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  #121  
Old August 10th, 2013, 01:19 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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Good question, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation did seek to create a Greater Armenia from Eastern Turkey and Pontus. My only thought would be to bankroll the French in hopes of creating a second Armenian homeland in Cilicia (and possibly Syria, but that's just ASB at that point)
Vaspurakhan would be the main target of the ARF, though without the Bolshevik aid to the Kemalists and White Russian volunteers in the Eastern Theater, Turkey could get screwed over really quickly. I'm thinking more on an Armenian version of the Nazi hunter seeking to in this case, track down former Ottoman Turkish officials involved in the Armenian Genocide. However the ARF assassinates them instead.

With that in mind, I also have a plan for China though: I'm thinking that someone else besides Chiang takes power and these are the plans that I have come up with:

- Wang Jingwei splits from Chiang Kai Shek and initiates the alt-Chinese Civil War, with Wang and Chiang fighting in the south while Zhang Zuolin consolidates North China and Manchuria. In the process, Japan would plan to fracture China into a series of small states in a EU style "federation". Mao does not become prominent at all. Hopefully there could be an alliance between what is basically Fascist Russia and Fascist China.

- A Chinese militarist regime comes to power with either Ma Bufang, Zhang Zuolin or Li Zongren becoming the leader. I'm thinking if all of Asia could have military regimes or just plain old fascist regimes. Basically, Europe could be a bloc of conservative, authoritarian regines while Asia could have Ba'ath-style (or Burma-style junta) or fully fledged fascist governments.
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  #122  
Old August 10th, 2013, 02:23 AM
Razgriz 2K9 Razgriz 2K9 is online now
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Now one or two fascist states, preferably in larger states such as India and China, could warrant the need to prop up military juntas. Though I do find it hard to believe that every nation should end up as a dictatorship. Granted, I'm not too fond on democracy either, but I would have at least a few democratic regimes so it wouldn't be like Africa, which at this point in history is going to be a bunch of dictatorships anyway.
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  #123  
Old August 10th, 2013, 03:31 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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If it is better, I could have the United States and the British Empire in a formal alliance against Mitteleuropa, the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, the Islamic world, and Russia. Though as I mentioned in an earlier update, I might have a Ba'ath like regime in Russia, on a similar footing to Iraq or Syria. Not all nations though, would have a Ba'ath like regime. Maybe Russia and China (since they both have Japan as an enemy) would work together out of the need to unite against both the West and Greater East Asia. I dunno since there isn't a communist threat going on, I don't know if Japan will still have the same kind of imperial ambitions.
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  #124  
Old August 25th, 2013, 05:36 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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Case Study: Bulgaria, Turkey and the Caucasus




The Greek Summer Offensive was set to start in the summer of 1920, with the Greek Army collaborating with the Allied occupation forces stationed in Turkey. The attack initially started with a British naval bombardment towards the Turkish defensive positions before the main Greek offensive began on June 22nd. Unfortunately for the Turks, June 22nd was also the same day the First Battle of Oltu began between the Turkish resistance and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation. Wrangel had already prepared the city’s defenses thoroughly to the point where each Russian Volunteer Corps member constantly reported to Wrangel on Turkish military movements. Stanchev issued orders to the ITRO and IMRO forces to resume fighting the occupational troops once he heard of the news of the Greek Summer Offensive. Thus by July 4th, the Second Battle of Komotini began. Unfortunately, the Second Battle of Komotini will have a tragic twist when a Greek sniper had killed Stanchev while helping an ITRO machine gunner locate a perfect spot to set up a machine gun nest. With the death of Stanchev, the Greek occupational forces easily defeated the IMRO forces and by July 8th, Greek forces were on their way into the Bulgarian border. Stanchev was later buried in Sofia with Tsar Ferdinand overseeing the funeral and Vazov eventually ended up meeting with three military leaders who offered to help the IMRO forces in occupied Bulgarian Thrace but Ferdinand became skeptical of their motives. For it was Hristo Lukov, Kimon Georgiev, and Damyan Velchev, as the Three Musketeers of Bulgaria were later known, who gradually took control of the IMRO and ITRO factions by infiltrating the movements with officers of a new movement called Karaul (1), or the Sentries. When Vazov realized what the Three Musketeers have done, he was too late to prevent the full insemination of extremist propaganda preached by those three men. The propaganda in question, promoted the idea of Bulgaria in need of strict law and order, and to bring the country under a military junta that will maintain the reputation of the Bulgarian soldier. In his later memoirs, Vazov took responsibility for allowing Lukov, Georgiev and Velchev to be sent into Bulgarian Thrace because these men had not only recruited experienced IMRO and ITRO fighters into their ranks (despite the Karaul’s skepticism and condemnation of IMRO violence), but they also sent their junior officers, especially Lukov, to Russia. Why Lukov was sent to Russia was obvious: Wrangel and to a lesser extent, Anton Denikin, was interested in expanding their experimental Pan-Slav political movement to nations like Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Among the junior officers of this yet-to-be named movement, Nikolai Skoblin and Anatoly Pepelyanev were chosen to go to Bulgaria for the purpose of forming a Bulgarian branch of this Pan-Slavist movement.



Nikolai Skoblin was chosen to help create a Bulgarian branch of the Pan-Slavist political party later named the Mladosloveni movement.


