 men in the process, a cheap price.
His Cossack couriers now spread the news to the other components.

In the night from June 2nd to 3rd, the Bolshevik artillery suddenly opened fire on the Japanese concentrations in and around Khabarovsk. At the same time, activities were observed near the destroyed bridge and north of it. Were the Russians about to attack?
While the Japanese bugles still sounded alarm, Bolshevik forces rushed in from all sides for a night time bayonet charge. The main blow fell from north-east, where Tukhachevsky led in person. Twelve Bolshevik rifle divisions charged head on into the rear of the Japanese disposition, while Cossack squadrons clambered down the roads hacking and thrusting at everyone who had the misfortune to be there.
In the south of Khabarovsk, two rifle divisions stormed out of the wood, blocked the Trans-Sib and started to dig in, expecting the Japanese exodus.

Still further south, the two Cossack corps fell on rear Japanese supply dumps and blocked the Trans-Sib for all traffic.

The notion that a headquarters should not be near the front line, now made the Japanese force HQ one of the first installations to be hit. Prince Nashimoto had the satisfaction to bring down two Cossacks with his pistol before a third one rammed his lance into the general’s chest. General Yui only managed to stick his head inquiringly out of the staff tent before it was severed by a Cossack’s sabre.
Most senior officers shared their fates.
The chaos was complete.
Japanese soldiers crawling out of their tents, disoriented and without leaders, were easy prey for the Russian fighters, many of whom had been in the war since 1914.
Nevertheless, the Japanese host was so huge that some units managed to rally.

Early dawn of June 3rd saw a desperate Japanese breakout attempt to the south. About the equivalent of six divisions, mainly led by junior officers, stampeded the positions of the two red rifle divisions.
Casualties were enormous, but about one third of the force got through, overrunning and annihilating the Bolsheviks in their dug outs.
Cautiously, the covering force, another three division equivalents now tried to disengage from the Russians and also move south. A Bolshevik charge failed against numerous Japanese machine guns. The Japanese got away.

Tukhachevsky now controlled the battlefield. The Japanese were beaten. Their artillery, tanks, aeroplanes and supplies were his now. He would pursue them, mainly with his Cossacks, and move quickly to Vladivostok, but keep out of range of the Japanese battleships. May be, the Japanese would try to make a last stand at Vladivostok, may be they had had enough and would go home.

Commanders’ Conference


The Prussian and now German War Ministry at the Leipziger Straße in Berlin Central long had ceased to be capable of housing all the departments and staff divisions, but it still housed the central department and the office of the German war minister.
Yet, it was not in this office or in one of the conference rooms where the German senior militaries met on June 17th, 1919, but in the Park that extended to the south of the edifice.
Six chairs had been arranged around a table in the shade of ancient trees.
War minister General Field Marshal Hermann von Eichhorn, now in his 71st year, a tall imposing figure with a white fringe of hair around his bald head and an impressive white moustache, accompanied by the director of the central section of the war ministry, Lieutenant General Wilhelm Groener, already awaited his guests and took time to greet everyone of them with a hand shake and a brief cordial chat.
First arrived Colonel-General Erich Ludendorff, Chief of OKW, bulky and double chinned but still upright and snappy. He appeared to be of good temper, something not often observed with him.
Next came General of Cavalry Ernst von Hoeppner, Chief of LKL, an elegant slim horseman who already during the war had been head of the army air service.
Grand Admiral Reinhard Scheer, Chief of SKL, then made a striking contrast with his elegant navy-blue uniform and his almost civilian comportment.
Last but not least arrived Lieutenant General Max Hoffmann, Chief of OHL, an obese giant with a bald bullet-head and a boyish countenance.

After having spent some more minutes in relaxed conversation and having sipped their drinks, the men took seats and Hermann von Eichhorn opened the monthly commander’ conference.

He stated that things were well on track. From the agreed new peace time strength of 2.5 million men, the armed forces currently had 1.2 million on service. 1.5 were scheduled to be achieved by the end of the year. A faster build-up was impossible because new leaders had to be trained and barracks had to be built first.
New training areas were under procurement as well. To have one major manoeuvre training ground per army corps was a proven approach that would be followed. New barracks would be mainly built in conjunction with the training areas or in order to boost economically weak regions. The Luftwaffe would receive a network of new aerodromes that positioned her to conduct successful defence of German air space. For the navy, there was no big change in stationing, Wilhelmshaven and Kiel would remain the major bases.
Recruitment of officer aspirants and NCO candidates was well up to requirement, as was recruitment of voluntary long time soldiers and seamen.

Erich Ludendorff explained that the OKW, which currently worked from offices dispersed all over Berlin, was to relocate to Wünsdorf, south of Berlin, in summer of 1920. New office complexes were under construction there that eventually would also accommodate OHL, SKL, and LKL in large-scale facilities above and below ground. He did not think that all this could be ready before 1925, but alone the concentration of OKW in the new office building above ground at Wünsdorf would be an enormous progress over current conditions.
In terms of training, he announced that a first joint staff exercise, a Kriegsspiel, was to take place in September, the theme being a landing operation in England launched from the Belgian sea ports. The exercise had been named “Seelöwe”, it would be a staff exercise in which the staffs would be fed with information from deployed lower staffs. Next would come a staff map exercise to be held in February 1920. – This would also be the annual exercise cycle of OKW: Staff exercise with deployed manoeuvre elements in autumn and staff map exercise in winter.

Max Hoffmann stated that army reorganisation was on schedule. In the infantry, the old “Korporalschaften” had been abolished and fixed squads led by an Unteroffizier been introduced also for peace time training. Strength was to be one NCO and ten men, the two extra soldiers being the light machine gunner and his aid. A suitable light machine gun had still to be agreed upon, the old 08/15s were used as interim.
Infantry battalions were to receive six FK 96 n.A. in a new fifth – heavy support – company. The FK 96 had been chosen because it could be manhandled and its ballistic performance was more than sufficient for the purpose of close support. The guns would be towed by small tractors, wheeled and tracked models were currently under test.
The field artillery would switch to howitzers exclusively. Divisions would have a mix of 105 and 150 mm guns. The existing FK 16s would be used up.
The heavy artillery, at home on corps level, would have 150 mm long range cannons and the proven 210 mm howitzers, plus a vast array of heavier siege and long range guns.
Wireless was to be introduced army wide.
A turreted model of the Kanobil was currently under test at Senne training ground, there were three competing versions, one from Krupp-Daimler, one from Büssing-Ehrhardt and one from Benz-Lloyd-Röchling.
Major Rohr had proposed an assault infantry version of the Kanobil. The engine would move to the front, the assault squad sit in rear and bail out through a rear door. The vehicle should be armed with a machine gun or a 2 cm gun. The specifications had been given to the industry.

Ernst von Hoeppner voiced discontent with the current state of the Luftwaffe. Premature demobilisation after the war had almost completely disrupted working relations. What he currently had did not suffice to warrant defence of the German air space. His training facilities were completely overcrowded as were those barracks given to his service.
In terms of hardware, he thought that the current mix of Fokker D.VII/E.V, Pfalz D.XII and Siemens-Schuckert D.III/IV fighters was still top of the mark. Replacement models were scheduled for a service start in 1923.
Ground attack units were also fine off with Junkers J4/J10 and Hannover CL III/IV until approximately 1925.
Medium bombers needed immediate replacement, a competition was going on. Reconnaissance and aerial observation still mainly relied on the sturdy Albatrosses and LVGs, these were due to be phased out in about two years, replacement models were presently tested at Schneidemühl.
Regarding Flak, the old establishment again had been cut by demobilisation and he had to start from scratch. But this might also have the advantage of an more structured approach.

Reinhard Scheer looked well tanned. He reported that he just came back from a visit of the German Mediterranean Squadron, which was stationed at Taranto. The old battleships of the Nassau class, SMS Nassau, SMS Westfalen, SMS Rheinland and SMS Posen had been detached to Italy. While the ships would stay down south, crews were rotated in a one year cycle. This was to give German sailors a broader experience than training in the “Wet Triangle” alone had done before the war.
To the same end, a host of light cruisers had been sent on duty all around Africa and two great cruisers, SMS Derfflinger and SMS Hindenburg, together with a chain of ancillary vessels, had been sent to the Chinese Sea. An agreement was in place with the Japanese for port services at Formosa and Kiautschou.
SMS Mackensen was scheduled for commission in March 1920. SMS Prinz Eitel Friedrich would follow in August 1920. Yet it would take until 1922 before all new great cruisers became operational. Battleships SMS Sachsen and SMS Württemberg would join the fleet in mid-1920.
His talented young men had aroused his interest in the “Telemobiloskop” invented by a certain Mister Hülsmeyer before the war. They saw interesting possibilities for detecting ships in this.
His staff was currently working on new specifications for more powerful and efficient submarines, and this would go on until early next year at least. The same had to be said about the aircraft carrier idea, which still required a lot of testing before specifications even could be formulated.

Hermann von Eichhorn closed the meeting with the remark that at present there was no threat to Germany that could cause any serious concern. Therefore, work on optimising the German armed forces could proceed undisturbed. The Reichstag was providing appropriate funding and the ruling parties fully agreed to and endorsed the plans of the military.
With this, the generals and the admiral went for lunch.

One Speech too many

The invitation for the coronation ceremony at Reims finally had driven Kaiser Wilhelm II. out of his “neural fever”, which only consisted of demonstratively ignoring a world that obviously was ignoring him by keeping in bed and refusing all contact.
Wilhelm was not the demonic character the Entente propaganda had painted him before and during the war. He was a little boy that refused to become adult. He was selfish and egoistic, quick witted and rather bright, but incapable of efficient work – and completely overstrained when it came to ruling the German Empire.
He loved the military because of the bright uniforms, the splendid parades and the gruffy comradeship – but he had been deadly afraid of the war during the war. He was a swashbuckler of sorts, but only in words – never in reality, where he had become known as the “tumbler” (Umfaller) everytime a decision to war was to be taken prior to 1914.
In 1914, he had only been talked into accepting the risk of a war because of his grief over Franz Ferdinand’s death, whom he really had considered a friend, and because he had believed that Nicky (Tsar Nicholas II.) would share his view that the Serbian murderers must be punished.

It had been hard work for Chancellor Ebert to convince Wilhelm to go to Reims in civilian attire. Like a goatish child Wilhelm had insisted on wearing uniform. He did not feel comfortable in civilian clothes, he loved his helmets and uniforms with the multitude of ribbons and medals.
Only after Ebert had proven that Philippe VIII. himself would wear dress coat and top-hat as would all other monarchs attending, Wilhelm had caved in grumblingly.

Fortunately, Wilhelm’s role at Reims had not been a speaking one. He had only to be present, look dignified and disappear again. Maurras had seen that Wilhelm’s sojourn on French soil was as short as only could be arranged.
Consequently, the international press reported quite favourably about him. Without speech to be held, Wilhelm had been able to concentrate on playing attitude and gesture of a true emperor – and again had convinced the publicised opinion.

This encouraged the German government to let Wilhelm go to Turkey for the official groundbreaking ceremony for the Baghdad Railway.
The old project had ground to hold in 1914. After the war, Turkey had asked Germany to carry on. After thorough evaluation of the damage caused by the war, a new contract had been signed in spring of 1919.
And now, after meticulous preparations, the construction work was to start on August 16th, 1919. Sultan Mehmet VI. attended the event and was eager to embrace his brother Wilhelm II.
This time, Wilhelm was expected to deliver a speech. The text had been drafted by the foreign ministry, co-ordinated with Wilhelm and endorsed by the chancellor. Foreign minister Richard von Kühlmann was to accompany the emperor.

It was a bright warm day. Wilhelm felt excellent. After some folk lore and some Turkish military ceremonial, Mehmet VI. delivered some words, not very impressively. Then it was Wilhelm’s turn. He stepped to the lectern and started to speak, and was carried away by his own eloquence and bright inspirations...
Some metres away, Richard von Kühlmann slowly collapsed into himself and shook his head.
“I should have known...” he mumbled. “We all should have known.”

Of course, there had been a whole brigade of newspaper men present. The story was in the world wide press six hours later.
Heavy insults against Great Britain, with which Germany officially was at peace. Claiming Almighty assistance for Germany’s victory, declaring himself as the chosen of the Almighty, calling God “my old ally”, telling the Muslims that Allah is only another word for God, thus "Allah is my old ally”. Telling the Turks that only because of the German military missions before the war they had been able to win it. Calling Jews and Arabs “riffraff” that needed to be disciplined by the Ottomans. Declaring the Indian mutiny God’s punishment for England, just as he had prayed for four years long. Et cetera ad nauseam...

It was a very austere group of parlamentarians that came to visit Crown Prince Wilhelm at his estate Cecilienhof near Potsdam on August 18th, 1919. Their message was unpleasant: Either Wilhelm II. abdicated immediately in favour of his eldest son – or the Bundesrat would consider to award the Imperial German Crown to another German royal house.

Kaiser Wilhelm III.

The coronation of Wilhelm III., King of Prussia, took place on Monday, September 1st, 1919, at Königsberg, the traditional coronation place of the Prussian Kings. It was a major European event that also caught worldwide attention. It had been carefully planned and fixed for September 1st because the following day was Sedanstag, the most important German holiday, thus giving the Prussians and the other Germans opportunity to celebrate extensively.
With surprise, Philippe VIII. of France had noticed that the Germans did not hate or cross him but waved and cheered wherever he went or drove. He knew that his people did not reciprocate these feelings. The Kaiser’s visit to Reims had had to be screened by a whole army of policemen, otherwise his compatriots would have thrown stones and foul eggs on Wilhelm II.
Philippe also noted how prosperous Germany was – especially when compared to France, where Maurras’ government still had found no way to stop the galloping inflation.
The reception of Georg V. of Britain by the Germans, Philippe observed, was much more subdued, sometimes even outrightly hostile. It would seem that the Germans still resented the British blockade, while they no longer bore any grudge towards their old “hereditary enemy”. Might it be that the Germans now had found another “hereditary enemy” and were ready to accept the French as their neighbours without sending their army for a visit in each generation?

As was Prussian custom, Wilhelm crowned himself in the castle church – no arch bishop required. Then he put the queen’s crown on his wife’s head. That was it. With this, he automatically had become German Emperor as well.
The Germans now would celebrate Kaisers Geburtstag (emperor’s birthday), the second highest national holiday, on May 6th.

The reception in Königsberg Castle would later be remembered as the “Torturous Sardine Can Meeting”. The number of guests exceeded the available space by a factor of three. Fortunately, the inner yard provided ample outdoor evasion capacity. So, all guests were reported to have survived the ordeal.
The heads of state had, of course, no problems in this regard. They met to a dinner in the Moskowitersaal, the largest room in the castle, just above the castle church.
Wilhelm III. made an excellent appearance. A slender man with gracious motions, he was exquisitely polite to everyone and completely devoid of his father’s infamous jokes, like nipping guests in the butt.
It was therefore without fear that Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria, a famous victim of butt nipping, approached him after dinner when the cigars were handed out and the ladies had disappeared into an adjacent room.
“Congratulations, my dear, my wholehearted felicitations. – I suppose you did not have a pleasant time convincing your father to abdicate – because of his bad health...”
Wilhelm sighed.
“Well, no, it was not easy. You know him. – But the prospect that a Bavarian or a Saxon might become next emperor finally made the difference. My mother was very helpful too. You know she really is ill and prefers a quiet life over the wandering circus my father habitually entertained.”
“What will he do now?”
“Move to Corfu and live in the Achilleion, if not enjoying a Mediterranean cruise with the “Hohenzollern”, which he will retain.”
“That’s in Greece...”
Wilhelm smiled.
“Yes, it is. But we are at peace with Greece now. You know, Germany acceded to your treaty with them.”
“Yes, I know. – Well, relations between my country and Greece are somewhat strained...”
“Obviously. Now, our countries are friends and allies, I don’t think that Greek irredenta stands any chance.”
“French irredenta also stood no chance, they tried it nevertheless.”
“And failed, as Greece will fail, if they try – which at least Uncle Konstantin will try to prevent.”
With this, Wilhelm bowed courteously and went ahead to engage Grand Duke Kyrill, in absence of Tsarevich Alexej now Regent of Russia.

Wilhelm III. was not completely indisputable for the Germans. He had been the responsible army commander at Verdun, which carnage was permanently prominent in all German minds – far superseding the Somme or Flanders. And he was known to have entertained “ladies” at his HQ while his soldiers kicked the bucket at Verdun and in the Argonne. He also had been allied with the extreme right during the war.
Many would have preferred his younger brother Eitel Friedrich over him, who was a war hero with untarnished reputation, although even more reactionary than Wilhelm.
It was generally hoped that the war experience had purified Wilhelm and that he would become a prudent and wise emperor.

Fortress

The Japanese had absolutely no intention of giving up Vladivostok and their Outer Manchuria project. Immediately after they had captured the port, they had started to fortify it towards the land side. Two hands full of Korean labour battalions had been set to work, as had Japanese army engineers and private Japanese companies.
The perimeter was set in a way that the outer ring of field positions was still well within the range of the Japanese ship artillery. Multiple layers of wire obstacles, fortified field positions, concrete block houses, subterranean shelters for reserve troops, artillery positions etc. were installed with greatest haste. Whole forests were razed in order to create cleared fields of fire.
At second layer of defences was installed at the base of the peninsula on which the town of Vladivostok was situated. The form of the coastline would also allow the Japanese to move forces by ship from one area to another – or reinforce certain sectors by ship borne troops.

When the defeat at Khabarovsk occurred, Vladivostok was already so strong that Tukhachevsky’s force stood no chance even if they had followed the retreating Japanese on their heels.
Lieutenant General Prince Kuni Kuniyoshi, who had spent a long time with the German army before the war, had been entrusted with the defence of Vladivostok. He had three infantry divisions and six engineer battalions for that task, plus numerous units of fortress artillery imported from Japan and Korea.
Now he was reinforced by the remnants of Nashimoto’s force, which – after some rest and refit – amounted to another four divisions. Senior officers were shuttled in from Japan to take over the formations, while some of the most active junior leaders, who had distinguished themselves during break out and retreat, were promoted to lead battalions and regiments.
Kuni and his chief of staff, Colonel Takashi Hishikari, agreed that the situation was not at all serious. The Bolsheviks stood no chance of breaking the defences. The railway bridge at Khabarovsk was still down, so Bolshevik supply and reinforcement faced serious difficulties.
One had to admit that the Imperial Japanese Army had suffered a shameful defeat, but after further reinforcements arrived a new offensive would doubtlessly re-establish Japanese control of the Sikhot-Alin area.

Mikhail Tukhachevsky, at his HQ at Nikolsk-Ussuriysky, had arrived at quite the same conclusion concerning an attack on Vladivostok. Although he could think of several ways to intrude into the Japanese perimeter, there was no way to avoid annihilation by the Japanese ship artillery. However successful he penetrated the outer defences, his forces were doomed as soon as the Japanese battleships opened fire.
In regard of a Japanese counter offensive, however, Tukhachevsky had a differing opinion. Although the Trans-Sib had been cut at Khabarovsk, he sat – here at Nikolsk-Ussuriysky – at the end of the Chinese Eastern Railway, built with Russian funds as shortcut to the Trans-Sib before the war. And while the CER certainly was closed to the Japanese, it wasn’t to the Bolsheviks.
The Chinese, following the golden rule that the enemy of my enemy is my friend, despite their dislike for communist ideology, had no problems of opening the CER to Tukhachevsky’s reinforcements and supplies. To not arouse Japanese suspicions, the traffic was conducted at night, when the Japanese airplanes stayed down. Japanese spies on the ground had not to be feared, thanks to the Cossacks - and to the Chinese who had no interest in providing the Japanese an excuse for aggression and therefore handled the affair with utter care for secrecy.

So, expecting the Japanese counter blow well before winter, Tukhachevsky was preparing his own fortress in the wilderness. There was no need to fell millions of trees in order to create a good field of fire. Forest aisles served the same purpose without telling the enemy what was going on.
Undetected by the Japanese, the Bolsheviks were preparing a big trap for the invader.
If the Japanese denied the Bolsheviks access to the seas by occupying Vladivostok, the Bolsheviks could still deny the Japanese any progress beyond the town.