With the increasing collaboration between Lukov, Georgiev and Velchev on one side and Skoblin and Pepelyanev on the other side, it was no wonder that both Ferdinand and Vazov feared the idea of a military regime taking hold in Bulgaria, and the IMRO being strengthened by additional Bulgarian soldiers and to a lesser extent, some volunteers from the now-defunct West Russian Volunteer Army. Additional weapons from Russia also poured into Bulgaria, but they were mainly surplus Mosin-Nagant rifles and Maxim machine guns. Russian volunteers also joined the Greek Army in their war against Turkey in the Western Theater, freeing up any more White movement troops who might otherwise be used for counter-insurgency missions against the remaining Bolshevik resistance pockets in European Russia. Indeed, Pepelyanev was chosen to lead the so-called Russian Expeditionary Force in Anatolia and coordinated his efforts with General Papoulas in directing attacks on Turkish national resistance troops. However, Pepelyanev demanded to the Allied forces that under no circumstances should the White Russian troops be used to pacify the Bulgarian resistance movement, something the Allies were too happy to grant as they needed more men to subdue Ataturk’s forces. Between June 22nd and September 3rd, over twenty towns were overrun by the combined Anglo-Greek forces while the Russian volunteers made their way into Gediz to attack the Turkish irregular troops there.


In addition, Mustafa Kemal began to direct the war effort from Ankara while more Turkish recruits joined the irregular forces. However, the presence of Russian volunteers in the Turkish War of Independence generated an intense amount of controversy as evidence of atrocities committed against Turkish civilians by Russian volunteers were shown to Allied intelligence. They began to have doubts on whether or not they want any more Russian help so they wouldn’t have to alienate the Ottoman government in Istanbul already. Unfortunately, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation had no qualms about committing the same kind of atrocity against a people who condemned the Armenian people to a slow, painful death. Indeed, after the Turkish defeat in the Second Battle of Oltu by October 1920, Russian and Armenian troops executed over 200 Turkish civilians in retribution. As for the Greeks, Papoulas had already asked himself as to whether or not Pepelyanev can be relied on to help the Greeks win the war against Turkey due to his ties to the Bulgarian resistance leadership. His doubts were dispelled when Russian volunteers finally overran Gediz by November of 1920.



Anatoly Pepelyanev took command of a White Russian volunteer force taking part in the Greek Summer Offensive. His reputation as a fierce commander was tainted by the atrocities that the White Russian volunteer troops committed against Turkish civilians.


News of the Allied success in Turkey had reached Sofia, where the Bulgarian leadership was at loggerheads with each other as to whether or not they should help themselves to pieces of Turkish territory. Georgiev and Velchev in particular, wanted to seize the Bosporus Straits so they can march their way into Istanbul. If they could not go after Macedonia for a while, according to Georgiev, then the next sensible thing to do for Bulgaria would be to nibble away at Turkish Thrace until they can reach the gates of Istanbul. However, Velchev opposed the seizure of the Bosporus Straits on the grounds that Bulgaria doesn’t have the manpower to launch a full scale attack on another nation while the Allied forces are trying to invade Bulgaria itself. So a compromise was reached between Velchev and Georgiev: Bulgaria will only attack Turkey if they can reach an accommodation with the Allied forces. The Allies on the other hand, could not ignore the casualties piling up in the Bulgarian Theater as the IMRO and ITRO forces continued to cause headaches and Alexander of Greece wanted to pour more soldiers into defeating the Turks. So he signed an armistice with Tsar Ferdinand on October 25th, 1920, calling for all Allied troops to cease fighting the IMRO forces and for a bigger escalation of the war against Turkey. In Ankara, Mustafa Kemal was furious at the Bulgarians for actually agreeing to stop fighting the Allied forces and faced a ton of pressure from his subordinates to resolve the conflict before it kills him. What Ataturk didn’t know was that Bulgaria also pledged to Greece that they will participate in suppressing the Turkish resistance movement by invading parts of Turkish Thrace. Worse news has yet to come for Ataturk, when he received horrible news from his trusted subordinate, Kazim Karabekir: the Russian and Armenian forces have attacked Sarikamish on October 29th, 1920. Consequently, Ataturk placed Karabekir in charge of the Eastern Theater while he himself will be in charge of the Western Theater. Two days later, the aptly nicknamed Halloween Offensive began.


The “Halloween Offensive” as it was named, began on October 31st when a Bulgarian detachment commanded by Velchev attacked the northern region of Turkish Thrace. Edirne was besieged by the ITRO forces from the west while Velchev’s newly created Thirteenth Bulgarian Infantry Division advanced into Edirne from the north. Turkish resistance was fierce but short lived, as the ITRO troops took great measures to cut the Turks off from their supply lines. At the same time, the Ottoman Caliphate Army struck against the Turkish resistance troops in Luleburgaz on November 5th. The sudden surprise attack caught the Turkish resistance off guard, resulting in the Bulgarian capture of Edirne two days later. The Bulgarians quickly renamed the city to Odrin and used the city as their headquarters for their push deeper into northern Turkish Thrace. From Odrin, the IMRO and ITRO troops along with the 13th Bulgarian Infantry Division pushed towards Uzunkopru and Kirklareli. The Caliphate Army also took measures to undermine the Turkish resistance defenses of those cities by assassinating the officers in charge. How the Caliphate Army managed to survive despite the Ottoman Sultan’s signing of the Sevres Treaty was unknown but one fact did presented itself: the Sultan had to issue draconian orders, granting to the officers of the Caliphate Army the right to execute any soldier who shows any slight hint of desertion and treason. However, the Caliphate Army numbered only 3,000 troops but they proved to be useful distractions for all sides, who viewed the Caliphate Army as useful cannon fodder.



The Eastern Theater of the Turkish War of Independence saw the Fedorov Avtomat in action, mostly used by Wrangel's Russian volunteers and Armenian Revolutionary Federation soldiers.