Tukhachevsky had also detailed a detachment of Cossacks and local militias to Nikolayevsk on the mouth of the Amur River. The Japanese force up there hadn’t moved at all since coming ashore. Time to chase them back into the sea. Maybe that would also trigger a Japanese advance out of Vladivostok...

The Empire Strikes Back


Returning from the coronation ceremony in Germany, Enver Pasha summoned his colleagues, Talat and Çemal, for a review of the situation in the Ottoman Empire.
They agreed that the interior situation was favourable, more favourable than it had been since decades. The Turkish population, feeling to be the victors of the war, backed the current regime. There was a strong movement towards more education. With German help, the Istanbul Naval Engineers’ School was to be expanded into Istanbul Technical University, while the Istanbul General University was broadening its educational range. Two new universities were planned, one at Edirne, the other at Smyrna.
It had already been decided to adopt the German education system. German experts were swarming all over the Turkish part of the empire, helping to establish a modern school system.
Germans were also busy in the Taurus Mountains, trying to complete the Baghdad Railway – which now would be extended to Basorah, something the British had had prevented before the war, but were to weak now to repeat. – More railways were needed nevertheless. The traffic conditions in the eastern provinces were terrible, this being the major reason why Turkey had lost the race towards Baku.
That couldn’t be helped. The Germans were now firmly established in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan, which countries had treaties of protection and technical assistance with the German Empire. The German chemical industry had founded the “Energieversorgungsgesellschaft” (energy supply company) EVEG, which was now exploiting the Baku oilfields (and also those in Romania that the Germans had gotten for 99 years in the Treaty of Bucharest). The Germans were about to build a pipeline from Baku to Poti and upgrading the railway connection from Baku to Rostov on Don, the Ukraine and Germany proper.

Right now, the Ottoman Empire had no own source of oil. The Turkish Petroleum Company was dead, a victim of the war. Experts thought that Mesopotamia, which had the same geological features as the area in Persia, where the British had found oil in 1908, might yield oil, but until today none had been found.
The Brits were clinging heavily to southern Persia, where the Anglo-Persian Oil Company was active. Since the American oil companies were only selling oil to the British for advance cash payment, the Masjed Soleiman oilfield and the Burmese oil were the only affordable sources of oil for the Royal Navy. And in Burma, the Indian Insurgency had now arrived in force.

Yes, the British had a lot of problems, and they had no money. They weren’t paying for their use of Al Kowayt and Cyprus. The Cyprus-Kowayt-Treaty, which had been concluded following the Treaty of Copenhagen, regulated that Britain had to pay monthly fees to the Sublime Porte. The money could be substituted by oil or coal. But right now, neither money nor oil nor coal was coming forth.
That provided Turkey with a good title for fully re-possessing Al Kowayt and Cyprus. Kowayt was the easier part and would come first. The allies, Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, had already agreed to this course of action. Even the US had signalled “green light” – they were also irritated by the British refusal to re-pay their war debts – and had agreed to send some ships of war to the Persian Gulf in order to observe a regulated hand over to the Sublime Porte.

Cyprus was another case because of the Greek majority of the population. They might stage a rebellion, which wasn’t a real problem but would paint a negative picture of the empire. One had still to suffer from a hostile stance of international public opinion because of the alleged “Armenian Genocide”, why add a “Cyprus Massacre”? The Germans had agreed to take over the Famagusta naval station from the British, as well as administration of the island. The secret Accord of Königsberg, which Enver had just brought home, regulated a slow set piece handover of the administration to the Sublime Porte, while Germany would keep Famagusta naval station for 12 years. The Germans would undertake to restructure the administration of the island in a way that both ethnic groups were represented and achieved internal self-governance before the Ottoman Empire took over formal dominion, respecting local representation and self-governance.
The fear was that this example might bring about demands for representation and local self-governance in the other provinces of the empire. The “Three Pashas” were not yet clear how to react to that. They knew that a certain change was unavoidable and that without public participation the empire was doomed in the long run. But how to manage that change without losing power was still an enigma for them.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha’s campaign in Arabia was an outright success. Luckily, Bedouins died lonely in the wilderness. There was no exodus, no refugees, nothing to stir foreign public opinion. Some tribes had submitted to Ottoman rule, others – such as the Saudis – had perished.
Kemal’s troops had had a short brush with the Brits near Aden. But one had no intention to act with force down there. When the British hold slackened because they needed their troops in India, one might stage a rebellion to overthrow British rule and voluntarily join the Ottoman Empire.
It was only a question of buying the right people at the right time…

Persian Azerbaijan and Kurdistan were now tightly controlled by the Turks, despite the horrible infrastructure. There was an uneasy truce with the British, who still held Hamadan in order to screen their oil wells further south.
The Caspian Sea thus provided excellent access to the Turkish speaking areas in the Transcaspian territories. Ottoman support for the Savaşçı (which the Russians derogatively called “Basmachi” - bandits) was forthcoming as good as possible. Turkish volunteers supported the Savaşçı and their leader Mohammed Alim Khan, Amir of Bukhara. Enver’s Pan-Turan ideas were now bearing some nice fruits – and the Ottoman Empire did support the struggle against the Bolsheviks, something the German allies noted with gratification.

Britain against the Wall


If the Ottoman leaders believed that Britain would tolerate any of their schemes, they were thoroughly erring. The situation in India and Ireland only caused the Britons to rally in support of the conservative government. Socialists or Liberals who dared to speak against the policy of Andrew Bonar Law risked to be publicly insulted or even beaten. The Northcliffe press was working furiously for attuning the populace with the national cause.
When by the end of September 1919 it became known that the Germans and their Belgian allies had exercised an invasion of south-east England, those who always had believed that Germany was behind everything had their field day. Since their turnaround, the Belgians already had joined the Germans as favourite objects of hate and infamy, but now publicised opinion went as far as to demand a preventive strike of the Royal Navy against the Belgian sea ports.
On October 1st, 1919, general conscription was re-introduced.
The volunteer militias in Ireland had proven to be worthless and detrimental for Britain. Many of their members had gotten drunk and remained so for days or weeks in sequence. Women and girls had been harassed, dozens of them raped and in some cases even killed afterwards. Shops had been robbed. Weapons had been used for no apparent reason against innocent passer-bys. Finally, General Rawlinson had been forced to send out his infantry to arrest the militias and transport them back to England for basic training and education.
Now, Rawlinson could expect five new divisions, which would help him to regain control over the Emerald Isle.
The main effort, however, was for India, where matters had completely slipped out of control. For all practical reasons, the Indian Army had ceased to exist. Only most Ghurkha regiments had remained loyal to the British Raj, all other native formations had broken apart, individuals or whole units joining the insurgents. This left only the British Army in India. The British units at present controlled Karachi, Bombay and Calcutta, where also most of the British nationals had fled to (if they got away), while the rest of the country had fallen to the rebels. The British observed, however, that various fractions were now fighting each other and that religious affairs increasingly segregated the insurgents. Several Maharajas had been killed, some had joined the rebels, most had left the country. The old Indian order of things had collapsed, but there was yet little indication what would come up instead.

While British nationalism soared high, the value of the British Pound entered free fall. British economy, already ailing from the war, received its death blow with the re-introduction of conscription. Even the weak Pound did not help to vitalise exports. International customers cancelled orders when it became clear that timelines would not be met or the expected quality would not be achieved. The London stock exchange now ultimately lost its world leading role to the Wall Street.

The Dominions, however, remained faithful to Britain. Despite the appalling loses suffered in the war, Canada fielded a voluntary division for India. Australia agreed to send four divisions to India. The Australian Corps in the war had fought in the last ditch defence east of Calais, had finally been encircled and gone into captivity without suffering the awful losses of the Canadians.
New Zealand revived the New Zealand Division for India, and South Africa mobilised an army corps of three divisions.

When, in early October 1919, the Sublime Porte voiced its intentions about Kowayt and Cyprus, the British reply was a clear “No”. The Royal Navy’s Mediterranean Squadron left Malta and steamed for Cyprus. British units from Persia were moved into Kuwait.
The British government declared that under the present national emergency no payments could be made and that all available oil and coal was required for the Royal Navy. This did, however, not mean that Britain did not honour its obligations from the Cyprus-Kowayt-Treaty. Deliveries would be resumed after the end of the emergency and missed rates made good for.
This somehow weakened the Ottoman case and placated the American hawks, so that President Wilson and his Anglophiles got the upper hand again, steering a course of benevolent neutrality opposite Britain.

In Britain it was noted that the Germans again had been involved, adding to the rampant Germanophobia that now also increasingly saw Germany behind the Indian Insurgency.
The picture of “Ye good ol’ Hun” was revived in newspapers and magazines. And a new series of “Little Willy” cartoons was published, delving into the alleged amorous adventures of the then Crown Prince during the war – and before and after the war...

When in mid-October the IRA managed to run a speedboat loaded with explosives into a British destroyer on blockade duty off Cork, taking the lifes of 67 seamen, voices became loud which demanded a remote blockade.
When few days later another speedboat attack sunk a second destroyer and killed further 39 sailors, the remote blockade was officially proclaimed, barring Ireland from all international sea traffic, on October 22nd, 1919.
This unavoidably led to international protests – and in the US to a new sway towards the anti-British hawks. While Irish American propaganda painted the picture of starving Irish babies, a strong movement for freedom of the seas demanded American diplomatic intervention.
President Wilson finally decided to sent his “grey eminence”, Colonel House, to Britain and Europe in order to find a solution that did not bring the USA in confrontation with Britain.

Talks


Colonel Edward M. House arrived in Britain on November 1st, 1919. November is a month of darkness and bad weather everywhere in Northern Europe, but House was really alerted when he saw this “grey country with its grey people”, as he later would describe it.
The Britain he had known before and during the war, the Britain that dominated a worldwide empire and was certain to win the war was gone.
This was a country that had lost a major war, a country fallen into poverty, a country fearing to lose its empire. House was shocked by the hatred that he met everywhere. Hatred against the Germans, who were seen as the architects of British decline, and their “puppets”, hatred against the French, who had deserted the Entente and capitulated to the Germans, hatred against the Irish, the Indians, the Turks, the Americans… Yes, even against the Americans who insisted that Britain paid back her war debts, instead of writing them off as contribution to the common cause.
House, who had thought that the Treaty of Copenhagen was extremely lenient, learned that this was only German treachery in order to appease the international community. The real German war aim was the downfall of Britain and Germany’s emergence as leading world power. To that end, the Germans had – somehow – managed to incite the Irish rebellion and the Indian insurgency.
Did one have proof for that?
No, of course not, the Germans were much too cunning to leave traces. But wasn’t it obvious?
Didn’t Germany have a democratic government now?
Well, the old militarists were still in power. Hadn’t he seen the gigantic armament programme that the Germans were executing?
But hadn’t they stopped their naval construction programme, hadn’t they? – They were currently constructing eight new battle cruisers and two battleships, while Britain was building nothing for lack of funds. They had acquired naval bases in Belgium and Italy, their Turkish friends were threatening Cyprus, Kuwait and Aden. They were experimenting with more effective submarines and had engaged in developing aircraft carriers. Did he really think all this was mere happenstance?
What were the British plans for Ireland? Wasn’t it possible to grant self-rule? – One could think about many ways to grant more autonomy to the Irish, even independence might become possible some day. But one would not cave in to terrorists and rebels.
And India? – India was the crown of the British Empire, one would regain it. The present chaos amply demonstrated that the Indians were not yet capable of self-government. One would have to coach them carefully. Perhaps in two or thee generations they would be capable of self-rule.
House was astonished that even Liberals, like Alfred Milner and Herbert Asquith shared these views. After one week of talks with British statesmen, House travelled on to Germany.

In Germany, November was as dark and rainy as in Britain, but here House found no “grey country with grey people”. Germany now united all Germans in Central Europe, except those in Switzerland, it was a bustling and busy prosperous country. In Berlin, House encountered Friedrich Ebert who took some hours to talk with him.
House was surprised that Ebert didn’t even mention Great Britain in his analysis of the current situation. Ebert completely concentrated on continental European themes, the war against the Bolsheviks and the yet unsolved – or only half solved – Polish question.
What about the growth of the German Army? – Well, the pre-war regime had kept the army small for reasons of not watering down its qualities, which also meant use against interior foes of the regime. This small size had invited the Entente for aggression. – Now, that every German could proudly serve in the armed forces, which no longer had any other task but defence against external foes, Germany would not repeat this mistake of an army too small to deter.
And the navy? – The Tirpitz Programme was definitely finished, only the ships that had already been started before or during the war would be completed. The High Seas Fleet had demonstrated that its size was sufficient to control the German Bight and the Baltic. More was not required.
But the German ships in the Mediterranean? – Italy was an ally now, as were Bulgaria and Hungary and the Ottoman Empire. Why shouldn’t German ships not cruise in the Mediterranean with so many friendly ports to be visited?
And the Ottoman demand on Cyprus and Kuwait? – Britain had recognised Ottoman sovereignty over Cyprus and Kuwait in the Treaty of Copenhagen. It had also agreed to pay royalties to the Ottomans for the continued use of both countries. If these royalties weren’t remitted, the Sublime Porte had a right to demand that Britain evacuated the countries. Germany had been asked by Turkey to temporarily administer Cyprus because it was feared that the Greek majority population of the island might not welcome Turkish rule. His government had agreed to this request after consultation with King Konstantin’s government in Greece. Prime Minister Lambros had expressedly welcomed the initiative.
What about Ireland? What was the German position? – An internal British affair, Germany had no intention to recognize an independent Ireland as long as Britain did not agree to Irish independence.
And India? – Ebert only shrugged his shoulders, certainly a tragedy, but Germany was neither involved nor interested.

House left Germany with the perception that a great disparity existed between the British worldview and the German one. He had also seen the German newspapers and read German magazines (with the help of his interpreter). The Germans were neither interested in the Irish question nor did they care much about the Indian Insurgency. The Polish question, the Russian question and the fate of Bolshevism were much more important in German public opinion. The Germans generally disliked Britain because of the blockade, but Britain ranged very low in German priorities.
During the war, House had sided with the British, believing their arguments about a struggle between democracy and Prussian militarism and autocracy. He now had to admit that the German democracy was obviously more liberal and advanced than what he had seen in Britain.
He returned to Britain with the intention to soften the British stance and achieve a more liberal handling of affairs, especially in Ireland.

Ordeal by Battle


China was infested with Japanese spies, there was no way to keep the news of Chinese support for the Bolsheviks secret from them. It took only few days and recently promoted General Prince Kuni Kuniyoshi and his chief of staff, Colonel Takashi Hishikari, were perfectly informed not only about the fact itself but also about the number of troops and the kind of supplies that had reached Tukhachevsky via the CER.
This changed their plans considerably. Requests for additional support went out to Japan. It took until early October to assemble everything. Prince Kuni was already getting impatient, winter was drawing close, October was the last month to wield a decent campaign.
Finally, on October 8th, 1919, the Japanese advance started.
Immediately outside the range of the Japanese ship artillery, Bolshevik forces were encountered, pickets which forced the Japanese to deploy and then fell back, Cossacks which tried to find weak spots in the Japanese array.
The Bolsheviks also undertook night attacks on the resting Japanese force, but were repulsed by strong alarm posts with machine guns prepared for night fighting.
On October 12th, the Japanese made contact with Tukhachevsky’s main defence line. They conducted reconnaissance by force, but then retreated after they had identified the Bolshevik positions.
On October 13th, Japanese artillery started shelling these positions, while strong forces swung out to the sides in order to find a way around the Bolshevik defences.
On October 14th, a strong Cossack detachment, estimated 6-7,000, attacked the rear of the Japanese. These had, however, expected such a move and were prepared to meet it. The Cossacks were bloodily repulsed, leaving about half of their number on the battlefield.
The units operating to the left and the right reported that they had run into Bolshevik emplacements as well.
On October 17th, after four days of shelling, the Japanese attacked – and were mowed down in clusters by Bolshevik machine guns.
The shelling was now resumed and lasted four more days.
One Japanese corps had been detailed to manoeuvre around the left flank of the Bolsheviks. By careful reconnaissance the corps commander, Lieutenant General Yamanashi Hanzō, had not only identified the end of the Bolshevik field fortifications, he had also found the force that Tukhachevsky had assembled to fall into the Japanese flank.
When on October 20th the Japanese guns shifted their fire to the Bolshevik rear and Japanese infantry advanced against his positions, Mikhail Tukhachevsky unleashed the troops that were to fall onto the Japanese right flank.
While the Japanese this time broke into the Bolshevik trenches and started to roll them up left and right, Tukhachevsky’s attack formation ran into difficulties. The captured tanks that were to support the infantry quickly fell victim to well positioned field cannons. The infantry ran into heavy small arms fire and stalled, then the Japanese artillery concentrated on them. The Cossacks on the extreme left of the attackers encountered numerical superior Japanese cavalry and were dispersed suffering heavy losses.
Finally, Yamanashi’s corps counter attacked and annihilated the Bolshevik infantry.
In the centre, three Japanese divisions had now penetrated the enemy front line and had made contact with the second line of Bolshevik field fortifications.
This didn’t look like an easy victory…

Mikhail Tukhachevsky had to admit that the battle was not running as he had planned. The Japanese so far had spoilt all his moves. His first line of defence was taken, his counter attack force beaten, his artillery out of ammunition…
A Japanese corps was marching on his rear.
With faint regret, Tukhachevsky committed his last reserves.

Lieutenant General Yamanashi had not expected another Bolshevik attack so soon and had ordered his divisions to advance quickly in order to get in the enemy’s rear as fast as possible.
Therefore the battle became a classic meeting engagement when Japanese and Bolshevik units ran into one another. It was the superior drill and fire discipline of the Japanese soldiers that finally told. Japanese losses were grievous, but the Bolshevik force ceased to exist.
Yamanashi’s corps now counted hardly more than a weak division, but they sat astride the Trans-Sib in the rear of Tukhachevsky’s troops.

The second Bolshevik line was not as strong as the first one had been. In several places the Japanese achieved break-ins on their first assault. Bolshevik morale was faltering and the number of prisoners of war was steadily rising.

Mikhail Tukhachevsky knew that the battle was lost. While he ordered his second line of defence to hold on as long as possible, he concentrated his remaining troops – the complement of the third line, the gunners, what was left of his Cossacks – for an attack on Yamanashi’s corps.

This time, Yamanashi had been expecting an attack. Some Bolsheviks escaped into the woods, many more died, quite a number surrendered. Mikhail Tukhachevsky’s force had perished.
It was a very pleased Yamanashi that ordered the captured Bolshevik commander to an interview.

Heia Safari

General of Artillery Friedrich Freiherr Kreß von Kressenstein watched the exercising Askaris with satisfaction. These men had pride and spirit! They had beaten the English and their auxiliaries, hadn’t they?
Kreß had been given the assignment because it was thought that a Bavarian would more easily get along with the natives than a Prussian. But Kreß thought that his Prussian predecessor, Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, had done an excellent job that hardly anyone could hope to better.
As commander of the Belgo-German African Army Kreß now reported to the Plenipotentiary. The old and often calamitous double tracked split of responsibility between civilian administration and military command thus had been overcome. The former Governor of German East Africa, Heinrich von Schnee, he had been nobilised last year, was now Belgo-German Plenipotentiary for Middle Africa.
The Belgians had finally come along. Their initial approach to have the Germans pay for the infrastructure while they pocketed the profits of the Katanga copper, had soon given way to a more realistic approach. Middle Africa was now under control of the Belgo-German Middle Africa Company, in which the Belgians held 35 percent of the shares. The supervisory body consisted of the colonial and finance ministers of both countries plus one representative each of the Reichsbank and the Belgian state bank. The executive head of the company was Prince Eitel Friedrich of Prussia who was represented in country by Heinrich von Schnee.
It was Kreß’ task to form the African Army. He had some two hundred German and Belgian officers, but the real task was to train and educate native officers. Ten former black sergeants had already been promoted to lieutenants for bravery in combat. They enjoyed an enormous social prestige with their people. Black officers!
There were many candidates, but the German way was to go to school and then to higher school, and only then one could apply. One could also join the cadet school at Daressalam, visiting school and higher school in a military environment and having warranted commission.
While Kreß had two hundred officers, von Schnee had two thousand teachers. Their task was to educate black teachers, to organise an university and to start a general educational offensive. This move was supported by the Christian churches; their missionaries doubled as teachers as well.
Linguists were busy to record the native languages and to bring them in a written form. The lingua franca of Middle Africa was to be German, but native tongues and native lore had to be conserved and respected.