In the Eastern Theater, Karabekir had his own troubles with the defense of Sarikamish. Reinforced by Russian surplus weapons such as five 87 mm light field guns and Fedorov Avtomats in the hands of Armenian troops, Karabekir only managed to hold off the enemy advance for over four days until he received a report that Tukhachevsky’s forces were swinging from the northwest. Faced with the possibility of being cut off from his comrades, Karabekir ordered the Turkish resistance forces to slowly retreat to Erzurum. Just as Karabekir himself was about to join his comrades, Tukhachevsky led a platoon into the mountain ridge and attacked the retreating resistance troops. One of Tukhachevsky’s troops threw a grenade into the column as Tukhachevsky himself fired three rounds from his Mosin Nagant rifle, killing three officers in the process. Only five hours after the Russians and Armenians captured Sarikamish, Wrangel notified the ARF and the Russian volunteers that Kazim Karabekir was among the three officers that were killed in Tukhachevsky’s ambush. Karabekir’s remains were sent to Ankara, where Mustafa Kemal organized a state funeral for his fallen comrade. Consequently, Rushdi Pasha took over as commander in the Eastern Theater, but the Russian and Armenian forces now set their sights on Kars. Like what happened in Sarikamish, Kars was besieged from both sides, but this time the Armenian Revolutionary Front sent more than 15,000 troops to reinforce the remaining 12,000 Armenian and 5,000 Russian troops that were already attacking Kars on November 22nd. More Fedorov Avtomat rifles soon reached the ARF, who led the assault on the city. White Russian volunteers from Admiral Kolchak’s army soon arrived in the Caucasus where they waited for orders from Wrangel on their course of action. Without Karabekir’s expertise in sending false information to the enemy, the Armenian forces soon entered the city districts where fierce urban combat occurred. The lessons learned in the Battle of Kars was constantly drilled in by the White Russian military officers who made sure that urban combat was one of the most important lessons to be taught to future officer cadets in the re-established Russian military academies.


It was also in Kars that Tukhachevsky and the former Red Army soldiers who switched to the White movement had finally redeemed themselves when they helped the ARF forces capture the administrative center of Kars, capturing over 50 Turkish resistance fighters. Tukhachevsky’s actions would eventually be rewarded with his invitation by Kornilov and Skoblin to join the Pan-Slavist movement. Having acquired enough knowledge of the Bolshevik ideology, the Pan-Slavist movement hoped to turn some of the ideas from the communist ideology to suit Russian and especially Pan-Slav nationalist goals. Not only was Tukhachevsky was recruited, but three other ex-Red Army personnel who had knowledge of the Bolshevik Party and the Pan-Slavist movement wanted to replicate some of its workings, but readjusted for nationalist purposes: Nikolai Bulganin (a political officer who used to serve the Cheka), Andrey Vlasov and Georgy Zhukov. Rodion Malinovsky and Konstantin Rokossovsky were only young volunteers back then, while Panteleimon Ponomarenko and Kliment Voroshilov joined the renamed Mladosloveni movement in 1928.


---


(1) Karaul is TTL’s version of the Zveno, an authoritarian movement that emerged in Bulgaria during the 1930s.

Below is Bulgaria's territorial gains against Turkey by 1923:
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  #125  
Old August 25th, 2013, 09:53 AM
cortz#9 cortz#9 is online now
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Good stuff! and nice to see the Federov in action.
Interesting to see the importance of "Urban Warfare" is being learned at a much earlier point in history.

One small critique: It would be easier on your readers eyes if you placed a space between every two paragraphs or so. The "Wall of Text" can be a strain after a while.

Other than that keep up the great work.
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  #126  
Old August 25th, 2013, 10:31 AM
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Great show, dear lad. Bravo.
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  #127  
Old August 26th, 2013, 02:22 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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Originally Posted by cortz#9 View Post
Good stuff! and nice to see the Federov in action.
Interesting to see the importance of "Urban Warfare" is being learned at a much earlier point in history.

One small critique: It would be easier on your readers eyes if you placed a space between every two paragraphs or so. The "Wall of Text" can be a strain after a while.

Other than that keep up the great work.
One question with regards to what I have in mind for China: do you guys think that a militarist regime can work in China? Given the fact that Chiang Kai Shek's Whampoa Clique was the basis for the Blue Shirts Society, I'm not sure if we could have a Chinese version of the Burma military junta or even the OTL North Korean Juche regime.
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  #128  
Old August 28th, 2013, 03:28 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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Case Study: China





China in the 20th century has already gone through a turbulent series of changes, all of which were considered as traumatic as its decline when the Qing Dynasty was still around. Vladimir Lenin’s assassination at the hands of Fanny Kaplan in August of 1918 had a huge effect on the development of the communist ideology. As the Bolsheviks fractured by itself and the White Russian movement had finally crushed the last remaining Bolshevik stronghold in the European core of Russia, the strangulation of communism was not entirely complete. Nestor Makhno’s Black Army was subsequently defeated by the White movement, but some Black Army soldiers managed to escape from Russia, either towards Europe or Asia. Makhno himself would not travel to Europe due to the post-war chaos, but to Asia, where the continent is fertile for his version of anarchism to emerge. The protests that broke out in China by May of 1919 was about addressing the grievances that the Chinese state had against the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, namely Qingdao being allowed to be kept as spoils of war by Japan and the Twenty One Demands the Japanese government imposed on China. During this time, Dr. Sun Yat Sen had carefully reorganized the Chinese Kuomintang Party in order to modernize China. With the knowledge of the Bolshevik collapse in 1918, Sun decided to seek an alliance with the White government in Moscow, having relocated there from Petrograd right before Wrangel’s army started to join the ARF in their fight against the Turkish resistance forces. Unlike the other European powers, Russia had no official diplomatic relations with either the Beiyang government in Beijing or the Kuomintang faction. Unfortunately, it will not be until December of 1920 when Kerensky will send Grigory Semyonov to Shanghai to meet with the Kuomintang leadership. As Semyonov was not yet a member of the famous (or rather, infamous) Mladosloveni movement, he was sent to Shanghai merely as an observer to learn about the Kuomintang. Between 1920 and 1925, Semyonov compiled a report on the Kuomintang and recommended to Kerensky that they should help reform the movement to suit Chinese nationalist goals. While Kerensky reviewed Semyonov’s report, Kornilov and his inner circle continued to develop their own movement in secrecy. To facilitate the conversion of the Kuomintang into a potentially militarist party, Kornilov would covertly send Denikin to meet with Chiang Kai Shek to discuss the possibility of recruiting Chinese military officers studying in Whampoa for the purpose of helping them to build a movement capable of attaining a military regime in China. Dr. Sun also wanted to unify China through military means, despite opposition from his subordinates. Wang Jingwei on the other hand, opposed the idea of a military junta ruling China since it would be open to corruption but after Chiang’s meeting with Denikin ended on March of 1921, Wang was appalled to hear that Chiang agreed with Sun’s idea of a military solution to political unity. He would have preferred a China restructured under a federal system where certain regions can get more aid from the federal government while the richer regions would fork over their money to help develop poorer regions.