The Askaris had finished their assault exercise and gathered for the review. When Kreß approached them, the black lieutenant cried: “Attention!” and then reported: “Sir, Second Company gathering for review of assault exercise.” Kreß told him to carry on.
The former Shaush (Sergeant), now Lieutenant, was a formidable appearance. He had become famous for an action in combat when he stood up in heavy enemy fire to have a better aim at the English. Told to lie down again, he had exclaimed: “The Kaiser has paid my pay for 25 years now, I shall be allowed to die for him once!” and had continued firing upright at the English.
Decorated with the Iron Cross first and second class, he was huge Bantu with wide shoulders and hands like frying pans. He now turned to his soldiers and started his review.
Kreß was taken aback when he learned what German cuss this man knew. He was absolutely unsatisfied with the performance of his men (which had looked quite acceptable for Kreß); and he could easily account for all the mistakes the soldiers had made.
At the end of his words, he turned to Kreß again. “Request permission to repeat exercise.”
“Granted. Carry on.”
With a loud roar, the lieutenant chased his company back to the starting positions.
“Were they really so bad? I thought they were quite good.” remarked Kreß.
“Well, Sir, it was tolerable, but they can do better. – And my men always must be the best, so I will drill them until they really become excellent. – But excuse me, Sir, I now need to direct the exercise.”
Kreß gave him a salute and moved along.

Private companies looked for the infrastructure. A railway line was under construction that would link Daressalam to Boma and Duala, with a main branch terminal line to the Katanga deposits. The syndicate, headed by Hugo Stinnes, also comprised US and Italian companies – and the Hungarian state railway company, which was to provide the steel bridges. The connection Boma – Duala was thought to be complete in three years, the Katanga line might work for the first time in 1925, but the link to Daressalam could hardly be ready before 1928.
Following this main artery, a large number of secondary rail links had been chartered out.
Railway lines were also under construction in Groß Togoland and German South-West, the already existing spurs would be supplemented and extended.
Kreß now approached a group of black rail workers, which were receiving instruction from a Saxon engineer. Kreß had severe problems to determine what the man was speaking about in his awful Saxon dialect, he wondered what the negroes might carry away from that lesson…

A group of navy seamen crossed Kreß’ path. They saluted nicely and went on. The armoured cruiser “Roon” and the small cruisers “Straßburg” and “Graudenz” were in port right now. The navy really enjoyed to be relieved from duty in Wilhelmshaven and Kiel alone. No need anymore to be on guard opposite the Royal Navy, one could travel and see the world…

Blockade Runners

In the night from November 16th to 17th, 1919, a fast steamship under Brazilian flag, but manned exclusively by Irish American volunteers, dodged the British blockade and entered Sligo port in north-west Eire. It carried small arms, pistols, revolvers, shotguns, ammunition, explosives, hand grenades, fuses, telescopic sights, all what was needed for a guerrilla war against the British.

Under the influence of Michael Collins the IRA would continue its underground war against the Brits. There was no hope of winning an open battle, one must continue with thousand pinpricks.
One could use the opportunity of British weakness with only one division around Dublin to organise the Irish state and direct taxes away from Britain. When the Brits returned in force – they would need at least three months to have their new divisions ready – they would enter a foreign land that no longer followed their rule. The Protestant militias in Ulster had already been eliminated, and the Protestant inhabitants were increasingly following “advice” to leave for England or Scotland.

In the night November 21st /22nd, another blockade runner reached Ireland, this time at Tralee, chased by a British light cruiser who finally gave up the hunt because of the speedboat peril.

A third attempt in the early morning of November 25th near Galway ended with the blockade runner exploding after being hit by a gun of the British cruiser HMS Chatham. 25 Irish Americans and two Mexicans died when the explosives carried on board ignited and blew up the ship “Merida”.
HMS Chatham had correctly fired a warning shot, which had not been heeded, and then had directed one six inch round at the blockade runner. The devastating result of this one shot came as a complete surprise for the British sailors.

The incident caused an uproar in the US. “Limeys slaughter US citizens!” was one of the milder headlines. President Wilson came now under the pressure of both the public and the congress to do something to protect US citizens from “British Piratry”.
At the same time, Colonel House returned from Britain. His message was that Britain had slipped from liberal democracy to suppressive conservatism. British leaders were bound and determined to perpetuate the British Empire in its pre-1914 shape by hook or by crook. They would burke the Irish independence movement and forcibly reconquer India. – When looking for a liberal democracy, one should rather address Germany.
While Wilson remained suspicious regarding German democracy, he accepted House’s chracterisation of Britain as this met his own perception.
On November 28th, 1919, holding a press conference at the White House, he demanded that Britain either returned to a close blockade as prescribed by international law – or lifted the blockade at all.

A formal British answer did not occur, but it soon became clear that the wide blockade was kept up.

On December 2nd, the Irish Dáil Éireann sent out a request for help. Ireland was starving under the British blockade. The US were urgently asked to provide foodstuffs.
This was not entirely sincere because the Irish food situation was tense but not as desperate as the message conveyed. Nevertheless, the Irish Americans started a big campaign, raising funds and collecting donations. Finally, five ships were charged with grain, tinned food and instant products.
On December 16th, the little convoy, escorted by two cruisers and three destroyers of the US Navy, lifted anchor for Cork in Ireland.

This was an unwelcome evolution for the British government. It was one thing to try to stifle Germany, which could do no harm to the British Empire in 1914, but it was quite another thing to confront the USA, which could do enormous damage to Britain and her empire.
It was with clenched teeth therefore that the British watched the US convoy dock at Cork on December 21st.

The raving British press finally made the difference. After he had been mortally offended, insulted and vilified personally, Woodrow Wilson formally recognised Irish independence on Christmas Day 1919. The Vatican, Spain, Switzerland, Sweden, and most of the South and Central American countries followed suit. On January 2nd, 1920, after consultation with the US, Germany and her allies and wards accredited Irish sovereignty, soon followed by the Netherlands and Denmark. Only Norway, France, Portugal and Greece dragged their feet.

On January 6th, 1920, President Wilson formally demanded that Britain ended the illegal blockade of the free country of Ireland and withdrew her armed forces from the soil of this sovereign nation.

Visitors in the Night

Sheik Salim Al-Mubarak Al-Sabah was not accustomed to welcoming visitors after midnight. But these two gentlemen the ruler of Al Kuwayt could not turn away.
They were representatives of the Sublime Porte and their message was very important for Al-Sabah. An Ottoman army under General Mehmet Vehib Pasha was approaching the sheikdom. Al-Sabah could retain all the privileges that he had and would receive subsidies from the Sublime Porte in future (instead of the British payments he had been getting annualy until now), if he formally announced to lead his sheikdom back under the benevolent dominion of the Ottoman Empire and asked his British guests to leave country.
The Sublime Porte would honour his sheikdom as autonomous “Caza” and himself as “Quaimmaqam” (provincial sub-governor).
In case he did not heed their advice, the visitors painted a very vivid picture of what would happen to him and his family.
Vehib Pasha’s army would definitely enter the sheikdom, it was up to Al-Sabah to either be honoured as leader of an autonomous province loyal to the Ottoman Empire – or to be executed in public…
If he thought he could get away and live in exile, well, one would find him – but he then would be the last of his family to die and see all others perish before he finally met his fate.

Already on the next morning, on December 4th, 1919, Sheik Al-Sabah announced that Allah had sent him a dream, in which the Omnipotent and All-Merciful had given him direction to turn away from the British infidels and return to the orthodox palladium of the Sublime Porte.
He – of course – would follow this instruction and had already asked the Sublime Porte to send forces to protect the sheikdom.
The British he asked to evacuate his country at once.

For the British this was another unwelcome crisis. Ireland and India were already absorbing all their means and capabilities. Was Kuwait worth an armed confrontation with the Ottomans?
It had been secured as British foothold into Mesopotamia, when the Ottoman Empire seemed on the decline. But today, the Turks were stronger than they ever had been during the last one hundered years. Kuwait City was a modest trading town living from pearl fishery. It provided a good harbour, but its hinterland was only sandy desert. – Wasn’t it better to concentrate on Persia where there was oil?

While discussions in London still were going on, General Vehip Pasha’s army entered Kuwait.

The British had a weak brigade in Kuwait, three infantry battalions, two squadrons of cavalry, some guns and four airplanes, all under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Bernhard L. Montgomery.
Montgomery’s orders were to do nothing, neither move against the Ottoman force nor leave country.
When an envoy of Vehib Pasha demanded that his units hand over their weapons to the Turks, Montgomery refused. He stated that he had been ordered not to fight against the Ottoman forces, if they didn’t attack him, but that he also had no intention of surrendering weapons and going into internment.
Vehib Pasha had been told that war with Britain was the undesired outcome of this venture. He therefore put a ring of sentries around the British garrison and went on to conduct business as usual.

On December 12th, 1919, Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomery finally received order to evacuate his brigade to Abadan in Persia.
On December 14th, the Ottoman cruiser “Drama” (ex-Italian “Libia”) entered Kuwait port.

Another Insurgency

On December 15th, 1919, the Slovak Revolt broke out.
The Slovaks had seen the Czechs carve out their – however small – own state. They were embittered by continued attempts at Magyarisation and tired of Hungarian dominance.
Led by Father Andrej Hlinka and František Skyčák, the Slovak National Council at Bratislava (known as “Pressburg” to the Germans and “Pozsony” to the Hungarians) declared national independence and secession from Hungary. Slovakian reservists were called for service with the Slovak National Army, and those Slovaks currently serving in the Hungarian army were prompted to desert.
One problem was that Slovakian borders to Hungary were not defined at all and although the Slovakians provided the majority in the northern districts of Hungary, there were also strong Hungarian elements, accounting approximately for one third of the total population. The Slovaks had belonged to the Hungarian Kingdom since the early Middle Age; they never had lived in a state of their own.
The other problem obviously was that the Hungarians had absolutely no intention of letting Slovak secession happen.

While the Hungarian army was starting to mobilise, the Slovak National Council and the Czech government proclaimed the creation of the Czecho-Slovakian Republic on December 17th. Czech army elements immediately moved into Slovakia and disarmed Hungarian army garrisons and police posts.
General Jan Syrový, once commander of the Czech Legion, was appointed commander of the Czecho-Slovakian armed forces.

Appeals by the Hungarian government to stop the secession and return to the old order in exchange for exemption from punishment for the insurgents and deserters did not show any results.
Hungarian foreign minister István Burián of Rajecz, himself a scion of Slovak landed gentry, travelled to Vienna to meet his German colleague von Kühlmann.
Kühlmann explained that Czechia had no treaty of friendship or mutual support with Germany. Should Hungary find it necessary to invade Czechia, Germany would protect her borders, refuse admittance for Czechs and Slovaks and remain benevolently neutral towards Hungary. The only German demand was that German residential areas in northern Hungary or Czechia be treated with utter care by the Hungarians.

The Hungarian Army took until mid-January before they were ready. Now it was high winter in the northern Hungarian mountains. General Field Marshal Hermann Kövess of Kövessháza, the commander of the Hungarian Army had detailed Field Marshal Svetozar Boroëvić of Bojna, a born Serb, to command the forces that were to suppress the Slovak revolt.
Boroëvić had the elite Bosniak Corps, two Croat Corps and five Hungarian Corps. This was considered more than sufficient to subdue the insurgency in Felvidék (Upper Hungary) as Slovakia was known to the Hungarians.

On the opposing side, Jan Syrový had organised fifteen rifle divisions. He had men enough for more divisions, but still lacked machine guns and artillery, although the workers in the Czech armament plants were toiling day and night. Every additional week would give him five batteries and 50 machine guns more. Syrový was not very religious, but now he prayed for snow, the more snow the better...

Russian Winter

Snow was also falling in Russia, covering destruction and devastation. The Bolsheviks had led away approximately one third of the Russian population west of the Ural Mountains, preferably the young and healthy, leaving behind children and elderly people. The situation was tense, a famine was about to strike because transportation had almost completely broken down. Although the Ukraine and Germany were delivering foodstuffs, the railway lines had expertly been denied by the Bolsheviks and it was almost impossible to get food to the areas where it was most needed.
Grand Duke Kyrill, Regent of Russia, had taken court at St.Petersburg.
Pavel Milyukov had become prime minister, not really to the liking of the German government because he had been one of those who had wanted to continue the war after the February Revolution and the downfall of the Tsar in 1917. But the Germans generally remained in the background and did not interfere openly. General Hoffmann had been replaced by August Winnig as coordinator for the struggle against the Bolsheviks. Milyukov and Winnig had discovered that they could very well work together, both being unscrupulous characters and men of action. The Russian liberal imperialist and the German right wing socialist had entered a kind of gruff comradeship.
General Alekseev, recovered after a surgery of the heart, had taken the position of chief of staff of the Imperial Army. Yudenich and Denikin were now his army group commanders and preparing the spring offensive against the Bolsheviks. Alekseev knew that the Bolsheviks were working on a fortified line west of the Ural Mountains hoping to wear down the Tsarist forces, which had to operate at the end of weak and dicey supply lines, in rigorous defence. He hoped that Yudenich’s tanks would breach this line. The Germans had delivered some additional one hundred refurbished vehicles, raising the total number to more than 250. The Bolsheviks had nothing to counter these tanks, one hoped.
The army groups – or fronts, as the Russians called them – had been redeployed from the positions they had had attained at the end of the pursuit. It had not been possible to supply them. They had been dispersed and were now helping to distribute food to the Russian population – or to reconstruct the rail infrastructure. The “border” to the Bolsheviks was guarded by Cossack units under the command of General Krasnov, which also conducted forays into Bolshevik territory as reconnaissance by force.

In August 1918, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known as Lenin, had been shot by a Social Revolutionary amazon named Fanya Kaplan. Lenin had survived, but a bullet was lodged in his neck at the juncture with the jaw, and another one in his left shoulder, the doctors thinking that removing them was too risky. From then on, the health of the Bolshevik leader had been on the decline.
The stress of the desperate Bolshevik struggle for survival added to the deteriorating health and on January 3rd, 1920, Lenin suffered a stroke, which left the right side of his body partially paralysed.
Actual leadership of the Bolshevik cause now fell to the triumvirate Grigory Zinoviev, Lew Kamenev and Grigory Sokolnikov, while Leon Trotsky ran the Red Army and Felix Edmundovich Dzerzhinsky directed the Cheka, the internal state security organisation.
The Tsarists now amusedly pointed out that the Bolsheviks were led by four Jews and one Pole. A true Russian would not obey or follow such “elements”.
The abducted central Russian population had led to a complete congestion of existing quarters in the Ural area; this soon resulted in diseases spreading unimpeded. Cholera, typhoid fever and dysentery were on the rampage.
The military situation was not good either, the Japanese were now firmly established in the Vladivostok – Khabarovsk – Nikolayevsk area, Turkic Muslim Basmachi insurgent, supported by the Ottomans, threatened the southern flank between the Caspian Sea and the Altai Mountains, but the most formidable enemy was the Tsarist army in the west, massively fostered by the Germans.
Trotsky was furiously working on a defensive line that was designed to stop the Tsarists. He did not think that he really could stop them forever. His intention was to have them create Somme- or Flanders-like conditions, in which their advance would bog down because their own artillery had rendered the terrain nonnegotiable.
General Pavel Sytin, a former Tsarist officer, was now to operate against the Japanese, while Mikhail Frunze was to conduct the abolition of the Basmachi. – But the most important front remained the one in the west. Only when Trotsky succeeded in delaying Tsarist advance for another year by bogging them down in position warfare, did the Bolsheviks have a chance to consolidate their rule.

Ship Ahoy!

Tsar Ferdinand and his Prime Minister Vasil Radoslavov still had not given up their attempts to get the northern part of Northern Dobruja. The Germans could not be talked into making changes to the Treaty of Bucharest. But may be one could “liberate” the area alone?
The Hungarians had own designs on Romania, they wouldn’t mind – rather join the raid. – Unfortunately, they were now kept busy by the Slovak Insurgency.
The Romanians would mind. Their army had not performed well in the war. But one must not underestimate them. They had lost opposite the Germans, a fate shared by the Serbs, which were known as tough fighters. Their army was small now but quite modern in its equipment and they could mobilise something like half a million men, quite on pair with the Bulgarians.
Well, perhaps better to wait until the Hungarians had finished off the Slovaks and were receptive again for proposals to alter the Romanian boundaries...

One could, in the meanwhile, work on the Bulgarian Navy. The Stabilimento Tecnico Triestino, once shipyard for Austro-Hungarian dreadnoughts, now part of broke Slovenia, had made a very attractive offer.
Ferdinand didn’t want dreadnoughts; he wanted submarines, fast torpedo boats – like the Italian MAS, some corvettes for costal patrol service and perhaps four to five destroyers. That would be enough for a start.
One would have naval bases at Varna, Burgas, Dedeagach, Kavala and Salonika. The Albanian ally would contribute bases at Durrës, Vlorë and Sarandë.
That was not inconsiderable; the Bulgarian Navy would be present in three maritime areas, the Adriatic, the Aegean and the Black Sea. The Hungarians might have all the former Austro-Hungarian capital ships; they still were bottled up in the Adriatic. The Greeks might have the battle cruiser “Georgios Averoff” and four modern destroyers, but Bulgaria had bases on both of their flanks. The Sublime Porte might still control the Bosporus Straights, but Bulgaria would control the approaches.
Ferdinand imagined that he, like good old Willy the Discharged, would have a nice fancy admiral’s uniform. Grand Admiral of the Bulgarian Navy, why not?
One needed some training installations as well. Best to ask the Germans, they were mad about education and training...

The Ottoman Navy had become quite powerful. They had received the dreadnoughts “Sultan Osman I.” and the “Reshadieh” from Britain (ex-“Agincourt” and ex-“Erin”), which the British had “borrowed” in 1914. They had the modern battleships “Sultan Murad” (ex-“Andrea Doria”) and the “Yilderim Bayezid” (ex-“Caio Duilio”) rendered by Italy. There still was the battle cruiser “Yavuz Sultan Selim” (ex-“Goeben”), which the Germans had donated to the Turks in 1914. And they had back the rather modern protected cruiser “Drama” (ex-“Libia”), which the Italians had “borrowed” in 1915. The “Turgut Reis” was a pre-dreadnought battleship; “Hamadiye” was another protected cruiser that had served as sample for “Drama”.
And there were five destroyers “Basra”, “Tasoz”, “Jadhigar-i-Millet”, “Muavenet-i-Millye” and “Numene-i-Hamije”.
One better kept on good terms with them. How about a treaty concerning the joint defence of the Bosporus Straights?
One could also co-operate with Hungary. They needed Italian and Bulgarian support to be able to sort the Adriatic at all. The Italians had kept three dreadnoughts, “Dante Alighieri”, “Conte di Cavour” and “Giulio Cesare”. The Germans now had four battleships stationed in Italy.
In all, the Central Powers and their new ally Italy could easily control the Mediterranean. The era of British supremacy had ended.
Ferdinand decided to invite the German squadron to Salonika and Varna; that would make a nice occasion to ask for German training support.

Field Trials

On January 5th, 1920, the German freighter “Neumark” moored at Swakopmund harbour in German South-West Africa. During the next days, under the prying eyes of their British neighbours at Walvisbaai, the Germans unloaded some heavy and ponderous pieces, recharged them on railway wagons, which then disappeared inland.
The British immediately alerted their South African “wards”, who – not only since their short rule over German South-West 1915-18 – disposed over a wide network of spies in country.
The result of this investigation arrived in London already on January 15th: The Germans were testing a new generation of Kanobils under desert conditions! No photographs had become available, but some sketches and reasonably detailed descriptions. There were turreted gun armed Kanobils and armoured infantry carriers on Kanobil chassis.
It completely escaped, however, British attentions that at the same time, second generation Kanobils were also tested under extreme winter conditions in northern Finland.
Thus, the British general staff and the responsible men in White Hall drew a set of wrong conclusions. After lengthy discussions they arrived at their answer: Egypt!
The Germans must be secretly preparing an invasion of Egypt. This they could only do with the support of their Ottoman allies. – Egypt was the centre piece of the British Empire because of the Suez Canal, its artery. When the Central Powers took possession of the canal, which they had already tried in 1915, the British Empire was in deadly peril. The naval situation in the Mediterranean was extremely unfavourable, the British Mediterranean Squadron was outnumbered 1 : 4 in terms of modern capital ships by the CP. The dislocation of the German squadron to Italy now appeared in quite a different light.
The Turks had just taken back Kuwait and were entertaining garrisons on the borders of Aden and Oman. Their spies and agents were crawling all over Egypt, trying to incite the native Muslim population against the British infidels. They could provide assembly areas for the Germans to the west and east of Egypt, in Libya and in Palestine.
That there were actually no signs of any German activity concerning Egypt, as some cooler minds reminded, did not deter the majority of traditional and newly proselytised Germanophobes who believed – in typical British fashion – in a new “Great Game”, this time between Britain and Germany. The widespread belief was that Germany, now firmly installed as hegemon of Europe, was about to dislodge Britain as world power and install herself in Britain’s place.

While the German engineers registered that their second generation Kanobils were not yet completely suited for field service in extreme climates and environments and that further construction efforts were required, the British redeployed their forces – and finally decided to let go Ireland.
The five divisions earmarked for Eire, plus the one already there, together with General Rawlinson, would be sent to Egypt. The Mediterranean Squadron would be reinforced by five dreadnoughts, accompanied by the aircraft carrier HMS Furious, and a number of pre-dreadnoughts and ancillary ships plus a shoal of submarines.

On January 23rd, 1920, Great Britain formally recognised Irish Independence. With most nations already accrediting the new Irish state, there was – after all – little hope to retain the island. Britain proposed negotiations with the Irish government about the protection of British property rights, especially of the Belfast shipyards, such as Harland & Wolff.
The Emerald Isle was a painful loss for Britain, the more reason to hold fast to Egypt and the Sudan.
The world – and not least the US President – was thus kindly surprised by British lordliness and compliance regarding Ireland.
The Brits had unconsciously gathered points in the game of influencing worldwide public opinion.

When, in late March 1920, the information finally transpired that the Germans had in parallel tested their Kanobils in northern Finland in January – and that the whole affair had thus most probably only been a trial in extreme climates and not a preparation for an invasion of Egypt, the infantry divisions, except one, were relocated to India, while the Royal Navy presence in the Mediterranean was kept up.

Financial Matters

After the Bavarians had split from the Zentrum on January 9th, 1920, founding their own Bayerische Volkspartei (Bavarian People’s Party), short: BVP – and the Austrians showed a tendency to follow that example, Matthias Erzberger’s mood could have been expected to be a little bit peevish.
But Erzberger was quite in a good temper; he had just received the newest economical data showing the quota of the major developed countries in industrial production.
In 1913, Germany had had 16%, today she was up at 22%.
In 1913, Britain had had 14%, today she was down at 10%.
In 1913, France had had 6%, today she was down at 4%.
In 1913, Italy had had 3%, today she was down at 2%.
In 1913, Japan had had 1%, today she was up at 2%.
In 1913, the USA had had 36%, today they were up at 42%.
So, Germany had now completely outgrown Britain and had already attained more than half of US production. Not too bad after four years of bitter war and the rape of the economy by the amateurish Hindenburg Programme. And the economy was growing further, thanks to Erzberger’s reform of taxes and tariffs.
Britain and France were inflating their internal war debts away. Cheap Pound and Franc certainly tempted many customers to buy British or French products, nevertheless, their share had dropped, while expensive US Dollar and Mark had not prevented the USA and Germany from gaining 6% each.
Erzberger knew that the US economy mainly was driven by the US market, while Germany traditionally was an exporting country. After the war, there had been a big boost from Germany’s internal market, when everybody wanted to buy what he had missed in the war, but today, it was exports again.
Erzberger had torn down the protective tariffs on agricultural products, much to the protests of the German agrarians. Cheap farm products from France, Poland, Hungary, the USA and South America were now available in Germany, in exchange, the German industry delivered high quality machinery to these countries.
The food situation in Germany was excellent, the shortages and the hunger of 1917 and 1918 were long forgotten, thankfully without lasting damage to most kids.
There was no merit in wasting money for low technology production; one must invest in high technology. The Reichsbank had been advised by Erzberger to support technological development, most private banks were following that trend. The war had started a technological avalanche, this must be kept going.
And – who would have suspected it? – the German agrarians had not gone bankrupt. They were a dogged gang, if the state refused to help them, they knew how to help themselves. They had specialised and mechanised – and today were in a better shape than in 1913.
The old imperial government had painfully avoided to run into debts. This had been silly. A national government had the task to invest into the future. The unification of diverse railway companies into the Reichsbahn was such a venture, as were loans to the aircraft companies in order to develop civil aviation – or the construction of motor ways. The inland navigation canal from the Rhine to Berlin and on to the Oder River and the Vistula still had to be completed.
And the state invested into the armed forces, this produced jobs, jobs produced revenues. The old Prussian attitude to restrict armament costs had almost led to the destruction of the German Empire. One would not repeat this mistake.

Implosion

On Monday, January 26th, 1919, Britain and France recognised the Czecho-Slovakian Republic, followed by Portugal and Greece the next day. The US administration hesitated some days while consulting with Germany and Hungary, but finally the advocates of national self-determination prevailed. One had accredited Ireland over British protests, now one should also accredit Czecho-Slovakia over Hungarian protests. On January 30th, the USA recognised Czecho-Slovakia, which again induced Norway and Brazil to follow suit.
For all practical purposes, the recognitions had no impact. Czecho-Slovakia was landlocked and sandwiched between Germany and Hungary. Germany had implemented an embargo on everything, except aliments and medical supplies, opposite Czecho-Slovakia. Hungary was determined to crush the new “state” as fast as possible.
In Poland and Slovenia, there had been loud voices advocating support of the new Slavic “brother country”, but sober-minded elements implemented a course of caution. One was much too close to Hungary and Germany to do things one might soon regret.

On February 2nd, the Hungarian army started its advance. The lowlands between Budapest and Bratislava were quickly occupied without encountering Czecho-Slovak resistance. General Syrový had rejected all demands to defend along the Danube between Bratislava and Esztergom and along the Ipoly up to the mountains of Nógrád County, knowing that his forces stood no chance against the Hungarians in open terrain.
He awaited Boroëvić in Bratislava and the wooded hills north of the town, which formed a convenient link to the Western Carpathian Mountains.
In Bratislava, all civilians had been evacuated and the town been turned into a matrix of fortified strongpoints, which were often connected via the subterranean sewers.
The initial Hungarian advance, in fact an armed reconnaissance, was quickly rejected without major casualties on both sides. Field Marshal Boroëvić had already expected that the enemy would try to hold his capital at any cost. He had no intention to get bogged down in urban combat with its unavoidable heavy losses. His answer was to cut of the town to the north and west, lay siege to it and wait for the defenders to surrender.
This was, of course, what General Syrový had expected too.
The Hungarian attack into the wooded hills immediately ran into wire-connected trees and elaborate field fortifications. While the Hungarian artillery went into action, pounding the hills, Boroëvić activated his second option, outflanking the Slovak positions by marching over German territory and forcing the Danube west of the range of hills. German consent to such a move had been given in advance.
But Syrový was no amateur. He had foreseen these manoeuvres. The Hungarian river crossing operation ran into heavy fire; the Czecho-Slovaks had concentrated their artillery just for this occasion. And although the Hungarians gained three small bridgeheads, all attempts to unite and enlarge these failed under heavy casualties.
Now matters were down to sheer attrition. Boroëvić kept up pressure on both fronts and battered the Czecho-Slovak positions with his superior artillery. The Czecho-Slovak reply was weak, they had to save ammunition.
The Hungarians, on the other hand, had failed to develop own armoured fighting vehicles or to buy some from Germany because their financial situation was not encouraging any such move – and because the Hungarian generals were hesitant to adopt this new technological “gadget”. This left it to the infantry.
Repeated attacks into the hills were repulsed at heavy casualties.
The defenders, however, were now feeling the impact of the Hungarian guns, their losses mounted and the communication and co-ordination in the uprooted woods grew ever more difficult.

On February 15th, the Serbian Revolt broke lose, catching the Hungarians out in the cold.
Boroëvić immediately lost his Bosnian and Croatian corps, which he had to send in direction of Bosnia and Serbia at once. In the evening of February 15th, Belgrade had been cleansed of Hungarian and Croat troops and was declared capital of the “Free Serbian Republic”. The revolt instantly had spilled over into Bosnia and Croatia. The Krajina Serbs in Croatia now went ahead to effectively block all north-south traffic.

On February 16th, Montenegro joined the fray, declaring independence from Hungary. The Montenegrin king, Nikola I., living in exile in Monaco, was recalled by a provisional people’s assembly.

On February 17th, the Romanians in Hungary went into revolt as well.
Romania immediately declared neutrality and non-involvement – in order to avoid Bulgarian intervention. The Romanian government knew only too well that the Bulgarians would “help” the Hungarians by occupying all of Northern Dobruja. Nevertheless, thousands of Romanian armed volunteers crossed the border and joined the ranks of their fellow Romanians.
Boroëvić now was told to stop his offensive and to return to Hungary. The protection of the Hungarian lowlands against the Romanian insurgents was more important than defeating the Czecho-Slovaks.

On February 18th, Hungary and Croatia proclaimed total mobilisation. An urgent request went out to Germany and Bulgaria for military support.

Artic Expedition

When the Fins had conquered Murmansk, they had also acquired a number of Russian military ships of the Polar Sea Flotilla and some Russian merchant vessels. They now possessed an ice free port, unhindered access to the high seas – and thus had become a true seafaring nation.
There had been a separate Finnish unit in the Russian Navy, which had ceased to exit after the February Revolution of 1917. These men had formed the core of the Finnish navy – and now this navy no longer was confined to the eastern Baltic.
Finnish considerations soon concentrated on Svalbard. American, British, Russian and Norwegian companies had started coal mining up there before the war. The Russians were out of business now, the Fins practically taking their place. Sovereignty over Svalbard was not yet regulated – and the Svalbard coal deposits made the islands a real price, especially for Finland that only had wood and peat for fuel.
It soon became clear that Norway also ogled with taking possession of Svalbard. The Norwegians tried to get together an international conference that endowed them sovereignty over Svalbard. This conference proved difficult to convene. The US and Britain were quite happy with the current conditions that gave them free access to the isles, although some voices in Britain talked of “rewarding” Norway for her ships’ service and sacrifice in the war. Germany wasn’t interested at all. The government of Russian Regent Kyrill was clearly opposed to Norwegian sovereignty over Svalbard.
The Fins agreed to a different approach. After some secret talks in Berlin, St.Petersburg, Stockholm and Brussels, a battalion of Finish soldiers was loaded on a freighter, which in company with an icebreaker and an ex-Russian gunboat sailed for Svalbard.
On February 15th, the Fins landed at Longyearbyen on the main island, Spitsbergen, formally raised the Finnish flag and took possession of Svalbard.
While Norway protested vigorously and threatened to send own ships and troops, Germany, Hungary, Bulgaria, the Ottoman Empire, Sweden, Tsarist Russia, Belgium, Italy, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia recognised Finnish sovereignty over Svalbard.
After Finland had officially accepted that those companies that already were working on Svalbard could continue to do so without paying taxes, the US and the Netherlands also accepted Finnish sovereignty, reluctantly followed by France, Spain and Portugal. The British cabinet decided to ignore the Svalbard question for the time being, a course also followed by Denmark.

Helpers in Need

The Germans never had really been interested in Balkans affairs. They had been dragged into them by their former ally, Austria-Hungary. And – after the war – they had been quite contend when Hungary took over control of all these virulent Balkans people.
Even the pre-war “Mitteleuropa” ideas had centred more on Austria-Hungary, Romania and the Ottoman-Empire than on the diverse Slavic nationalities or nationalisms.
It was thus a very uneasy German cabinet that met to discuss what Germany should do in this crisis.
After some hours of lengthy discussions without result, Hermann von Eichhorn had to remind his civilian colleagues that Germany was now the only power that counted. Tsarist Russia only was a miserable shadow of former glory and deeply immerged in civil war with the Bolsheviks. Equally France was a weak image only of her former “Gloire”. At present, the French – with their collapsing economy – were incapable of intervention. Britain might be interested in meddling with Balkans affairs, but the Indian millstone around her neck dragged her in a different direction. The US might act diplomaticly, like they had done in the case of Czecho-Slovakia, but would refrain from all intervention.
The Hungarian Empire had imploded. It was now up to Germany to decide whether it was to be restored or whether a new Balkans order was to be established.
This unavoidably led to a new round of discussions; and it was not before five o’clock in the morning of February 19th, 1920, that a decision was finally taken.

In the late afternoon of February 19th, the German ambassador to Prague asked for an urgent interview with Prime Minister Karel Kramář, who – for all practical purposes – could be addressed as top representative of Czecho-Slovakia. What Ambassador von Keller had to tell was nothing that Karel Kramář was keen to hear…

On the morning of February 21st, the sky over Czecho-Slovakia was dominated by German aircraft. Prudently, the few Czech fighter units had received order to remain grounded.
By 10 o’clock, three German armies had started their advance into Czecho-Slovakia. The 10th Army under General Field Marshal Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf exited the Austrian Arch Duchy and headed for Bratislava and southern Felvidék. The 8th Army, led by General of Artillery Max von Gallwitz, marched from Saxony towards Prague and Pilsen. The 3rd, commanded by General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, coming out of Silesia, took direction to Brünn and the northerly Western Carpathian Mountains.
Spearheaded by motor cycle and armoured car units, lorryborne infantry, motorised artillery and Kanobils filled the winterly roads and country lanes. It was an impressive sight, which however failed to inspire Czechs and Slovaks, who sullenly watched the Germans progress.
Nobody noted that the German units were in reality an unbelievable hodgepodge, hastily put together from all over Germany in order to present the picture of a technologically advanced army. Ninety percent of the German army was still footmarching and hippomobile; such units had only served to bring the few modern ones to full strength. Once the rail lines had been secured, more footmarching infantry was to arrive by train.

The Czecho-Slovak army awaited the Germans below white flags. In accordance with his Slovak co-leaders, Karel Kramář had ordered General Syrový not to fight the Germans. One might be able to resist the Hungarians for some time, while working for political solutions, but there was no way how the Czechs and Slovaks could ever hope to hold out against the Germans. Belgium in 1914 had shown that the Germans reacted very unfavourably to what they considered futile resistance.
With clenched teeth, the Czech and Slovak soldiers handed over their weapons.

In a small village north of Bratislava, Jan Syrový received Field Marshal Conrad at his headquarters. After the military report and Syrový’s presentation of his staff, the two men sat down for coffee.
“Your defence was quite effective” Conrad remarked.
“I would also have defended against your force, but the government insisted on capitulation.” Syrový replied.
Conrad smiled. “How long would your ammunition have lasted?”
“Yes, that’s Achilles’ heel. Artillery shells we had for only two more days, but infantry ammunition more than enough. – My idea was to retreat to the mountains…”
“And fight a bush war against the German Army? – I think your government was wise to stop such plans.”

In the evening of February 23rd, the German government announced that Czechia and Upper Hungary had been secured.

Bulgarian help started on February 22nd, when four army corps marched into Montenegro. – Quite as the Romanian government had anticipated, initial Bulgarian intention had been directed towards Northern Dobruja – but the Romanian declaration of neutrality had spoiled that move.
The Bulgarians turned out to be well prepared. Most leaders of the insurgency were on their lists – and thus could be quickly be apprehended. In typical Balkans fashion, they were led away and disappeared in the mountains without ever being seen again.
There was some scattered fighting in Cetinje, but generally, Bulgarian force presence was so overwhelming that the Montenegrins rather surrendered.
On February 24th, the Bulgarian government announced that Montenegro had been secured.

The Bulgarian government also noted that their policy of assimilating the former “Serbian subjects” had been quite successful. Only very few men had crossed the border to support the Serbian revolt in Hungary.
The territory that Bulgaria had taken from former Serbia was mainly inhabited by people who spoke Torlakian, a dialect that some linguists thought was a special southern Serb tongue while others thought it a was western Bulgarian dialect. By cultivating the “Western Bulgarian” image, many people had been won for the Bulgarian cause. There was no suppression of language and customs, one was a Bulgarian citizen with equal rights. And Bulgarian Orthodox belief was not so different from Serbian Orthodoxy to generate religious dispute.

Indian Scuffle

By early February 1920, Britain and her dominions had assembled sufficient troops in India to start the recapture of the country.
General Allenby’s campaign plan was quite ambitious. He intended to advance along the Indus up to the Punjab, then turn east and follow the Ganges to Calcutta. With the large river valleys secured, he would then roll up India from north to south. Finally, Burma was to be pacified.
Consequently, the British Army of India had disembarked at Karachi. Allenby had twelve British infantry divisions, organised in four corps; each division had a horse regiment of mounted infantry. The South African Corps had three divisions, one of which was purely cavalry. The Australian Corps consisted of three infantry divisions and one cavalry division. The New Zealand Division and the Canadian Division formed the CANZ Corps; both divisions had strong cavalry brigades.
In all, Allenby had 370,000 soldiers, 972 field guns, 252 Mk.V and 108 Whippet tanks, and 72 armoured cars plus several thousand lorries and staff cars. – Which enemy in India could hope to stop or even defeat this force?
The insurgents were divided into several groups with ethnic or religious common ground, which sometimes co-operated and sometimes fought each other.
North and east of Karachi, in Sindh, once a part of British India, a kind of Islamic plutocratic republic had established itself, ruled by the ancient land owning families. Further north, in Punjab, also once part of British India, there was an Islamic Caliphate now, run by an old enemy of the British, Sardar Ajit Singh Sindhu. The former United Provinces in the Upper Ganges valley were a hodgepodge of constantly changing entities and the focal point of inner Indian quarrels. Bengal was now united again under a Hindu Seniority Council who saw it as his first duty to slaughter the Bengal Muslims, while the Bengal Muslims had organised into a sultanate without sultan and were fighting back as good as they could.
In terms of population, the entities were enormous: 4 million people in Sindh, 21 million in Punjab, 50 million in the United Provinces and 75 million in Bengal.
Nevertheless, General Allenby was absolutely certain that his force would slice through any Indian enemy like a knife through warm butter.

This appreciation of the military situation was shared by Allenby’s first enemy, Setho Nawaz Bhutto. The ruling Sindh landowners only entertained an indigene police force of some 5,000 lightly armed police officers. For external security they relied on a host of some 20,000 Pashtun and Baloch mercenaries. Command of the mercenaries had been given to Nawaz, a scion of the ancient and powerful Bhutto Clan.
Nawaz had studied law in Britain before the war. During the war he had served in the Indian Army, entering service as Jemadar (lieutenant) and ending the war as Subedar (captain). From 1915 to 1918 he had been stationed in Mesopotamia and Persia, fighting Turks and Persians. He intimately knew the British army and therefore was well aware that his tribal warriors stood no chance against Allenby’s force in open battle. The flat cultivated plains of the Sindh also did not allow guerrilla warfare.
But Nawaz did not intend to fight this kind of war. His warriors came in small tribal bands of fifteen to twenty-five men, which were highly organised and effective. But co-ordination between different bands already was a problem. Nawaz decided to make optimal use of his own capabilities and of those of his men.