The Whampoa Military Academy was a prestigious military school where China's future military leaders studied. Some of the most famous students like Chiang Kai Shek, Lin Biao and Zuo Quan were invited to study in Russian military academies on Denikin's recommendations.


Upon Denikin’s recommendation to Dr. Sun, Chiang and six more military cadets: Hu Zongnan, Chen Cheng, Tang Enbo, Lin Biao, Xu Xiangqian, and Zuo Quan, were to be sent to Russia in order to begin their political and military studies. By 1920, White movement veterans became prominent instructors in the restored Russian military academies and the seven Chinese students were to undertake further studies from 1920 to 1926, the year the Mladosloveni movement was officially inaugurated. While in Russia, Chiang and his fellow students in arms studied military tactics with Wrangel himself giving the lecture with the tactics used by the Russian and Armenian forces against the Turks in the Battles of Sarikamish and Kars as a guide. The longer Chiang and his students in arms studied under the White Russian movement veterans, the bigger problems the Beiyang government would face should these students come back. So in an attempt to shut out Russian influence in China, on June 30th, 1921, Beiyang President Xu Shichang issued arrest warrants for the Chinese military students studying in Russia, warning them that they faced arrest should they ever return. The Beiyang threat was harsh, but it goaded the Kuomintang into a premature rebellion. Under Sun’s orders, the Chinese Revolutionary Army was hastily built, with 700,000 troops under arms but poorly trained and insufficiently supplied. The Beiyang Army however, was split into two cliques: the Anhui and Zhili clique. To many observers, it seemed that the ill trained Kuomintang and the hopelessly divided Beiyang military would fight to a draw. The Anhui clique however, had its own agenda to deal with the Zhili clique. Tensions have simmered between the two cliques because they squabbled over the problem they faced with the southern warlords. Duan Qirui did not want to acknowledge the efforts made by his Zhili rivals, and his heated debates with even his own subordinates led to his assassination by a death squad loyal to Qu Tongfeng, who subsequently took over the Anhui clique and began to negotiate with the Zhili and Fengtian cliques on how to deal with the Kuomintang. While the three cliques began their uneasy alliance, one of the officers within the Fengtian clique fled from Beijing and somehow retreated back to Manchuria. His overtures to both the White Russian and Japanese governments had to be kept a secret because he feared exposure of his activities from opportunist warlords who might curry favor with either the Beiyang government or the Kuomintang. In January of 1922, Semyonov and Denikin arrived in Harbin to meet with Zhang to discuss his plans to stabilize Manchuria while seeking his help in repatriating the White Russian refugees that fled because of the Revolution. Between January and April of 1922, over 6,000 White Russian refugees living in China had successfully returned to Russia, where Denikin hoped to place them in Vladivostok. To make sure that Manchuria did not fall under Russian influence, Zhang also arranged a meeting with a member of the Japanese military attaché based in China, one Senjuro Hayashi. Hayashi listened to Zhang’s explanation on the danger of Russian influence penetrating Manchuria, even as the latter had double dealt with the White Russian leadership. Unfortunately, Hayashi could not offer any concession to the Old Marshal due to Japan’s current crisis regarding Korea, but the White Russian leadership would once again try to pry out concessions out of the Japanese government.
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  #129  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 04:34 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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Case Study: Germany




Although Germany continued its adventures in the Baltic Sea with the Luftsbrigade forces engaging Polish Army units, the new Weimar government made it impossible for these Luftsbrigade soldiers to continue fighting. As the general demobilization order reached the Von Richthofen brothers who were still in the Baltic States, they had no choice but to comply. With Germany’s terms in the Treaty of Versailles calling for massive reparations, the von Richthofen family had no choice but to sell most of their property and possessions in Silesia. In addition, Manfred authorized the conversion of the von Richthofen house into an orphanage for war orphans, but since they no longer have a home to go to, they eventually joined the growing number of unemployed German workers who cannot make ends meet. It was not until the German Army contacted the von Richthofen family on July 20th, 1920 that Manfred, Wolfram and Lothar were recruited by the Abwehr, now led by a cunning spymaster named Wilhelm Canaris. Manfred’s new job is to become a military attaché in the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes while Lothar was posted in the British Mandate of Palestine to monitor the immigration of Jewish settlers into their reclaimed homeland. Wolfram though, was to become the military attaché in the Republic of Lithuania and to ensure that the Lithuanian intelligentsia adopts a pro-German stance in face of a common menace in the form of the Polish Republic. The brothers would not reunite until 1926 when the entire von Richthofen family will come into contact with the Deutschnationale Volkspartei. For now, this is how the brothers fared in their posting:


- Big brother Manfred’s tenure in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes from 1920 onwards was of great importance because he saw the newly formed Balkan country as the perfect nation to arrange for the ‘donations’ of German surplus weapons when in reality, these are prototype weapons that are considered to succeed the standard German weapon of the World War I era. The German industrial firms received a report from the Red Baron that the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes provided a great business potential to produce the weapons designed by Germany and to legally sell it abroad. This method was also adopted by the very same German industrial cartels in China and Lithuania. Manfred’s stint in the Balkan country was also marked by his successful cultivation of his friendship with figures like Milan Pribicevic, who founded the ORJUNA, or the Organization of Yugoslav Nationalists, and Vladko Macek, an influential Croatian politician who also played a role in Yugoslavia’s first national crisis, the Ustase Insurrection.