On February 9th, 1920, at nine o’clock in the morning, the central ammunition storage facility in Karachi harbour exploded. It was one of the largest conventional explosions – if not the largest at all – ever to happen. People in Bombay, 450 miles away, claimed to have heard the bang and to have seen the pillar of smoke. Approximately half a million of artillery rounds went up in one monstrous explosion that razed all port facilities and the adjacent rail yards, sunk seven ships and killed several thousand people. How artillery shells without fuses could explode at all, remains a secret that Nawaz never disclosed. The native workers of the facility had all been meticulously searched on entry. Most historians today believe that Nawaz must have bribed some Englishmen for this coup.
The explosion caused severe damage to the town of Karachi. Glass windows all over the place shattered and sent out dangerous shards that killed or wounded people. Roofs were lifted from houses and crashed into the streets. Cars, carts and other lose objects mutated to deadly projectiles.
But the explosion also was the sign for the tribal bands to commence action. They had infiltrated the town in small flocks, allegedly searching work. All had been completely unarmed, because everyone was searched by the British before he was allowed into town. But there was no need to bring in weapons. Karachi was the siege of the Pashtun and Baloch weapons smugglers, everyone who had money could buy what he desired. Nawaz had made sure that several banks freely handed out rupees to his men for this purpose.
A special prize was a shipment of 3,000 German Bergmann submachine guns, which had been ordered by the Afghan Army but now were diverted to Nawaz’ warriors. The warriors all were so familiar with firearms that they didn’t require special training in order to be able to handle the Bergmanns.

General Allenby had taken his headquarters at the prestigious Sindh Club. The embarrassed protests of the club members he had coldly overruled.
Security was provided by a guards company, which even had two tanks positioned in front of the main entrance.
Unfortunately, the tank crews had exited their vehicles to be better able to watch the enormous column of smoke and debris rising over the harbour, when the attack started.
Several warrior bands concentrically stormed the club building. Well positioned marksmen killed those guards and tankmen out in the open.
Inside the building, glass shards had already caused chaos, now the warriors entered it from multiple entrances and shot at everyone who came in their way.
Some staff officers managed to offer fierce resistance, but their Webley revolvers had six rounds only. General Allenby was caught in the crossfire of two Bergmanns and killed on the spot.
When reinforcements finally arrived, the club was burning brightly and the warriors were already gone, leaving their weapons and their dead behind.
From General Allenby’s staff of the British Army in India, one colonel, two majors and three sergeants were found still alive.

While the divisions camped outside the city in well guarded camps and were not attacked at all, the corps headquarters were situated in the city as well.
The assault on CANZ Corps HQ was successfully repulsed, but Lieutenant General Andrew H. Russell, the corps commander, died nevertheless, stabbed in the back with a paper knife by his Indian servant.
At South African Corps HQ, the assailants got beyond the outer perimeter but perished before they were able to enter the buildings, nevertheless they managed to start a fire in the house that accommodated the supply section.
Australian Corps HQ was already in flames when the attack started, the fire having been kindled by some native employees. The Australians thus were caught in a very unfortunate moment and suffered heavily but finally were able to drive away the attackers.
Two British corps HQs were complete losses, going down like the Army HQ. One corps HQ suffered a serious intrusion of warriors and lost the complete operations section, while the fourth was lucky to be not attacked at all.

Patrols, messengers, single vehicles and small convoys were attacked and annihilated all over the city. The central workshop of the mechanical engineers was raided, the personnel killed, the vehicles and buildings ignited.

By evening of February 9th, it was clear that the advance of the British Army in India would not start in the foreseeable future. Setho Nawaz Bhutto has successfully decapitated his enemy.

Transylvanian Showdown

When Hungary had split from Austria in August of 1918, the Hungarian army had received a new structure. There now were seven Hungarian corps districts, which each raised one active and one reserve corps of two infantry divisions plus one cavalry brigade and one Honvéd (territorial) division. The Croat corps districts numbered five and had the same tasks.
When on February 18th, 1920, Hungary and Croatia went to full mobilisation, not all corps districts were still completely under Hungarian/Croatian control. While mobilisation in the Budapest, Mohacs and Agram districts went as planned, in the Bratislava and Kaschau districts the Slovak reservists and territorials failed to show up, while in Temesvár and Grosswardein districts the Romanian reservists and territorials were missing, and the Hermannstadt district was a complete loss. In the Zadar, Mostar and Sarajevo districts, the Serbian reservists and territorials did not follow the call. In Belgrade district the Serbs did follow a call – the one to join the Serbian Liberation Army…
Hungarian and Croat forces thus were not at full strength when mobilisation ended on February 25th. For the deployment the idea was that the Hungarian units would make front against the Romanian Insurgency while the Croats would engage the Serbian Rebellion. Nobody ever considered leading the united force against one foe, beating him and then concentrating on the second.
General of Infantry Max Csicserics von Bacsásny would lead the Croatian force, while Field Marshal Svetozar Boroëvić was to command the Hungarian contingent. This arrangement had been made in order to avoid that the Serb Boroëvić had to fight his Serbian compatriots.

The Romanian insurgents had installed a provisory government at Karlsburg and appointed former Colonel Ciprian Barbesti as commander of the Romanian Army of Freedom. Barbesti had fought on the Italian Front during the war and after commanding a regiment and a brigade had served as chief of military intelligence in Conrad von Hötzendorf’s staff in 1918.
Barbesti had 40 rifle battalions, but was desperately short of artillery. The guns of the Hermannstadt district artillery regiments and those from the Romanian army that somehow had “migrated” over the border were not enough to even ponder the question of strong defence.
The logistics of the RAF were so weak that Barbesti could not concentrate his force, the rough equivalent of five divisions, in one location but had to spread them out. Fortunately, the population was friendly and helped to supply the fighters. Barbesti had now organised quite a number of non-combatant load bearer crews and pack-animal columns. He hoped that this would give his force some logistical back-up.
The only advantage that Barbesti had were his spies in the enemy camp. He constantly received up-to-date information about the strength, disposition and where-abouts of Boroëvić’s force.
Boroëvić’s active corps, which had been in the Bratislava campaign, had suffered notably from losses and defection. His total strength amounted to not more than eleven infantry and two cavalry divisions. But he had sufficient artillery, engineers and air support, and his logistic services were working well.
His force was presently at Arad and he intended to march to Karlsburg along the Maros River. Because of the limited road infrastructure, the army would march along the Maros valley on both sides of the river. The railway line from Arad to Hermannstadt would provide the logistic backing.
With this knowledge, Barbesti now carefully started to manoeuvre his battalions.

In contrast to Barbesti, Boroëvić had only a very scant picture of his enemy. There were weak forces in front of him that constantly delayed his advance and fell back each time he tried to concentrate his army against them. They systematically destroyed the roads and the railway line, thus slowing down his advance further. His flyers didn’t see much in the hilly, densely forested terrain on both sides of the valley. Nor had his cavalry or the detached side cover units discovered anyone yet.
The total number of the Romanian Insurgents’ army and its disposition Boroëvić did not know.

Barbesti struck first on March 2nd. He had not been able to bring together more than 20 rifle battalions in the area of the intended attack. In the early morning hours the Hungarian cavalry and side cover detachments north of the Maros were viciously attacked and the few survivors fell back on the main army.
They were immediately followed by the Romanians who managed to come into mêlée before the Hungarians really got organised for defence. The ensuing shoot-out and dogfight was as costly for the defender as for the attacker. When Hungarian reinforcements started to arrive, the Romanians disappeared into the woods.
Boroëvić was fuming. He had lost 5,500 men; 1,500 dead and the rest wounded. The Romanians had left behind 900 dead. This ratio was not acceptable. He must make his side cover units stronger.

On March 4th, the left side cover division ran into a trap, was encircled and decimated. Hardly more than a regiment remained serviceable. Boroëvić realised that his artillery was of little use in this kind of warfare. The Romanians moved like ghosts through the difficult terrain while his guns and his ammunition trains forced him to follow the river valley. Even his cavalry was bound to the valley because they needed horse fodder, which only the supply services could provide.

On March 7th, the right flank was attacked from behind. While riflemen fought it out between the trees, a strong Romanian detachment cracked down on a supply column and an engineer battalion that was working on the railway line. Again the Hungarians lost more men than the Romanians.
Now Boroëvić stopped his advance. This approach was not leading to success. His army only would slowly be worn out completely. With disgust, he ordered his army to march back to Arad. One needed more forces for the task of pacifying the Romanians than he had at present.

The Siege of Belgrade

General Csicserics’ work was initially easier than Boroëvić’s. With leisure he finished one pocket of Krajina Serbs after the other. The Serbs did fight courageously, but the individual communities were too weak to offer more than brief resistance before they were overwhelmed. And living in an environment generally dominated by Croats, they also had no chance to switch to guerrilla warfare.
The Croats were concentrating the male Serbs between fourteen and sixty years of age in detention camps, just to frustrate any attempts to take up weapons again. The camps also rendered that no network of security posts, slowly draining the force, had to be left behind.
In Bosnia, the Serb communities became larger, but still could not muster more than riflemen. Here, about half of the men had, however, already left for Serbia proper. The mix of Serbs, Muslims and Croats in Bosnia prevented guerrilla warfare as well.
Until the end of March 1920, the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia had been “pacified”. Now, Csicserics concentrated his force in the triangle between River Sava and River Drina.

The Serb provisory government under Prime Minister Ljubomir Davidović had appointed General Petar Bojović as supreme commander of the Serbian Army. Resignedly, Bojović had watched how Csicserics had reduced the Serb communities in Croatia and Bosnia. His “army” hardly deserved the name. Serbia had suffered terribly by three wars in sequence, epidemics and Austro-Hungarian occupation. It was an absolute wonder that her people still had the pluck to challenge fate once again.
Bojović’s force was a pure Chetnik army, riflemen without artillery. He could hope to fight the Croats in the Serbian mountains, keep them busy for some time, that was all. But the government wanted him to defend Belgrade. They argued that in the mountains, the Serbs would perish without the world taking notice. But a spirited defence of the capital was thought to capture international attention and sympathy for the Serbian cause, and by this they hoped to force the Hungarians to enter negotiations. – And there was another problem with fighting in the mountains: In 1915, the Bulgarian stab in the Serbian back had wrecked the defence, there was a great probability that this might happen again.
Reluctantly, Bojović had prepared Belgrade for defence. All his army was just sufficient for this task. The civilian population had largely been evacuated, although many volunteers remained: fire brigades, medical units, kitchens and load bearer units were manned by civilian volunteers, men and women alike.
The government would also remain in Belgrade. Supplies had been stockpiled as good as possible. Bojović estimated that foodstuffs could last five months. Medical supplies were a major problem, already now, they were insufficient. Ammunition his army had for about three weeks of stiff fighting.

With disbelief General Csicserics had reacted when his reconnaissance flyers reported that the Serbs prepared Belgrade for defence and no Serbian forces were to be seen west and south of Belgrade.
He immediately ordered bridging the Drina and started his advance on Belgrade along the right bank of the Sava.
Belgrade was a city with a population of approximately 100,000 citizens, slightly larger than Agram and about a tenth the size of Budapest.
Laying siege to the city was no major problem. The Sava and the Danube limited the town on three sides, only to the south, covering forces were required, while the river fronts could be controlled by the Danube monitors and some observation units.
Csicserics needed only three corps to beset Belgrade. The remainder of his force he could send out to “pacify” the Serbian lands.
By the end of April 1920, the Serb Revolt had ended everywhere – but in Belgrade.

An order by his government to attack Belgrade, Csicserics blandly refused. There was no point in sacrificing half of his army, one could wait and starve to Serbs into submission.
But the Hungarian government had no interest in a protracted siege. They wanted a quick end of the affair. The rebellions of the ethnic groups had already damaged Hungarian reputation considerably. The image of the proud Hungarian Empire had gone under and given way to the picture of a weak nation, which required German and Bulgarian help to control its nationals. It was already bad enough that the Romanians had dodged the Hungarians, a prolonged Serbian defiance was intolerable.
Csicserics was relieved from his position after he had refused to attack a second time. General Field Marshal Hermann Kövess of Kövessháza took over in person – and ordered attack.
But General Bojović had made his homework. The Hungarian artillery did little damage to his force. The Croat corps ran into well organised fire and were decimated without gaining ground. A second and a third assault hardly produced better results. Spirited counter attacks drove the Croats back to their starting positions.

Having lost 65,000 men in five days, Kövess now told his government that Csicserics had been correct by refusing to attack. This problem could not be solved by sacrificing the Croat and Hungarian corps. Either one starved to Serbs to capitulation – or one started to negotiate...

Advance to Contact

On March 26th, 1920, a young American journalist named Samson Collins published the book “The Pirate Nation”. It dealt with criminal British methods during the war at sea 1914 – 1918. It was remarkably well researched and operated mainly with the testimonies of eye witnesses and official documents.
Starting with the Baralong incident of 1915, where the British Q-Ship Baralong – having set the Stars-and-Stripes and additionally having painted them on her broadsides – had attacked a German submarine, sunk it and then had hunted the surviving German sailors to death, the book explained how Britain had conducted a war at sea that hardly could be called honest or honourable.
It presented the Falaba, Gulflight and Arabic incidents in a different light, explained that the Lusitania and her sister Mauretania had been registered as armed auxiliary cruisers and troop transports – and that on her fatal journey the Lusitania had carried cartridges and shrapnel destined for the British army.
It showed that only 44 Lusitania medals had ever been produced in Germany, but that in Britain more than 300,000 had been faked and distributed to prove German barbarism.
It proved to which extend Britain had armed freighters and given order to ram submarines, show neutral flags and “catch or kill survivors” of U-Boat crews “whatever turns out to be more convenient”.
The lopsidedness of President Wilson and Secretary of State Lansing was clearly demonstrated, who constantly had glossed over British war crimes while decrying every single German malpractice, in most cases with falsified information – as in the Falaba and Gulflight cases, or in the case of the Lusitania.
The book also dealt with the effects of the illicit British blockade of foodstuffs on the German population and made clear that Germany always had seen and announced unrestricted submarine warfare as reply to this blockade. – And that the US administration never had denounced the inhuman British blockade but only the German response.
The publication led to strong reactions in the USA, not least that the Wilson administration was sued for recompense of US citizens aggrieved by the war at sea. It also brought about a sway of public opinion against Britain, neutralising the positive effect of swift regulation of Irish affairs.
Collins’ research had not been sponsored by the Germans but by the Irish Americans. The book had been directed against the British blockade of Ireland – but now came a little too late for that.
The Americans had to realise how much they had been told lies by British propaganda – and their own administration. This led to an increased agitation for isolationism.

The British Germanophobes – already agitated over the discovery of the Bergmann submachine guns in Karachi – reacted rather paranoid to “The Pirate Nation”, seeing it as another sinister German manoeuvre. However, the proposal of the secretary of defence, Winston Churchill, to incite another rebellion of the natives in German South-West Africa was not accepted. Britain had to deal with India first.

By early April 1920, the British Army in India was ready again for advance. General Sir Julian Byng had been appointed new commander-in-chief. Byng had gone into captivity in 1918 together with his army. This had led to a certain reluctance to appoint him for top positions, but finally his military reputation told. Vimy Ridge and Cambrai had been major British victories in the war.
Five extra divisions had arrived from Egypt, plus one army and three corps HQ from Britain. Byng had purged his forces from all native workers and aids, even interpreters had been banned.
On April 15th, the force started its advance. Sindh fell within three days. There was no fighting. The Sindh patriarchs having decided that fighting was only bad for the sophisticated irrigation systems of Sindh, they had ordered Setho Nawaz Bhutto and his irregulars to go north and reinforce the army of Sardar Ajit Singh Sindhu in the Punjab. The police officers in Sindh surrendered without resistance.

In Punjab – much like Sindh – there was a dense network of irrigation canals, to which were added five major rivers. Ajit Singh thought that this very much would favour defence and obstruct the offensive. His forces were numerous. North Punjab and the adjacent former North-West Frontier Province, now part of Afghanistan, had traditionally been one of the major recruiting areas of the Indian Army. He had trained soldiers and irregulars enough to seriously oppose Byng’s army. What he lacked was artillery. The Indian Army had always been kept weak in artillery by their British masters. He did have quite many machine guns, something the Pashtun and Baloch weapons dealers could provide, but almost no cannons and howitzers.
This determined the way he was going to fight.

On April 20th, Byng’s army entered Punjab, immediately engaged by strong irregular forces. The divisions deployed and the artillery barrage started, but the following attack only ran into empty enemy positions. Three miles further on, a new line of resistance was encounter. Attempts to take it without artillery preparation ended in bloody losses. – Julian Byng was starting to see what lay ahead of him...
Tanks and armoured cars were of no use, getting stuck in larger irrigation canals. Deployment of artillery was difficult and time consuming in the mesh of canals. Although he had endorsed Allenby’s old concept of advance as the best approach possible, he was now having first doubts...

An Offer

With the hope of regaining the German and Austro-Hungarian concessions, China had finally declared war on the Central Powers in 1917 – thus giving in to pressure applied by US President Wilson. 140,000 Chinese labourers had worked for the Entente and the US in Mesopotamia, Egypt and France.
In the end, it had been Japan that obtained the German zone of influence in Shandong and had taken over fortress, town and harbour of Kiautschou (Quingdao), while the German concessions in Hankou and Tientsin (Tianjin) – and the Austro-Hungarian one in the latter city – had indeed come back to China.
Without a peace treaty, China and the Central Powers were still at war – de jure… De facto, trade had already restarted in 1918. The German industry initially used the good services of the Italian and Belgian residents at Tientsin, but soon got business going well without diplomatic representation by working through Belgian, Italian, Swiss and Swedish proxy companies.
All attempts by the Beiyang Government to resume normal diplomatic relations with Germany had not come far because the Germans pigheadedly insisted on getting their Hankou and Tientsin concessions back – and to get extra ones at Shanghai and Canton (Guangzhou).
China had no priority for the German government and no visibility in German public opinion. So, negotiations were left to Paul von Hintze, who had been the German special envoy to China from 1914 to 1917. Hintze had – against strong pressure from the Entente – managed to keep China out of the war for three years. He knew that the Beiyang Government had been receiving money from Japan for the formation of an army to be sent to Europe. He also knew that Chinese prime minister Duan Qirui, the ringleader of the Chinese war party, never had had the intention to send out this army but wanted to use it against his domestic enemies. And he had no desire to let Duan get away with these manoeuvres. He might not get the concessions, but he might succeed in causing the demise of Duan.
However, the Beiyang Government did only kind of control northern China. In the south, there was a rival group of war lords that did not follow Beiyang orders. Of these, Chen Jiongming in the western part of Canton Province (Guangdong) was the most interesting one because he proposed a pluralistic approach to govern China, not the “one man, one will” course of the others. Until now, Chen was supporting the squaller Sun Yatsen who wanted to unite China by force and rule it by means of his Kuomintang Party.
Perhaps Chen could be talked into taking a more independent course of his own? A democratic, multi-party China would not only be attractive for Hintze’s political masters in Berlin, it would also be to the liking of the Americans. Hintze had been ambassador to Mexico in 1912/13 and still entertained very good relations to US officials. In 1917, when returning from his mission in China, he had been granted free passage through the USA as “honoured guest” although the country had already been at war with Germany.
Hintze thought that a German-American cooperation for a pluralistic and democratic society in China might be very beneficial for Germany, America and China.
On April 15th, 1920, Hintze entered the US embassy in Berlin for a chat with Ambassador Ellis L. Dresel. He had an offer to propose.

Frustrations and Postponements

In Punjab, General Byng now had found his rhythm: Push left! Push right! Consolidate! Push again! – And never leave the cover of your guns!
The enemy seemed to have no appropriate answer for this slow and methodical advance. Wherever he decided to offer resistance, he was annihilated by British artillery. Slowly, the British Army in India was approaching Lahore, the capital of Punjab.
But Sardar Ajit Singh Sindhu, the leader of the Islamic Caliphate of Punjab, had already known before that his army would not be capable of stopping the British for long. Thankfully, the elders of Sindh had sent him Setho Nawaz Bhutto and his warriors. – For supply, Byng’s force depended on one railway line from Karachi to Lahore. This line ran on the west bank of the Indus River up to Sukkur, where it crossed the river. From Sukkur to Multan, it basically ran on the east bank of the Indus and crossed the Sutlej River north of Bahawalpur. From Multan to Lahore, it ran between Rivers Sutlej and Ravi.
General Byng knew of course about the importance of this single artery. A corridor of five miles to each side of the rail line had been cleared of population. Here, cavalry was patrolling constantly. All bridges, culverts and rail stations were guarded by troops. Blockhouses had been erected near critical points.
But there were 225 miles from Karachi to Sukkur, 200 miles from Sukkur to Bahawalpur, and 50 miles from Bahawalpur to Multan. Somewhere, Nawaz’ warriors must succeed… On May 2nd, 1920, just after midnight, the tribesmen struck all along the railway line.

The attack on the Indus bridge at Sukkur was a flop. Although the commander of the Scottish company, which guarded the bridge, was one of the first victims, killed by a sniper while inspecting his men, the Scots repulsed all attacks at high costs for the irregulars.
Similarly, the assault on the Sutlej bridge became a costly failure for the Pashtun bands.
But approximately 100 miles north of Karachi, at Sehwan, a Baloch band managed to blow up a blockhouse, kill all guards and destroy a 170 yards bridge.
At twenty-three places, railway tracks were blown up. Additionally, two supply trains were derailed by remote controlled demolition charges. Bahawalpur train station was raided successfully and two railway control centres destroyed.
Several cavalry patrols were ambushed and annihilated.
Nawaz’ irregulars suffered perhaps 2,500 casualties that night, far more than the raid on Karachi had cost them, but General Byng’s supply line had been severed.

Julian Byng was fuming. His chief engineer had just left. – The engineers had no real problems with the blown up tracks, those were quick repair jobs. The railway control centres at Bahawalpur also posed no real challenge. But the bridge near Sehwan would take two weeks to be replaced. Equally, the derailed trains would take days to be removed from the tracks. One first had to bring tanks to the sites in order to drag the locomotives and wagons away from the rails.
His force depended on daily supply per rail. Without supply, he could continue for three days, thereafter, his ammunition and food stocks would be depleted.
Unfortunately, the Indus could not be used for transportation of supplies. Other than some small fishing boats, there were no ships.
While the Sehwan bridge was being repaired, food supply had to be unloaded south of the bridge, carried by hand or animal to the irrigation canal, which was to be bridged with a floating bridge of the engineers, and on to the train waiting north of the bridge. This would just suffice to keep his men fed. Ammunition re-supply was not possible during that time.
Byng made a mental note to set up some supply dumps in the Multan area, once supply was flowing again.

In the night of May 4th, rafts loaded with explosives swam down the Indus north of Sukkur. While the Scottish company managed to destroy most of them, two of them – connected by chains – hit one pillar of the bridge and detonated. The engineers later estimated that each raft must have carried 1,000 pounds of dynamite. Fortunately, the pillars were protected by deflectors against floating trees and lumber. Thus the pillar was not blown to little pieces. But the structure had taken irreversible damage nevertheless.
The engineers thought they could fix it – in four weeks of work all around the clock…

Teetering on a Knife’s Edge

May 1920 also saw the war in Russia coming out of hibernation.
It started in the far east. Lieutenant General Yamanashi Hanzō had been entrusted with the mission to dislodge the Bolsheviks from the Armur River and force them westwards. The objective was to secure Priamurye district with its capital Blagoveshchensk. This would give all of “Outer manchuria” into Japanese hands. If Chita could be reached, where the Chinese Eastern Railway branched off from the Trans-Sib, the result of the offensive would be considered optimal.
On the Bolshevik side, General Pavel Sytin had not received priority in allocation of men and material. Now that Vladivostok was lost irretrievably, the Bolshevik leaders were ready to trade space for time. Sytin was to conduct a fighting retreat. If he did hold the Byela Never river line by onset of the next winter, this would be considered fine. That gave Sytin about 460 miles to fight a delaying action. However, he did not intent to make it easy for the Japanese.
Under the cover of their vastly superior artillery and air service, the Japanese forced the Armur on May 4th. It was conducted like an exercise copied from the manuals. First, infantry in boats traversed the river and established bridgeheads. Then field guns were ferried over, while the infantry widened the bridgeheads. Finally, floating bridges were built. The Bolshevik contribution mainly consisted of logs, which they threw into the water upstream of the Japanese water crossing site. This caused some confusion, especially when one floating bridge was actually destroyed by logs, but hardly slowed the Japanese down.
After nightfall, the Bolsheviks staged a counter attack. It wasn’t really a determined assault, nevertheless it resulted in the Japanese artillery shelling their own infantry. The shooting went on for the rest of the night. In the early morning, the Bolsheviks disengaged and disappeared.
The Japanese, still trying to disentangle the chaos resulting from the combat at night, followed only with weak forces, which quickly ran into superior Bolshevik troops that chased them back.
It soon became clear that General Yamanashi would not engage in hasty pursuit. He would first bring all of his forces to the west bank of the Armur, built up some supply dumps and only then start his advance.
Sytin told his men to dig in and fortify their positions. If the Japanese wanted it slow, they should get it…

Mikhail Frunze also had not received priority for his Central Asian Front between Orenburg, Tashkent and Semipalatinsk. He nevertheless hoped to beat the Basmachi decisively this year. After all, they were hardly more than bandits.
But first contacts already revealed that over the winter the insurgents had received substantial Turkish help. Not least several Turkish infantry divisions!
On May 7th, Tashkent fell to the insurgents and their Turkish allies. Frunze’s force was forced to retreat. He now hoped to be able to hold the line between Lake Aral and Lake Balkash.

The main focus of the Bolsheviks had of course been the western front opposite the Tsarist forces.
Here, General Ieronim Petrovich Uborevich, also known as Jeronimas Uborevičius in his native Lithuanian tongue, had been given all priority. If the front line west of the Ural Mountains could not be held, the Bolsheviks were done. The Ural industries were vital for the survival of the Bolshevik state, without them, the Bolsheviks could join the natives in the Siberian Taiga and live as hunter-gatherers.
The north of Uborevich’s front was protected by forests and swamps without transport infrastructure, the centre had been established on the east bank of the Kama River, but the south, between Perm and Orenburg, was an open invitation for an attack. Yudenich’s front was between Glasov and Samara, while Denikin’s front lurked between Samara and Uralsk. All tanks had been given to Denikin. Also Krasnov’s cavalry army was in the south.
The Tsarist air service long had gained air superiority. The German and Italian “volunteers” in their modern planes had shot down everything that the Bolsheviks had managed to bring into the air. Thus Uborevich could be sure that the Tsarists knew every visible detail of his positions. But he still hoped that during the dark days of winter, he had managed to install some details unseen.
And he had no intention to only play anvil for the Tsarist hammer.
On May 6th, the Bolsheviks attacked the right flank of General Denikin’s front at Uralsk.

The Battle of Sorotchinsk

“That the densely wooded valley of the Ural river provided an ideal covered approach for anyone trying to avoid detection from the air had not escaped the Tsarist commanders. A Cossack “polk” (regiment) had been detached to monitor the valley. When General Anton I. Denikin’s front started its advance, the polk also moved eastwards – and ran into a Bolshevik ambush.
Bolshevik commander Iona E. Yakir had set a trap that wiped out the complete polk. – Nobody escaped, and so nobody could warn General Denikin.
Yakir now had two options. He could attack westwards in hope of hitting Denikin’s supply depots. Or he could attack into Denikin’s rear. He did not know where the depots were situated, but – correctly – estimated that they had been placed in the line Pugachyov – Samara. This would have required an advance of 200 Verst over open country, something he could not hope to execute undetected. Yakir therefore decided to attack into Denikin’s rear.
By nightfall of May 5th, Yakir’s corps exited the Ural valley and manoeuvred into the back of General Denikin’s front. The Bolsheviks were noticed by quite a lot of people, but in the darkness just mistaken for another Tsarist formation moving to the east.
In the early morning of May 6th, 1920, Yakir’s corps attacked into the supply columns, baggage trains and heavy artillery units that formed the tail of Denikin’s advancing front.
Yakir had his three cavalry divisions extend to maximum width and charge. The chaos this created with Denikin’s units is beyond words. The Tsarist rear guard, a Cossack division, now realised that Yakir’s force was not friedly and attacked ino Yakir’s rear. The flank guard, a Cossack corps, was alerted and also intervened.
By noon, Yakir’s corps had ceased to exist. But the damage done to General Denikin’s front was immense. The Tsarists were forced to stop their advance on the whole front, while General Denikin tried to replace the losses.
His heavy artillery, the siege train destined to batter the Bolshevik field fortifications, however, was irretrievably lost. New guns had to be ordered in Germany. It would take weeks, if not months, before they could possibly arrive.
With his daring raid, Iona E. Yakir, who escaped unscathed and managed to rejoin the Bolshevik main forces, had not only bought precious time but also had kicked out some of the Tsarist’s most dangerous carnassials.”

From “Benchmarks of Glory” by Victor P. Kolpachov, Omsk, 1928

What Now?

It was a gloomy company that met in Buda Castle, overlooking Budapest, on May 6th, 1920. Was Great Hungary about to become Little Hungary? Serb and Romanian insurgents had triumphed over the Hungarian forces. Upper Hungary and Montenegro had only been secured by German and Bulgarian help.

Móric, Count Esterházy of Galantha, who had replaced the ailing Sándor Wekerle as prime minister, opened the meeting and asked interior minister Gyula Count Andrássy Junior for his appreciation of the situation.

Andrássy explained that all attempts at Magyarisation could be considered failed. In this age of nationalisms, one could not hope to force a foreign language to be accepted by a national group. In Hungary, the Croats had a special status, using Croatian language in office inside Croatia and in the Croat army units. This was the least what the other nationalities expected as well. But, for sure, the Montenegrins and Serbs wanted to leave Hungary, as did the Slovaks and the Romanians. He favoured recognising the national languages on a regional basis, but did not think that Hungary could afford the secession of the nationalities.

Foreign minister István Burián spoke next. The Germans were peeved. They had believed that the Hungarians could manage the Balkans affairs. Their assistance had only be very reluctant, the socialists had initially not supported intervention. There was a clear preference for national selfdetermination in all three ruling parties. – The Bulgarians had apparently quite successfully Bulgarised their Serbs, but the two languages were very close, as were the religious beliefs. The Bulgarians might be trusted to keep Montenegro if Hungary was not able to solve the crisis. Romania so far had shown laudable restraint, King Ferdinand and his government had effectively restrained the nationalist hotheads. But the Romanian Insurgents in Hungary might issue a manifest of joining Romania every moment. Slovenia and Italy sympathised with national self determination, but would not act out of their own. The wider world favoured the insurgent nationalities and thought that Hungary had been too repressive.

Army commander and war minister Hermann Kövess of Kövessháza said that the army already had reached its limit. The now existing forces could not be expanded without provoking economic collapse. There was no hope of dislodging the Serb army from Belgrade. The Romanian forces might be crushed by a combined action of Csicserics’ and Boroëvić’s armies, but only if they accepted battle, which they most probably wouldn’t do. The terrain was very difficult and favoured guerrilla warfare.

Minister of economy Sándor Simonyi-Semadam stated that the Hungarian economy had already arrived at the border to collapse, there were serious shortfalls in industrial and agricultural production. One could bypass these shortfalls by buying abroad, but only for a short time. A solution was urgently required.

It was the Croatian representaive, Ivan Ribar, who stopped the general whining. The Serbs and Montenegrins in Coatia had equal rights like everybody else, the language of Croats, Serbs and Montenegrins was identic, nobody’s faith was encumbered. So, why had they revolted? Because of Great Serbian hubris. The bearers of this hubris were now gathered in Belgrade. Therefore, Belgrade had to be starved into submission. The two Bosnian corps under General Sarkotić were sufficient for this task. Montenegro could be taken over by the newly formed Croatian Domobran Corps under General Kvaternik. The rest of the Croat Army could move to Transylvania and help suppress the Romanian Insurgency. – He had no doubt that in the long run the Croats could assimilate the northern Serbs and Montenegrins as successfully as the Bulgarians were assimilating the southern Serbs. Right now, from the Serb males that had been interned, more than two thirds had already been released again for their word of honour never to raise arms again. – He could not advise the Hungarians in their language and nationality problems with Romanians and Slovaks, but for the Croatian part of the state, there was no language problem, and no real nationality problem, only one artificially erected by Serb chauvinists.
It was up to the Hungarians to act. – The Croats were ready to fight it out.

After some more discussion, Count Esterházy summed up the agreed course of action:
1. Slovaks and Romanians would be offered the same status for their languages, which the Croats already had.
2. No secession would be recognised.
3. The siege of Belgrade was to be continued.
4. The bulk of the Croat army was to be transferred to Transylvania, while Bosniak and Domobran corps were to control Serbia and Montenegro.
5. The Romanian Insurgency was to be smashed with first priority.
6. The Slovak Insurgency was to be suppressed thereafter.
 
State Visit

Emperor Wilhelm III. was not the erratic and obsessive traveller that his father had been during his rule. Nor was he an incessant and ranting orator. For eight months, Wilhelm had been almost invisible and inaudible for the public. He had been present when the great cruiser SMS Mackensen had been commissioned in February of 1920, but the speaches had been delivered by General Field Marshal von Mackensen and Chancellor Ebert. He regularly attended church service on sundays and religious holidays, and he took a ride through the Tiergarten in Berlin every morning – if he resided in the town palace.
Generally, Wilhelm commuted between Potsdam, where he spent the week-ends together with his familiy, and Berlin, where he worked during the week.
Wilhelm’s wife had taken residence at the palace named after her “Cecilienhof”. His four sons went to school at Potsdam, while the two daughters were still too young for school. Empress Cecilie had decided to ignore the “girlies” and “ladies”, which Wilhelm frequently had “entertained” before and during the war. After he had succeeded his father, his conduct had become truly impeccable.

During the week, Wilhelm usually had daily second breakfast together with Chancellor Fritz Ebert. Sometimes, Ebert was accompanied by other ministers or important persons. But most of the time, the two had a talk without witnesses. Ebert would brief Wilhelm about all important issues that concerned the government. In response, Wilhelm would provide his opinion and advice, which Ebert had come to appreciate although he often could not heed it.
The Emperor was still a very conservative man, trying to safeguard the Prussian legacy, but he was intelligent enough to realise that things had changed and he had to accept these changes. His co-operation with Ebert therefore was unpretentios and matter-of-factly. This combined with his extremely polite and accommodating manners made him a pleasant interlocutor. Ebert had come to enjoy the daily discussion, a true relief and respite from the “urgent urgencies” of political business.
And it had been Ebert, who had brought forward the notion that it had become time for some state visits.

So, on May 7th, 1920, one day after the Germans had celebrated “Kaisergeburtstag” (Emperor’s Birthday), Wilhelm’s special train arrived at the Gare Centrale in Brussels.
The Belgians anticipated this visit with high tension. After the Germans had invaded Belgium in 1914, had killed more than 6,000 Belgian civilians and had thoroughly ruined the Belgian econmy, Belgium had been forced to become a German ally in 1918. The alternative would have been the complete demise of Belgium as a sovereign state.
It was true that the Germans had behaved after the treaty of alliance had been signed. Recompense had been paid and much damage had been repaired. It was also true that the Belgian economy – thanks to the membership in the German sphere of influence – was doing very well, recovering old markets and gaining new ones, in great part because the infrastructure and machinery was brandnew and state-of-the-art.
Nevertheless, there still were many who had bitter feelings and some who wielded outright hatred. The battlefields in Flanders still were a swampy wasteland, many villages in Wallonia lay still destroyed by the fires of 1914.

King Albert I. of Belgium and his spouse, the Bavarian Princess Elisabeth, were the first to greet Wilhelm and Cecilie. It was noted favourably that Wilhelm appeared in civilian attire, while the handsome and fashionable Cecilie even attracted appreciatory comments.
The car ride (one had agreed in the run-up to the visit to do away with horse-drawn carriages) through the town showed a numerous and exultant public. But people somehow conveyed the message that they were cheering Albert and Elisabeth, not Wilhelm and Cecilie. However, this didn’t keep the German couple from saluting the bystanders and displaying gracious cordiality.
Now, Wilhelm’s speech at the Brussels town hall was awaited with eagerness.

After the usual phrases of salutation, Wilhelm came to the point:
“I beg the pardon and the forgiveness of the Belgian people for what Germans have done to Belgium and her population from August 1914 until the armistice between our armies. Today, we know that Belgium was not in league with the Entente and was only trying to defend herself. But then, in these August days, we thought you had sided with our enemies and we were very angry. I will and cannot excuse what has been done, but I will also not condemn those who committed acts that we today may come to view as war crimes. I have been in the war myself, and I know how confusing and deceptive situations can be. A military leader must decide and act. His decision may turn out be wrong, but this he does not know beforehand.
You certainly are aware that a parliamentary commission in Germany is currently enquiring about these matters. I expect that as a consequence judicial proceedings will follow. I gladly leave the juridic appraisal to the judges, and I can affirm that neither the work of the commission nor that of the courts will be restricted in any direction, and that all findings will be made public.
We cannot turn back the clock and make things undone. We can and we will punish those that acted out of malice. But we will not chastise those who acted out of good faith. Sadly, in war, tragedies are unavoidable.
Again, I ask for your pardon and forgiveness.”

War Council

Sardar Ajit Singh Sindhu had capitalised the success of stopping the British Army of India (which was mainly owed to Setho Nawaz Bhutto and his tribal warriors) to convene an All-Indian War Council.
General Byng’s force had retreated to Bahawalpur and just held a bridgehead north of the Sutlej. Thus, a meeting in Lahore could be arranged without fear of British interference.
One Indian problem was the fragmentation of the nation. The Indian National Congress Party had not survived the turbulences of the 1918 riots but had split into regional and religious sections.
There were separatist entities like Bengal, Greater Mysore, the Burmese Kingdom and the Baloch Anarchy, which had no intention to join an Indian Union, and entities that might support a kind of union.
The Bengalis had united again into one Bengali speaking country, but were divided along religious lines, the Hindu majority trying to destroy the Muslim minority.
The Dravidian speakers in the south had united into Greater Mysore and the Hyderabad Monks’ Republic. Greater Mysore was a gerontocratic democracy (only men above the age of 59 could be elected for parliament). The Monks’ Republic was a hierocratic state run by Hindu monks, which showed some willingness to join their Hindu brothers in a greater India.
The Buddhists in Burma had formed the Burmese Kingdom, bringing the ancient Konbaung dynasty to power again. The kingdom voiced some claims for taking into re-possession Assam, but otherwise wanted to stay separate.
The Balochs had fallen back into traditional anarchy with each tribal chief doing what he wanted. They talked about liberating their brothers in Persia (this part of Persia still being occupied by the British), but saw no purpose in joining a greater India.
The Punjab Caliphate and the now British occupied Sindh Republic were Islamic states. Sindh was almost exclusively Muslim, while Punjab was mixed Muslim, Sikh and Hindu, which had allowed the Sikh Ajit Singh to become head of state, balancing a mixed government. Despite its title, the Caliphate was a democracy with an elected national assembly. Both states did not object an Indian Union.
Kali’s Empire was an oligarchic Hindu republic with strong religious influence, which also was pro-union, over the ruling families.
The Despoty was a classical tyranny. Bal Gangadhar Tilak, ruled here under the title “Lokmanya” (accepted by the people as their leader). Gangadhar was an old Indian National Congress member and had already announced his willingness to lead the Despoty into an Indian Union.
The oligarchic and plutocratic republic of Assam was also very much interested in an Indian Union. They feared imminent Burmese conquest.
A second Indian problem was the unsolved status of the former United Provinces and the area called “The Warring Factions”. Here, small regional entities still competed for dominance. The general consensus was disagreement. Violence was not the rule, but also not excluded from day-to-day politics.
However, everybody agreed that a return of the British Raj was not wanted. The Bengalis had tried to storm Calcutta, but had been warded off three times by the strong British garrison. The Lokmanya had laid siege to Bombay, but his troops had quickly learned to stay out of reach of British naval artillery.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the head of the All Indian Muslim League, proposed to proclaim Jihad bil Saif against the British. The Jihad might spread and infect other Muslim countries under British control, such as Egypt, Oman and Aden.
Rash Behari Bose, one of the leaders of the Bengal Feudal Republic, proposed to let the British advance.
“They’ll be strung out from Karachi to Lahore to Delhi to Calcutta. They’ll have to guard every inch of railway and every single toilet, otherwise we’ll blow up their arses. We can easily mobilise 10,000 men against each single British soldier. – So, just let them come. And when they are nicely distributed all over the country, we rush them and kill them.”
Lala Lajpat Rai, one of the Punjab Hindu leaders, supported this proposal.
“Yes, this is the best way. Let the invaders drown in the sea of the Indian people. – They have lost the backing they used to have by the Maharajas and other princelings – and by their docile Indian collaborators. And they have not yet realised that they alone now face a nation of more then 300 million people. Whatever they do, they cannot win. We’ll overcome them.”