- Lothar’s stay in Palestine was anything but pleasant as he saw the inter-ethnic violence that wracked Palestine. He was unsuccessful in his attempts to meet with influential Zionist leaders, but he did meet the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. However, he was uncomfortable with the Grand Mufti’s anti-Semitic stance to the point where he simply went to the German embassy to contact his superiors in the Abwehr for a re-assignment. His request was granted though, but Lothar will eventually replace Manfred as the German attaché in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, while Manfred himself was offered a lucrative job as an assistant manager in a Siemens posting in Changde. His post in China will result in establishing connections between himself and Chiang Kai-Shek.


- Wolfram continued his previous work of training the Lithuanian Army until the German Army recalled him back to Germany and sent him into the Technical University of Hanover, where he studied aeronautical engineering. His experience with airplanes will lead to his appointment as the head of the Luftwaffe, only contested by Erhart Milch. Yet despite Milch’s competition for the job as the head of the Luftwaffe, he and Wolfram got along just fine.


Manfred’s posting as a Siemens assistant manager in Changde provided him with opportunities to study the Chinese political situation and to meet with high ranking Chinese officials. Through the German-educated Chinese official Chu Chia Hua, Manfred learned about the Kuomintang’s alliance with the White Russian regime and even sent military officers like Chiang Kai Shek and many others to study in Russian military academies. When the Beiyang government issued a threat to arrest the Chinese military officers studying in Russia, Manfred became disappointed with his failed attempts to arrange a meeting with Chiang. Instead, he was forced to create connections with the Beiyang government but his decision to meet with Beiyang officials had thrust him and possibly the Abwehr into the murky world of the Chinese military cliques. Consequently, Siemens had no choice but to relocate their office from Chengdu to Tianjin to get closer with the Beiyang government. Manfred’s decision to ally with the Beiyang government (though reluctantly) proved more effective than the Kuomintang, which increased its collaboration with the White Russian regime.


Back in Germany’s homefront, the political climate remained hostile towards the Weimar government, despite the successful defeat of the Bolshevik movement in Russia. With Bolshevism’s defeat, thousands of Marxists were hunted down throughout Germany in what has become known in Marxist circles as the Great White Terror. The German Great White Terror occurred from 1920 until 1924 and the German Army was involved in the location, capture and execution of suspected German Marxists. The most notable action undertaken by German anti-communist militant factions was the successful capture and execution of Rosa Luxemburg in the failed Spartacist Uprising. Not only did Germany launch its Great White Terror, but rump Hungary and Poland also launched their own Great White Terror as a means to combat communist groups. Such groups were forced underground and even Makhno did not go to Western Europe to escape, but to Asia. More precisely, Makhno assumed a false identity and emigrated from his temporary home in Manchuria to South America, where he made contact with local anarchists. The German anarchists on the other hand, realized that their chance of establishing an anarchist free territory in Europe is impossible and established a so-called rat line, where Marxists and anarchists can use the rat-line’s network to escape from Europe to South America. Throughout the 1920s and well into the 1930s, South America will acquire a dubious reputation as a haven for disgruntled communists and anarchists who will resort to terrorism in order to advance their objectives.
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  #130  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 05:39 AM
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I like your new update.
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  #131  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 08:43 AM
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I also enjoyed your latest update. Sending the Red Barron to China is a very interesting idea and one I didn't see coming.
I wonder if the Barron or his brother will make a trip to Japan sometime in the future.
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  #132  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 09:16 AM
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Given the Machiavelian way things seem to be unfolding they will probably continue to back the Beiyang government because Japan is stonger and therefore more difficult to manipulate.
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  #133  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 03:56 PM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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I also enjoyed your latest update. Sending the Red Barron to China is a very interesting idea and one I didn't see coming.
I wonder if the Barron or his brother will make a trip to Japan sometime in the future.
Well, I did want the Red Baron to gain some experience in living the daily life of a commoner, and it could also help him win the heart of a certain nurse who has fallen in love with him. Also, what do you guys think of Germany and Royal Yugoslavia reforming their government to the point where they can consider their monarchs (the deposed Kaiser Wilhelm II and Alexander of Yugoslavia respectively) as mere figureheads but used as important symbols while the generals and politicians actually rule, kinda like Japan with Hirohito as their divine emperor?

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Given the Machiavelian way things seem to be unfolding they will probably continue to back the Beiyang government because Japan is stonger and therefore more difficult to manipulate.
Well Germany might actually back the Beiyang government since the Russians are already collaborating with the Kuomintang and I did mention having Chiang Kai Shek study in a Russian school run by White Russian veterans, as opposed to OTL where he went to a Russian school run by Bolshevik veterans.
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  #134  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 04:14 PM
cortz#9 cortz#9 is online now
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Well, I did want the Red Baron to gain some experience in living the daily life of a commoner, and it could also help him win the heart of a certain nurse who has fallen in love with him.



Well Germany might actually back the Beiyang government since the Russians are already collaborating with the Kuomintang and I did mention having Chiang Kai Shek study in a Russian school run by White Russian veterans, as opposed to OTL where he went to a Russian school run by Bolshevik veterans.
A couple of interesting little teasers there.
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  #135  
Old September 2nd, 2013, 04:24 PM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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A couple of interesting little teasers there.
Kate Otersdorf was the nurse who was romantically involved with the Red Baron, and I'll see if I can fill in the slots for Arthur Roy Brown, Richthofen's would be killer from OTL.

Also, can anyone please tell me how to add my timelines into TVTropes?
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  #136  
Old September 12th, 2013, 02:03 PM
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What is the ideology of the Karaul movement? It's implied they are, in theory, pan-Slavic, and that their power base is in the military, much like Zveno...are they also anti-Monarchist? Or something else?
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Old September 12th, 2013, 04:10 PM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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What is the ideology of the Karaul movement? It's implied they are, in theory, pan-Slavic, and that their power base is in the military, much like Zveno...are they also anti-Monarchist? Or something else?
The Karaul is based on Zveno, but they are also anti-monarchist due to Ferdinand and Boris being of the Germanic Saxe-Coburg family. Karaul can also be described as the Bulgarian equivalent of the Russian Mladorossi movement but with a heavy tinge of OTL Ba'athism, which will be the main focal point of TTL, which is that in the absence of a truly toxic ideology (ie: Nazism and Communism), there will be an ideology that could be just as bad, if not worse than those ideals above.
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Old September 12th, 2013, 05:10 PM
Halagaz Halagaz is offline
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The Karaul is based on Zveno, but they are also anti-monarchist due to Ferdinand and Boris being of the Germanic Saxe-Coburg family. Karaul can also be described as the Bulgarian equivalent of the Russian Mladorossi movement but with a heavy tinge of OTL Ba'athism, which will be the main focal point of TTL, which is that in the absence of a truly toxic ideology (ie: Nazism and Communism), there will be an ideology that could be just as bad, if not worse than those ideals above.
Well, that makes sense, after all the Zveno were anti-monarchist too.
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Old September 16th, 2013, 02:46 AM
MarshalBraginsky MarshalBraginsky is online now
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But if Royal Yugoslavia might have a similar movement to the Mladorossi movement, it would obviously be ORJUNA or possibly a more radical movement that might emphasize on keeping the monarchy as a figurehead while its generals actually rule, kinda like OTL Imperial Japan. Also, I've toyed with the idea of splitting the Chetnik movement as well into two camps which I will talk about later on, but spoiler alert: one of them becomes the analogue to Kosta Pecanac's Chetnik faction. I am not sure if I should keep Alexander of Yugoslavia alive or not but there will be some sort of assassination attempt. However, I'm thinking about the possibility of either having Radic alive for a bit longer, or some other royal family member. Now it's back to the TL.


---


Case Study: Europe and Turkey




Turkey’s situation in the aftermath of the Russo-Armenian occupation of Kars had declined even lower, while the combined Allied and Greek armies had just completed their Summer Offensive and had been busy mopping up the remains of the Turkish resistance forces. Between November of 1920 and January of 1921, the Grand National Assembly began to reorganize the Turkish resistance forces into a new army, the Duzenli Ordu. The Duzenli Ordu could not give out the official number of its soldiers in its inception, but new recruits for the Duzenli Ordu mainly came from the Turkish resistance forces, as well as the pro-Ottoman Caliphate Army, many of these soldiers in said Army had began to mutiny against their officers and defected to the Grand National Assembly. By the time the Duzenli Ordu was ready to fight against the occupying forces, it was numbered around 90,000 soldiers. Unfortunately, the Duzenli Ordu was handicapped by the lack of heavy weapons, as indicated by the absence of artillery pieces and mortars. As a result, they had to forage the abandoned battlefields for any useable artillery weapons left behind by the victorious Allied forces. The first real test for the Duzenli Ordu occurred in January of 1921 when Greek Army units launched an operation to capture an important rail station at the town of Inonu. The Turkish fortunes continued its decline when a Circassian militia leader named Cerkes Ethem turned against the new government in Ankara for unknown reasons. Stretched to the limit, the Turkish troops also had to contend with a long French siege at Aintab and various Circassian revolts against the nationalist government because of their loyalty to the Ottoman sultan. The Caliphate Army however, managed to replenish its depleted forces with the integration of anti-GNA Circassian militias under the Sultan’s control. Eventually the Greek Army would be forced to dig in and to allow Cerkes Ethem’s rebel militia to escape through a French warship that was docked in Bursa. Cerkes’s militia was then integrated into the Caliphate Army on January 18th, 1921, giving the Grand National Assembly yet another rebel force to suppress.



Cerkes Ethem was one of the Circassian militia leaders who was integrated into the Sultan's Caliphate Army. With the capture of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara, Ethem eventually became a warlord in his own right, controlling two provinces in the Black Sea Coast: Samsun and Sinop.


While the Turkish forces continued their retreat through Central Anatolia, the Greek Army based in Bursa waited for White Russian reinforcements to arrive. The Pepelyanev-led Russian Expeditionary Force in Anatolia arrived on the outskirts of Eskisehir by January 27th while informing General Papoulas that Admiral Kolchak’s Siberian legions will not participate in the war due to a revolt in Georgia led by the Bolshevik remnant force under Dzhugashvili’s leadership. Papoulas did not panic; he knew that with enough Allied aid, the Greek Army will eventually defeat Ataturk’s Grand National Assembly long enough to impose a much harsher penalty on the ailing Ottoman Empire. Between January and July of 1921, Papoulas’s forces continued to wait for fresh reinforcements to arrive from the Greek homeland while three divisions consisting of Greek veterans of the Greco-Bulgarian conflict were formed to combat the Duzenli Ordu. Within those six months however, the Russo-Armenian coalition forces had to stop by Georgia to suppress the Bolshevik remnant movement, of which Dzhugashvili and Lavrenti Beria both led. Three major battles were fought between the Bolshevik remnants on one side and the Georgian and Russo-Armenian forces on the other side: Kutaisi (February 1921), Tbilisi (April 1921) and Poti (July 1921).