Baba Yaga

Starshiy Unterofitser (senior NCO) Ivan Ivanovich Prototopov was the proud commander of the Mk.IV male tank “Baba Yaga” in the III. Platoon, 2nd Company, 4th Tank Battalion. The platoon had two male and three female tanks, all clad in gaudy camouflage with the Tsar’s coat of arms, the double headed golden eagle on red ground, painted on the side armour plates close to the track tensioning devices.
Prototopov was looking forward to the battle that soon was about to commence. It would not be his first combat, but before he had fought as infantryman. Now, he was a tank commander.
It had not been easy. The German instructors, Oberleutnant Volckheim, Leutnant Kubrich, Feldwebel Klein, Vizefeldwebel Löwenstein and Vizefeldwebel Wenninger, had known no mercy. These stone faced Germans had pitiless weeded out all those who did not meet their standards. Prototopov still believed that these men were soulless representatives of a kind of German technical hell. He had known infantry training in the Russian army. That had been quite tough. But it had been a cakewalk compared to the training applied by the “Muchiteli” (tormentors), as the Germans had been known by their training audience.
For three days, they had practised “Mount vehicle!” and “Bail out!”. Whoever refused, was sent away. Who complained got extra training when the rest took a short break – or in the evening or the night. After three days, they had practised “Mount vehicle!” and “Bail out!” with bags over their heads. After five days, they had practised “Bail out!” with bags over their heads under life machine gun fire.
They had taken apart their tanks and assembled them again. Then they had taken apart their tanks and assembled them again in the middle of the night. Everyone had learned to operate the Lewis machine guns and the Vickers six pounder cannons.
When they had thought they were ready, the tanks had been taken away and the crews had learned to form an instant assault team. They had learned to throw hand grenades, to roll up a trench and to fight in close combat.
Only when all these “basics” had been learned, did real combat training with the tanks start.
The three female tanks were the initial attack section of the platoon, they would advance while being covered by the cannons of the two males. The males would follow the attack by leap-frogging from surveillance position to surveillance position.
While machine guns could and should be used freely while moving, the cannons were only allowed to fire when a tank was stopped.
After the platoon drill had been complete, they had started company attack drill. Then they had conducted company attack drill together with the infantry.
Then the whole exercises had been repeated at night.
Then they had learned to carry and drop fascines in order to facilitate trench crossing. After this, they had learned to salvage tanks.
Finally, the company assault exercise together with infantry was conducted in a terrain that had been prepared to resemble the conditions of the front in France in 1917.
After they had stood this final test, they had received their tank badges, which they now proudly wore sewed on their upper arms.

The two Tsarist fronts had now eventually closed in on the Bolshevik positions and were preparing their attack. General Denikin had decided that he would employ the tank force half way between Ufa and Orenburg in the vicinity of Sterlitamak. Here he intended to break through the Bolshevik field fortification with the help of the tanks, and then he would turn left and roll up the front to the north.
General Yudenich would simultaneously attack up north between Ufa and Perm. His task was to bind as many Bolshevik troops as possible, while Denikin was manoeuvring to come into their back.

On the evening of May 28th, 1920, “Baba Yaga” and her sisters rumbled into their starting positions. Camouflage by foliage was not considered necessary because the Bolsheviks no longer had planes that they could bring into the air. The nine-man crew prepared their sleeping places below “Baba Yaga” and then had a chicken barbecue and some vodka. At about 21:00 hours, they went to sleep. Artillery preparation was scheduled to start at four o’clock on the next morning. Their own attack would not commence before 08:00 hours. So, there was ample time to catch some sleep. The next few days might not offer this chance.

The Ornament of Modesty

The notion that his forces were hopelessly outnumbered had, in the meanwhile, also started to dawn on General Byng. He still was confident to beat anything that the Indians could field against his army, but he realised that constant guarding of everything would soon overextend his force. There was no hope of conquering the Indian subcontinent in one bold campaign.
Consequently, he sent a cable to London.

“Forces under my command still capable of decisive military action. Indian population, as a whole, hostile to British rule. Constant requirement of guarding everything everywhere. Therefore restriction of mission required. Reconquest of all India impossible at present. Propose consolidation of rule in Sindh and Punjab, widening of Bombay bridgehead, and eventually connection of both areas. Propose not to tackle Afghan problem, just ignore it.
Once British rule in Indus valley firmly established, further territories can be regained.”

On Wednesday, May 19th, 1920, the British cabinet met to discuss the Indian issue.

Prime Minister Bonar Law stated that the aim of regaining India remained unchanged; one could only change the strategy but not the final goal.

Chancellor of the Exchequer Stanley Baldwin strongly supported this policy, but warned that the British economy might no longer be capable of sustaining a long war. Nor was the financial situation comforting a drawn out military engagement in India.
“Gentlemen, we are losing on all markets. The Germans are back with their customary dumping prices. We’ve lost the market for building merchant vessels completely. – We still are considered the technical number one in construction of warships. Unfortunately, those who today want warships also construct them on their own. – Machine tools are another sector where Germany has taken over our former customers. – Let me put it straight: We are in the middle of a severe economic crisis, and we are heading for an economic disaster!”

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Marquess Curzon of Keddlestone stated that as far as India was concerned, neither the US nor European powers so far had shown any tendency of interference. There certainly was a secret German and Ottoman agenda concerning India, but the official diplomacy of both countries was strictly neutral. – He warned, however, of covert Ottoman activities on the Arabian Peninsula. The Trucial States and Qatar had just returned to full Ottoman suzerainty, quite voluntarily of course like the local leaders emphasised, but it was well known that this talented Turkish general, Mustafa Kemal, and his army were driving factors in promoting voluntary re-attachment.

First Lord of the Admiralty Sir Walter Long also had not much delectable to tell. The good news was the HMS Hood had been commissioned four days ago. The bad news was that the Royal Navy was losing in absolute numbers. There were 31 British battleships, 9 battlecruisers, two large light cruisers and one aircraft carrier. No more capital ships currently were under construction for the Royal Navy. –The Germans would soon have 21 battleships and raise their number of battlecruisers to twelve until 1922. The Germans and their Hungarian, Italian and Ottoman allies would soon possess a joint fleet that was superior to the Royal Navy. – The Japanese had eight battleships, seven battlecruisers and four more under construction. He warned from the idea that the Japanese still were allies, which they officially still were. They had their own agenda and might change sides easily. – The US Navy had 17 battleships and was bent on building 12 more, plus six battlecruisers. Recent conduct of the US did not indicate that they might readily become allies in future. – He proposed to start constructing more capital ships; that might also help to stabilize the economy.

Secretary of State for War Winston Churchill said that the British Army could not be expanded further. The Dominions also had reached the limits of their capacities. He strongly suggested economising the existing forces and following General Byng’s proposal. – Apart from that he reminded of his plan to incite the natives in German South-West Africa into another rebellion.

The cabinet decided to endorse General Byng’s proposal – and to start construction of the three remaining battlecruisers of the Hood-class plus a new class of four battlecruisers, based on the HMS Incomparable project.

Trăiască Regele!

On May 15th, 1920, the provisory government at Karlsburg, now officially named Alba Iulia, proclaimed accession to the Kingdom of Romania. Now, King Ferdinand could no longer restrain nationalism in his country. In a nightly session, the Romanian parliament accepted the accession with great majority on May 16th. Characteristically, King Ferdinand now no longer tried to calm things down, but put himself at the vanguard of the Romanian cause. Ion I.C. Brătianu was recalled as Prime Minister and the army, already secretly brought on mobilisation strength, was tasked to secure to new borders of Romania.
In terms of national self-determination, the Romanian move was quite understandable. The majority of the population in Transylvania was of Romanian tongue. Nevertheless, the Romanian speakers only made up about 55 percent of the total population, one third spoke Hungarian and one tenth German. Neither the Hungarians nor the Germans in Transylvania had any love for being transferred to Romania.
The immediate consequence was that Bulgarian forces invaded the northern part of Northern Dobruja. Romanian resistance was strong, because this attack had of course been anticipated, but not strong enough. On May 19th, Bulgaria formally annexed the area after the Romanian army had decisively been beaten and pushed out of the Dobruja.
While the Hungarians had not been able to defeat Ciprian Barbesti’s guerrillas, they did well against the Romanian army. The Romanian forces were beaten in four engagements near Sathmar (Satu Mare for the Romanians), Großwardein (Oradea), Temeschburg (Timişoara) and Eisenmarkt (Hunedoara). Then the Croatian Army advanced into northern Transylvania, while the Hungarian Army started a second advance on Karlsburg (Alba Iulia) and Hermannstadt (Sibiu).
General of Infantry Max Csicserics von Bacsásny had been re-installed as commander of the Croatian contingent. He now not only managed to beat the regular Romanian army at Sathmar and Großwardein, his force also vanquished Barbesti’s riflemen in several engagements. Csicserics came to the conclusion that his Croats were far better adapted to guerrilla warfare than the Hungarian soldiers. Living in the Balkans apparently prepared men better for this form of combat than living in the Hungarian Plain.
But also General Boroëvić, after having beaten the regular Romanian army twice, now advanced more swiftly than first time although he still incurred higher losses against the guerrillas than Csicserics.
In early June, both armies made contact with the fortified positions that the Romanian army had prepared in central Transylvania. Beaten in open battle, the Romanians now tried to stop their enemies with the methods of position warfare.

Decision at last

“The Tsarist attack against the Perm – Orenburg position had received the name “Rasvyet” (Dawn). The Bolsheviks knew that their enemy would use tanks, and they had prepared for this. What they didn’t know about and didn’t expect was – gas.
The fighting in Russia hitherto had been fluent and therefore hardly suitable for procedures developed in trench warfare. The desperate decision of the Bolsheviks to dig in and fight it out had not only upgraded the tanks, which were too slow and cumbersome for a war of movement, it also made possible the application of poison gas.
It were not the Tsarist generals who had arrived at this idea, but their German “advisors”. Not only did the Germans deliver huge quantities of “Blaukreuz” (mainly diphenyle aminarsine cyanide, causing the victim to vomit and thus lift his gas mask) and “Grünkreuz” (lethal phosgene and di-phosgene mixed with chlorine), but they had also re-activated Major General Georg Bruchmüller, the retired genius of the artillery battle in position warfare.
The Tsarist artillery was not up to the standards of the Germans, but Bruchmüller knew how to attain best results with what was at hand. After the Russians had understood that the aim of the barrage was not to uproot the enemy positions and to destroy their blockhouses but to interrupt their communications and to saturate their emplacements with gas, the loss of Denikin’s heavy guns seemed less grave.

On May 29th, 1920, at four o’clock in the morning, the Tsarist barrage began. For two hours, conventional shells rained down on the Bolshevik positions. It was the heaviest shelling that most soldiers had ever experienced and there were many who already now broke.
At six o’clock, the Tsarists switched to a mixture of conventional and gas shells. As most Bolshevik units didn’t even have gas masks, the results were telling. While whole units perished in their trenches, others tried to flee, but because the gas was carried eastwards by the wind this was no recipe for survival.
At seven o’clock, the shelling stopped, only to be resumed fifteen minutes later with maximum intensity. The last gas grenades were fired at 07:45 hours.
At eight o’clock, the barrage slowly started to shift to the rear of the Bolshevik positions, while the Tsarist infantry started its attack.

In the vicinity of Sterlitamak, 233 Mk.IV tanks spearheaded the infantry assault.
But the poison gas had already sufficed; Bolshevik resistance was very weak and disorganised. Many survivors simply surrendered. The Bolshevik artillery had been effectively silenced in many sectors, only few batteries had not been reconnoitred beforehand and thus not been thoroughly gassed.

By ten o’clock it became clear that the Bolsheviks were beaten on the whole front of the attack. The number of prisoners already amounted to more than 80,000.
By 14:00 hours, only few pockets of resistance remained, while the whole depths of the Bolshevik positions had been overrun. Generals Yudenich and Denikin now ordered their cavalry and Cossacks forward for pursuit and exploitation. Engineers tried to open a lane for Denikin’s armoured cars, but did not succeed before dusk.

Operation “Rasvyet” ended at 22:00 hours on May 29th. The Bolsheviks were totally beaten. 187,000 corpses were counted on the battlefield. 142,500 prisoners of war went into makeshift camps.
On June 10th, 1920, the Tsarist forces took Yekaterinburg. Yet the hope of liberating the family of former Tsar Nicholas II. soon crepitated, when it became clear that the Bolsheviks had not only shot the Tsar in July 1918 but had massacred the whole family.
Treatment of captured Bolsheviks had already been harsh before, but now it became a death hunt.”

From “Benchmarks of Glory” by Victor P. Kolpachov, Omsk, 1928

The Artery


The Treaty of Copenhagen had – de facto – recognised British control over Egypt. Yet it had also affirmed Ottoman suzerainty – and had demoted the Egyptian ruler from Khedive back to Governor and Wali. The treaty completely ignored the fact that the British had, in 1914, promoted the Khedive to Sultan.
Subsequently, Sultan Ahmed Fuad’s rule had survived the treaty for only a fortnight. Known as stout supporter of the British, Fuad, had been the target of violent protests and riots staged by nationalists and traditionalists. When his life had been threatened by a public vow of the nationalists to “hunt to death the menial of the English”, Fuad had abdicated and left Egypt for southern France.
Now, the former Khedive, Abbas Hilmi Bey, had proposed himself as new Wali. Abbas had been removed from his position by the British in 1914. – In 1918, Abbas had secretly promised the British to hold the nationalists at bay as he had done already before the war. And – so far – he had kept this promise. Abbas had stood at the cradle of Egyptian nationalism and been its godfather. He now used his influence to sedate the nationalists. When the English left, the Turks would come back. Was that what the nationalists wanted? No? So, better work silently for a modern Egypt under British protection than risk the return of the Ottomans. Together with his prime minister, Youssef Wahba Pasha, he had managed to calm down nationalist emotions and to canalise them towards reform and modernisation of the society.
High Commissioner General Sir Henry Rawlinson entertained excellent relations with Abbas. He had soon found out that Abbas’ deposition in 1914 had been due more to a personal disaccord with Lord Kitchener than anything else. Abbas very much preferred the British over the Turks and understood very well that Egyptian independence was not in the cards for the time being.
On May 28th, 1920, the maulanas of the Dar ul-Ulum Deoband at Devband in the former United Provinces of India, a most influential centre of Islamic studies, invoked Jihad bil Saif against the English and their underlings.
On May 30th, the teachers of the Al-Azhar University in Cairo, the second oldest Muslim university, an ancient and prestigious centre of Islamic studies, endorsed this call and also proclaimed Jihad bil Saif against the English and their underlings.
On May 31st, the teachers of the University of Al-Karaouine in Fez, Morocco, the oldest university at all, took up the call and proclaimed Jihad bil Saif against the English and their underlings. The French authorities tried to prevent this step but failed.
On June 2nd, an angry young man named Hassan al-Bana, who did not survive his action, shot Abbas Hilmi Bey, who deceased in hospital two days later.
Now the quiet days in Egypt were over.
Traditionalists and enemies of westernisation united with the fundamentalists in their struggle against English rule and Egyptian collaborators. Luxurious residences of British officials and foreign employees of the Suez Canal Company went up in flames. Cairo was shaken by mass riots, as was Alexandria.
Almost at once, the nationalists had forgotten Abbas’ admonitions and joined the fray.
The Sublime Porte had – for good reasons – not taken up the call for Jihad bil Saif against Britain. The Pashas presently had no desire to go to war with Britain. But whoever in Egypt wanted weapons and ammunition very soon knew where to get them for free.

The British had, after 1882, disbanded the old Egyptian army and had recreated Egyptian units staffed by British officers and integrated in the British chain of command. These units – made up from poor fellahin – proved reliable beyond expectation. Apart from them, General Rawlinson had only three British infantry divisions and a force of armoured cars, left-over from the war.
With these meagre assets he had to keep open the artery of the British Empire, the 101 miles of the Suez Canal…

Training the Dragon

Early June 1920 saw Paul von Hintze’s endeavour yield fruits. On June 6th, Major General Max Bauer disembarked at Canton (Guangzhou), which in mid-May had been conquered by Chen Jiongming’s troops. His task was to establish a military academy and a school for non-commissioned officers.
The Americans had finally agreed to Hintze’s proposal of supporting Cheng Jiongming, who stood for a democratic and pluralistic development in China. The Germans had to sacrifice their claims for concessions and to agree to the US approach of the open door for everyone. It had cost Hintze little effort to get this endorsed by the leading men in Berlin who were rather eager to inaugurate German-American co-operation.
As a consequence, a peace treaty had been concluded with the Beiyang Government in Peking (Běijīng) and Hintze had been appointed German ambassador.
Germany and the US agreed to fund Cheng Jiongming and to foster his government. The US would establish a modern university and an institute of technology at Canton, while the Germans were to set up a military academy and an NCO school. Cheng Jiongming was to stop his support for Sun Yatsen, whose totalitarian views were neither endorsed by the US nor by Germany, and develop Guangdong Province into a model of a modern democracy.

Bauer, after finishing his turn at Posen, had had the choice of returning to OHL or serving a term in China. Enterprising as he was, the opportunities of an appointment in China did attract him much more than the perspective of peace time duty as section chief under General Hoffmann.
He was accompanied by sixteen German officers, two lieutenant colonels, six majors and eight captains. Only one of them, Bauer’s deputy, Lieutenant Colonel von Kleist, had served in China before and had some basic knowledge of Mandarin Chinese.
Finding a living quarter and hiring interpreters Bauer delegated to his staff, while he had a first interview with Cheng. His first impression of the Chinese leader was very positive, Cheng seemed to be a competent commander and administrator. His federalist ideas sounded quite familiar to Bauer who had grown up in the federally structured German Empire. They soon agreed that the military academy and the NCO school would be set up on Chengzhou Island offshore from the Huángpŭ dock.

Needless to say that for the French and British in their concessions on Shamian Island the alarms sounded, when it was reported that German military was in town.

Return to Normalcy?

On June 8th, 1920, the Republican National Convention met at Chicago. After Theodore Roosevelt had died in early 1919, Major General Leonhard Wood and Governor Frank O. Lowden of Illinois were regarded as most promising contenders, followed with good prospects by Senator Hiram Johnson of California, out of a total of twelve aspirants.
But the ballot deadlocked between Wood and Lowden – and in the course of repeated ballots it was finally a compromise contestant, Senator Warren G. Harding of Ohio, who became presidential candidate of the Republicans.
Following Harding’s nomination, the convention elected Governor John Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts as candidate for vice presidency – thus refusing Harding’s man of choice, Wisconsin Senator Irvine Lenroot.