Kutaisi Operation:


The Georgian Democratic Republic’s military was understaffed and poorly armed by the time Dzhugashvili’s insurrection broke out, while the People’s Guard of Georgia may have been better armed, they suffered from shortage of troops. Even worse, the Bolshevik remnants have gained control of the Roki Tunnel and Tskhinvali, cutting off the White Russian forces between South Ossetia and the North Caucasus. With the cutoff, Beria’s squad managed to acquire Fedorov Avtomat rifles that were earmarked for Wrangel’s White Russian forces, making the conflict difficult to solve. Luckily, Wrangel decided to send his rising star Tukhachevsky to meet with Georgian General Grigori Kvintadze to discuss a potential military alliance against Dzhugashvili’s militants. At first, the Georgian military leadership was reluctant to coordinate their efforts with their former overlords but Armenian General Ozanian offered to train the Georgian Army in modern warfare through selecting officer cadets and sending them to study in Russian military schools. Finally, Kvintadze issued his request for the People’s Guard of Georgia to fight as a separate unit but Armenian officers can take command of three regiments in order to give the Georgian troops some combat experience. Thus the Kutaisi Operation began on February 15th, 1921 when the People’s Guard of Georgia launched its attacks on Beria’s stronghold in Mtskheta. The attack had been repulsed in the first three hours as Beria’s defenses also managed to stop an Armenian counteroffensive from the west. The Kutaisi Operation however, was mainly a Georgian-Armenian operation with minimal White Russian assistance. Armenian Revolutionary Federation troops stationed in the Armenian border town of Ptghavan were given orders to move into southern Georgia to prevent the Bolshevik remnant troops from reinforcing Mtskheta. Yet despite the Armenian progress in distracting Beria’s forces long enough to allow Georgian troops to advance deeper into Mtskheta, the Bolshevik remnant forces continued to throw them back. As a result, Wrangel came up with a second operation to retake their supply route in Tskhinvali. The second phase of the Kutaisi Operation involved multiple thrusts from the north and the south. It was this phase of the Kutaisi Operation that Admiral Kolchak’s Siberian Legion finally went into battle. By February 19th, Kolchak’s Siberian Legion and Wrangel’s Russian volunteers made plans to link up in Tskhinvali by attacking the Bolshevik remnant forces with heavy artillery bombardment. By 1800 hrs, Wrangel’s artillery pounded Tskhinvali while Kolchak’s army began to march southward with the Kuban and Terek Cossacks advancing alongside them. As with Wrangel and Ozanian, Kolchak’s expanded forces had trouble getting through the Caucasus Mountains and various bandits would often harass them even if they were stuck in the snowy mountain passes. Eventually they managed to capture two important roads: the Georgian Military Road that connects Tblisi and Vladikavkaz and the Ossetian Military Road. The Ossetian Military Road connects Kutaisi itself with Alagir, and its control by Kolchak’s forces will allow him to swing into Kutaisi in order to capture it. With the White Russian control of those two important roads, the Bolshevik remnant forces tried their best to stop the White Russian advance but soon retreated towards Mtskheta, abandoning Kutaisi in the process. Upon capturing Kutaisi on February 26th, Kolchak’s forces called upon Wrangel’s Russian Volunteer Army to capture the town of Gori. Though Gori did not hold a military significance, its status as Dzhugashvili’s hometown was enormous. To prevent the White Russian movement from scoring a propaganda coup against the Bolsheviks, Dzhugashvili ordered Beria to retreat from Mtskheta and to meet him in the port city of Poti where a warship will take them out of Georgia. Thus, the Bolshevik remnant forces started to abandon their positions in Mtskheta but Dzhugashvili had no intention to surrender to the White movement. He wanted the Bolshevik underground to make arrangements for him and his allies to flee from Europe and into any country that is gullible enough to accept them as refugees. Fearing capture and most likely execution, Dzhugashvili sought to escape into Poti by whatever means necessary, even if the defeated Bolshevik movement were to continue fighting.



Bolshevik remnant forces fought hard against the People's Guard of Georgia, backed by White Russian weapons and Armenian soldiers. Their defeat in Iosef Dzhugashvili's homeland would force the Marxists underground, not to appear in a political spotlight until well into the 1930s.


Western Europe:


Western Europe however, was prone to syndicalist-inspired unrest in the aftermath of the Great War. In France especially, the syndicalist movements had gained momentum when news of the Bolshevik movement’s disintegration reached them in due part because they would not have to worry about being subordinated to what could have been a dictatorial, self-serving political party. However, the growing success of the counter-revolutionary movement only drove these syndicalist movements to desperate measures, such as initiating a series of walk-outs from workers’ workstations. While Makhno did arrive in Asia, his close friend Pyotr Arshinov ended up in Paris where he soon established a budding friendship with Vaillant Couturier, who recently joined the Communist movement despite said movement having no clear leadership at the moment. So when Dzhugashvili sent letters disguised in books meant to be delivered to other socialist leaders in Western Europe for help in acquiring a safe passage from Poti, Arshinov jumped at this chance to help the renegade Bolshevik escape. In April of 1921, a British civilian ship docked in Poti stayed in the port for repairs when three anarchist agents recruited by Arshinov arrived in Poti to greet the escaping Bolsheviks. Once Dzhugashvili and his friends met up with them, they entered the civilian ship with forged papers. It was also rumored that Dzhugashvili had to alter his appearance, including Arshinov’s recommendation that he get a haircut and to shave off his moustache. As soon as the Bolshevik escapees entered the ship in their disguises, the ship finally set sail for Marseilles where Couturier and his socialist agents waited for them. The trip took five weeks to complete, and by the time the Bolshevik escapees arrived in Marseilles, Couturier was forced to hide them in the city’s slums where the socialist underground was flourishing. However, Dzhugashvili was starkly reminded by Couturier that as long as the Bolshevik movement remains disintegrated, he and his friends will have to obey the orders from a newly established Socialist International that has taken a moderate socialist tone.