From June 28th to July 9th, 1920, the Democratic National Convention was held at San Fransisco. President Woodrow Wilson hoped for a third term. Now that he had recognised the Irish Republic, the Irish Americans – powerful in the Democratic Party – were fully supporting him. But the German Americans – also important for the ballot – who still remembered being prosecuted and harassed under his administration 1917-18 were far less enthusiastic, although Wilson had, in vain, tried to veto prohibition, to which the German Americans were strongly opposed.
If the Republicans had needed ten ballots to nominate Harding; the Democrats needed 47 – to nominate Senator Robert L. Owen of Oklahoma as candidate of compromise. Franklin D. Roosevelt, a distant cousin of Theodore Roosevelt, was nominated contestant for vice presidency.

The presidential elections on November 2nd, 1920, would be the first elections in the USA where women from every state were allowed to vote, as had been established in Amendment XVIII to the US constitution on March 26th, 1919.

A Coronation and a Funeral

On Sunday, July 11th, 1920, Kyrill Vladimorowich Romanov was coronated Tsar Kyrill I. of Russia in St.Petersburg. This was a breach of tradition, but the customary place of coronation, the Kremlin in Moscow, had been blown up by the Bolsheviks. And all of Moscow still was an enormous expanse of rubble, in which few desperate stragglers tried to survive; only the railway lines had been repaired in order to allow supply of the troops at the Ural front.
Kyrill I. was now Tsar of Russia, but not King of Poland, nor Prince of Kiev, nor Tsar of Georgia, nor Grand Duke of Finland and Lithuania, nor Prince of Estonia, Livonia, Courland, Semigalia, Samogitia, Karelia and Bulgaria, nor Ruler of the Armenian territories and the Circassians, nor Lord of Turkestan. However, he claimed the title Tsar of Siberia, although most of Siberia was not yet under his control.

The Russian census of 1911 had counted 167 million people; Kyrill’s empire was estimated at 75 million at best, which allowed only 15 million as victims of the civil war with its famines and epidemics, a number that was disputed by many who had travelled the lands where the Bolsheviks had abducted the adult population.
Kyrill knew that without German support victory over the Bolsheviks would not have happened, and he was also aware that in 1914 Russian mobilisation had escalated the crisis to war, nevertheless, he had serious doubts about the motives of his German allies, a notion shared by prime minister Milyukov.
In Milyukov’s reckoning, Russia had been so great a threat to Germany that the Germans had done everything to remove that threat from their borders and to segment Russia into handy portions. Following this logic of his, Milyukov now expected the Germans to withdraw further support in order to conserve the Bolsheviks in Siberia.
But to his surprise, German chancellor Ebert, who accompanied the German Imperial Couple, asserted that Germany would further assist Russia in reconstruction and rehabilitation.

Despite Russian poverty and despair, St.Petersburg still provided a magnificent coulisse for the coronation and the customary meeting of the European monarchs and statesmen.
Kaiser Wilhelm III. and the German delegation had arrived with the new Imperial yacht “Deutschland”, which replaced the “Hohenzollern”. It was noted that the delegation also comprised business men like Walther Rathenau, Hugo Stinnes, Friedrich Carl Duisberg and Albert Ballin.
King Georg V. of Great Britain and the British delegation had arrived on bord the brandnew battlecruiser “Hood”, as if to demonstrate British pugnacity, while King Philippe VIII. of France had travelled by rail via Germany and the Baltic countries, an experience that again had shown him how popular he was in Germany. Bands had played at the rail stations and great flocks of viewers had cheered him, something that hardly happened at home.
Observers remarked with interest that Tsar Ferdinand I. of Bulgaria and King Konstantin I. of Greece had a long and apparently friendly conversation.
For obvious reasons, neither King IV. Károly of Hungary nor King Ferdinand of Romania were present.
The festivities started on July 10th and ended on July 13th.

For the way back, the German delegation had scheduled visits at Helsingfors (Helsinki), Reval (Tallinn), Riga and Stockholm. It was therefore at sea, in transit from Stockholm to Kiel, that Kaiser Wilhelm III. learned about the suicide of his youngest brother, Prince Joachim, on July 18th.
Joachim always had been the most frail of the old Kaiser’s kids and the special worry of his mother, Auguste Viktoria. Immersed in depression he had shot himself at Potsdam, leaving behind his wife, Princess Marie Auguste, and a son, Prince Karl Franz Joseph, four years old.
The funeral took place at Potsdam on July 21st. Of course, Joachim’s parents had been allowed to attend. Ex-Kaiser Wilhelm II. wore the uniform of an German grand admiral. He had no speaking role and could concentrate on representing aggrieved dignity, which he mastered perfectly, receiving appreciation from international spectators. His wife, August Viktoria, was really aggrieved and could hardly walk, shaken to the core and sobbing loudly.
Prince Eitel Friedrich had been fetched from Africa by a Zeppelin, a major technical feat that had aroused more interest in Germany than Joachim’s death. He always had had weight problems, but after his appointment as President of the Belgo-German Middle Africa Company he really had become obese and bloated, a result of heavy drinking as rumours whispered.
The next brother in line, Prince Adalbert, perhaps the most stupid and arrogant of Wilhelm II.’s offspring, had turned his back on Germany with disgust when socialists and papists took power. He lived in Switzerland today and had refused to attend the funeral.
The rest of the siblings, August Wilhelm, recently divorced, Oskar and Victoria Luise, propped Auguste Viktoria so that she didn’t collapse.
Joachim’s wife seemed strangely detached and distraught. She walked at the arm of Kaiser Wilhelm III., while Empress Cecilie guided little Karl Franz Joseph.
Joachim’s uncle, Prince Heinrich, carried the pad with the medals of the deceased. Heinrich was as popular as ever with the Germans and also an asset for his nephew, the Kaiser, who made good use of Heinrich’s ability to strike the right tone and act as good diplomat.
It was at the traditional coffee and cake after the burial that Wilhelm III. took his uncle aside and asked him:
“Dear Uncle, can you go to Hungary and Romania and broker a peace? The government will give you the mandate, if you agree. Minister von Kühlmann will assist you.“

Prophet! Rouse the Believers to wage War.

The proclamation of Jihad bil Saif against the British and their underlings did have some consequences:

In Sindh and Punjab, the latter had just been conquered by the British Army in India, the establishment of a civil administration became impossible. Nobody would risk his life by working for the English.

On the Malay Peninsula and in Sarawak and Sabah civil unrest soon led to violence. Vyner of Sarawak, the White Raja, and his wife, Sylvia, were murdered by their own servants. In Johor, Sultan Ibrahim seized the opportunity to get rid of his British “advisors”, a proceeding his colleagues on the peninsula were quick to follow.
After about a week, only Singapore with its ethnic Chinese majority remained in firm British possession, after a mutiny of the Indian workers had bloodily been suppressed by a loyal Gurkha regiment.
But unrest soon spilled over to the Dutch East Indies, especially to Sumatra and Java. The Sultanate of Aceh was re-established and proclaimed independence from Dutch rule.

In Persia, the Jihad had no consequences; the Shia Muslims didn’t care much about Sunni proclamations and their Grand Ayatollahs thought that the British were preferrable over the Sunni Turks.
But on Bahrain Insula, the visit of the Ottoman cruiser “Drama” resulted in a change of mind with the ruling Al Khalifa family. Ottoman suzerainty certainly was better than collaboration with the English infidels, especially because the empire of the latter was obviously crumbling.

On the Arabian Peninsula, the Jihad alleviated General Kemal Pasha’s browbeating the Omanis into accepting Ottoman suzerainty. The Aden Protectorate now was next on his list, while the British-Indian Aden Settlement would be the last part of his mission.
“Get me Bölükbaşı Muharip.” he ordered his aide-de-camp. “I have a job for this enterprising young man.”

Egypt and northern Sudan were in flames already, General Rawlinson’s force barely being able to keep the Suez Canal open, supported by the Royal Navy, which had detached strong landing parties to Suez and Port Said. British Somaliland had fallen to Sayyid Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, the “Mad Mullah”, as the British called their old enemy, who now sent out his warriors to French and Italian Somaliland as well.

On Zanzibar and Pemba, British citizens, including the governor, were lynched by an angry mob after Sultan Khalifa bin Harub had been killed by partisans of former Sultan Khalid bin Barghash Al-Busaid, whom the British had exiled.

In Nigeria, the Haussa, Kanuri and Ful people as well as the Islamic tribes of the Yoruba people were in rebellion. For them it was a good opportunity to fall upon the Christian part of the population and loot their villages.
In British Gambia things remained relatively quiet although Muslims formed about 90 percent of the population. There were some riots in Banjul, the capital, but the rural population remained calm.

Unrest also coalesced in French North and West Africa. Islamists and nationalists united in their effort to dislodge French colonial rule. But while British military presence everywhere had suffered from supplying troops for India, the French army was strong in the colonies. Initial protests and riots were quickly dispersed. Yet, in the hinterlands a resistance movement gradually formed, in Morocco with the silent support of the king.

In Tonkin, Annam and Cochinchina, more and more people started to think about following the Indian example. In China, an old enemy of the French, Phan Bội Châu, decided to secretly return home and revive the Vietnam Restoration League. In Paris, a young man named Nguyễn Sinh Cung, better known as Nguyễn Ái Quốc (Nguyễn the Patriot), also decided to return home and forget about his short flirt with socialism.

Settlement

During all of June 1920 war had been raging in Tansylvania. The Romanians had brought their reserve formations forward and thus achieved numerical superiority, forcing the Hungarians into the defensive. With both sides dug in now, position warfare à la 1915 in France soon depleted the stocks of artillery ammunition. While the Hungarians could turn to Germany and buy what they needed, the situation of the Romanians was more complicated. They could buy in France, but their capacity to pay was limited. The Treaty of Bucharest gave the Romanian oil to Germany for the next 99 years, but oil was the only payment that the French arms traders would accept, attempts to offer minerals were not met with approval because the Romanian mining industry was yet hardly developed. The French insisted to be paid with convertible values, not with promises.
So, Romania bartered oil for artillery ammunition, an approach which immediately coerced the Germans to action. In an open note, Romania was warned to fulfil its obligations from the treaty, otherwise Germany would be forced to intervene.
Even the most vehement Romanian nationalists knew that German intervention would mean the end of all hopes, it had to be avoided no matter the cost.
Finally, Prime Minister Brătianu officially asked Germany for mediation. On July 15th, the Hungarian government agreed.
The Hungarians had seen their meagre currency reserves migrate to Krupp and Ehrhardt in Germany in exchange for shells, which still had not brought any decision on the battlefield. The Hungarian economy was collapsing, production in all sectors had fallen dramatically.
On July 17th, both sides agreed to an armistice.
On July 23rd, Grand Vizier Mehmet Talat Pasha, Prince Heinrich of Hohenzollern and German foreign minister Richard von Kühlmann ceremonially opened the Conference of Samsun.

Kühlmann had briefed Heinrich intensively about the can of worms they were going to open. There was no solution that could meet the approval of all sides. Heinrich held a quite conventional view: The Hungarians and Bulgarians were allies, they had fought on the German side in the war. The Romanians were traitors, who had chosen the wrong side out of avarice. Why favour them?
Kühlmann explained that this was the approach that had led to the recent troubles. Transylvania was mainly populated by Romanians, with a huge Hungarian enclave, the Szekelys, and smaller German one, Siebenbürgen, both at the south-eastern edge of Transylvania. The Hungarians had tried to magyarise the Romanians and the Germans, that had not worked. Nationalism was a very real force today, it had brought about the end of Austria-Hungary. And it would also bring about the end of Great Hungary, if not a solution was found that accommodated all nationalities. In current Hungary the Hungarians were a minority. As long as the Croats co-operated this was not grave. But who said that the Croats would always remain loyal?
There was one solution: Ethnic cleansing. The Bulgarians applied it in Dobruja. They deported all ethnic Romanians across the Danube to Romania and encouraged Bulgarians to settle.

It took a lot of talking and some strongarming before Hungaria and Romania finally agreed to the Treaty of Samsun.
A corridor between Rivers Szamos and Körös would in future connect Hungary with Szekelys and Siebenbürgen. The Romanian speaking areas to the north-east and south of this corridor would be ceded to Romania by Hungary, while the German speaking areas would remain part of Hungary.
Romania would accomplish the relocation of the Romanian speaking population in the corridor and of those Romanian speakers who lived in areas that remained with Hungary to other areas of Romania. Romania would also financially compensate all Hungarians or Germans who left the areas ceded to Romania.
Romania recognised Bulgarian sovereignty over the whole of Dobruja.
Romania would pay reparations to Hungary for all damage to health and property caused by the Romanian invasion in those parts of Transylvania that remained part of Hungary.
Romania confirmed that all Romanian oil was under sole German right of exploitation until the end of 2017.
Hungary pledged to grant autonomy to the German speaking areas.
Hungary agreed to a plebiscite in Upper Hungary/Slovakia and accepted to cede areas that voted for Czecho-Slovakia. Czecho-Slovakia would financially compensate all Hungarians that wanted to leave the country.
Czecho-Slovakia would pay reparations for all damage to health and property caused by the uprising in those areas that remained with Hungary.
The plebiscite in Upper Hungary/Slovakia was fixed for Sunday, October 3rd, 1920.

Bail Out

There was a depressed atmosphere when the leading Bolsheviks met at Omsk on July 15th. They had lost their industrial base, they had lost their most important army, and they had lost the war.
Pavel Sytin was still holding against the Japanese, Mikhail Frunze had extricated his forces from the south and now was safeguarding against the Tsarists and against the Basmachis and Turks. But it was only a matter of time... Very soon, they would start running out of ammunition, sometimes later, they would run out of everything except people – and enemies.
“Comrades, let’s face it. It’s over.” said Grigory Zinoviev, “It was a glorious experiment, but the enemy was too strong. They begrudged our progressive socialist society – and with the help of the German social democrat traitors they have overcome us. – Let us close this book.”
“Yes, let’s get out of here.” continued Felix Dzerzhinsky. “Sytin still holds Chita, so we can safely travel to China, and from there to the world. I propose we go to South America first, it’s a safe haven right now, where we can make new plans.”

So, very unceremoniously, the leading Bolsheviks deserted their followers and left for a more peaceful surrounding.
Their followers, however, had no experience in exile and living in foreign countries. They just stayed put and continued their life, organised in small councils, awaiting the arrival of the Tsarists.

Shift Changeover

On July 3rd, 1920, the Sublime Porte had issued a démarche to the signatories of the Treaty of Copenhagen and the people of Egypt and Sudan. It stated that the rule of the recent Governor and Wali of Egypt had factually ended and that the Sublime Porte therefore regained full suzerainty over Egypt. A period of fifteen days was allowed for Egypt to return to order under a new Governor and Wali. – This was generally interpreted as concession to Britain. If the British managed to restore order, the Ottomans would refrain from action. – After termination of this respite, the Sublime Porte would undertake the necessary steps to restore law and order in Egypt.
The privileges of the Suez Canal Company would be vouched and the character of the canal as international water way would be upheld.
Although Britain immediately launched a protest, she proved unable to restore order in Egypt. A revolutionary government, led by Britain’s old enemy, Saad Zaghloul, had formed in Cairo proclaiming Egyptian independence and national takeover of the Suez Canal. The population was invoked to stop rioting and form national militias in order to defend the country.
On July 15th, the German Mediterranean Squadron, the Hungarian Fleet and the Italian Fleet met for combined manoeuvres in the eastern Mediterranean.
On July 17th, a huge convoy of ships under the Ottoman flag assembled off Rhodos.
On July 19th, the Ottoman battleships “Sultan Osman I.” and “Reshadieh” covered the disembarkation of the initial landing force of General Halil Kut Pasha’s 4th Army at Alexandria. There were some scattered skirmishes with Egyptian militias and police men, but generally the landings proceeded according to plan.
While at sea the British Mediterranean Squadron faced a superior combined Central Powers fleet in an uneasy truce, the Turks landed a total of eight infantry divisions, “pacified” the town and established a perimeter all around Alexandria.
Ottoman envoys had arrived at Zaghloul’s house already on July 17th, since then negotiations were going on. The Turks insisted that an independent Egypt was not going to survive.
“The French tried to invade you, the British beat the French – and from this time on have ruled the country. Do you think they will voluntarily forswear possession of this country and the Suez Canal? Once their weakness has been overcome – and they will overcome it, because they did not become world power number one by being weak – they’ll be back and you will again be under their yoke. – We offer you free reign, you can modernise Egypt and lead her people to prosperity. But you need protection. We can protect you against the British. – Recognise Halil Kut Pasha as new Governor and Wali, return under the suzerainty of the Sublime Porte – and Egypt is yours.”
At the same time, other Ottoman emissaries were talking with the religious leaders. But not only talking, huge sums were handed over “for the benefit of the poor”. Finally, on July 19th, the teachers of the Al-Azhar University issued a strong appeal to return under the rightful rule of the orthodox Sublime Porte.
On July 23rd, Prime Minister Zaghloul released a message to the Egyptian people telling them that Halil Kut Pasha was the new Ottoman Governor and Wali of the country – and Zaghloul his loyal chief of government.
In a second message, he told General Rawlinson that Turkish troops would now take over protection of the Suez Canal. The British were kindly requested to pack their belongings and leave country.

Murky Waters

Admiral Hans Zenker, on board SMS Posen off Port Said in the south-eastern Mediterranean, warily watched the British ships through his binoculars.
There were six battleships, HMS Iron Duke, Thunderer, Hercules, Neptune, St.Vincent and Superb, two battlecruisers, HMS Inflexible and Indomitable, and the aircraft carrier HMS Furious, plus two flotillas of light cruisers and destroyers; a quite impressive force, wasn’t it?
He imagined that the English were watching warily too – and certainly didn’t like what they were seeing. The Hungarian ships Radetzky, Zrinyi, Viribus Uniti, Tegethoff, Herceg (Prince) Ödön (Eugen), Szent István; the Turkish ships Sultan Osman I., Reshadieh, Sultan Murad, Yilderim Bayezid and Yavuz Sultan Selim, the Italian vessels Vittorio Emanuele, Napoli, Dante Alighieri, Conte di Cavour and Giulio Cesare; the German ships SMS Nassau, Westfalen, Rheinland and Posen; all contingents also accompanied by light cruisers and destroyers.
Ten British capital ships opposite twenty of the Central Powers, certainly not to the liking of Admiral Sir John de Robeck, the British Commander-in-Chief.
But the Brits had the advantage of being a homogenous force already for some time, not an ad hoc conglomerate of ships that hardly had practised together. Zenker was sure that de Robeck knew this.
At least, the Brits didn’t have the bigger guns this time, although his own “old buckets” only had laughable 28 cm tubes; but otherwise it were evenly 30,5 cm cannons on both sides, with one 34,3 cm battleship each in addition.

All depended on the English. Would they accept what was happening in Egypt, or would they strike out? Zenker hoped that the Brits remained rational. They definitely had lost the country, but would they act accordingly? Zenker believed that the Englishmen were a rational people, coldly pondering their advantage, but the current situation might have led to another perception. Rats pushed into a corner seeing no way out used to become rather nasty.
The Victorian era had induced the Englishmen to believe that their world domination was the natural order of things. The arrival of other powers that dared to challenge this believe filled them with fear and rage.
They instinctively had realised that they never could challenge the US, really the largest power today, although the Americans were rather shrouded in isolationism than looking for competition in worldwide influence. Instead, the English had concentrated on the Germans, their second major competitor, who – because of their geographical situation – could do no real harm to Great Britain and her empire. Luckily, there also had been France and Russia who were quite willing to wage war with Germany once Britain supported them.
But now, things had blown into Britain’s face...

He wondered why de Robeck kept his aircraft carrier so close. Fear of submarines? Or just missing experience? No good idea to expose the ship to the enemy artillery...
His own submarines – he had five of them – had orders to go for everything that came before their prows, once shooting commenced. As far as he knew, the Italian and Hungarian subs had the same missions. He wondered how many de Robeck might have deployed.
His own orders said that he must not attack but support the allies in case of British attack.

Now, three Turkish transport ships, escorted by two destroyers, set course to Port Said. What would the British do?
It was 14:35 hours local on July 25th, 1920.
 
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