With the consolidation of the White Russian government in Moscow (ironically, Kolchak sarcastically “thanked” the Bolsheviks for coming up with a smart move to deny the Central Powers a chance to occupy Russia’s Petrine capital), Kerensky began to make desperate attempts to shore up a weak coalition with Kornilov and Viktor Chernov ruling alongside him. Kerensky’s choice of Chernov as one of his partners would ultimately lead to the fall of his own government and Kornilov’s full scale purge of leftists in the Russian government. As soon as Kerensky’s session in the Duma on May 9th opened, Kornilov summoned his subordinates in their first phase of the so-called March to Moscow. Once the leftists within the Kremlin were tricked into being summoned for a separate meeting, the military began to round them but Chernov managed to escape from the Kremlin while the military had gone into a shootout with anarchist bands that provided the distraction for the leftists to escape. Kerensky himself was not lucky: he was accidentally shot by one of the anarchist bandits who actually wanted to kill Kornilov for his role in weakening the anarchist movement based in Ukraine.


Mustafa Kemal Captured:


Fresh off their victory over the Bolshevik remnants in Georgia, the Russian and Armenian armies were bolstered by the Democratic Republic of Georgia’s entry into the Turkish War of Independence. As the People’s Guard of Georgia was gradually sent to the front lines, they were re-equipped with the Fedorov Avtomat sent by the White Russian movement through the reopened Roki Tunnel. As soon as news of Ataturk’s arrival in the town of Sakarya reached Wrangel, he relayed the message to Pepelyanev who in turn, sent the message to Papoulas. If Ataturk could be killed before he can deal any more damage to the Allied occupational forces, then the Turkish resistance movement could disintegrate long enough for the Ottoman Empire to be reorganized. However, Pepelyanev had to wait for more reinforcements to arrive and it did on July 10, 1921 when Kolchak’s troops from the Siberian Legion as well as the hastily made Bulgarian Expeditionary Force in Anatolia, commanded by Hristo Lukov. Though it was numbered by just 6,000 troops, Lukov’s Bulgarian Expeditionary Force in Anatolia provided an enormous source of potential recruits for the Karaul movement that is becoming influenced by the White Russian movement. Papoulas now felt confident enough to attack Sakarya with Russian and Bulgarian reinforcements backing him up. So on July 14th, the Greek Army started its offensive against the Duzenli Ordu on the outskirts of Sakarya. To distract the Duzenli Ordu forces under Ismet Inonu’s command, Pepelyanev and Lukov ordered their armies to attack nearby Eskisehir and to cut Inonu’s forces off from Mustafa Kemal’s main army. Prince Constantine of Greece, who was assigned an army division under King Alexander of Greece’s recommendation, managed to capture around 2,000 Turkish prisoners within just eight hours but the Turkish prisoners who were kept in Russian or Bulgarian captivity were not lucky. As Pepelyanev’s forces retreated, Inonu’s patrol squad came across an open ditch where 300 Turkish Duzenli Ordu lay dead. In Ankara, the Grand National Assembly pleaded their case to the Allied forces on Russian war crimes committed against the Duzenli Ordu. Although the British were appalled by the Russian behavior, they decided to punish the White Russian government with a very dangerous solution: they would give covert support to an unknown group called the Basmachi movement. The British hoped that by instigating the Central Asian Turkic rebels to fight the Russians, they would force the White Russian government to lessen their war crimes in Anatolia. This decision however, accelerated the Russian military’s politicization to the point where in the West a new movement gradually arose: the Young Slav movement.



The Basmachi resistance movement was aimed at gaining independence for all of Central Asia's Turkic peoples. Enver Pasha had joined the Basmachi movement with a vision of a pan-Turkic Confederation that will unite the Central Asian Turkic peoples with the Anatolian Turks, the Azeris and the Uyghurs in Chinese Xinjiang.


Back in Sakarya, Papoulas’s forces entrenched themselves in almost all sides of the Sakarya River banks while Pepelyanev moved south towards the town of Polatti and Lukov’s Bulgarian forces moved to the Ova River. Artillery pieces moved constantly, albeit on a slow pace as Russian and Bulgarian cavalry troops were used to hack down any Turkish infantry position while Greek artillery was used to pound machine gun nests. The advance lasted for two and a half weeks, by which time Papoulas’s forces linked up with Pepelyanev’s army instead of Lukov’s forces. Ankara was only a few miles away from the growing front lines as Ataturk ordered his troops to retreat into the city. Unfortunately for the advancing forces, they didn’t have the Fedorov Avtomat rifles that the ARF and Wrangel’s forces possessed so urban warfare was inevitable. Yet despite all of that, the advancing invaders pushed forward into Ankara, finally overrunning Sakarya in the process. As Pepelyanev’s troops were soon ordered to stay behind as to not commit any more war crimes, they instead made contact with Lukov’s army and decided to give Papoulas logistical support. Pepelyanev sent a message to Wrangel for more weapons and ammunition by August 5th and his request for those provisions arrived three weeks later. There were good reasons for such delay, and that is because some of the weapons shipped into the front lines were requisitioned by the British authorities to reroute it into Central Asia, to the Basmachi rebels. Yet in a curious twist, the shipment of the Fedorov Avtomats had oddly ended up in Persian custody. With the loss of those extra weapons and ammunition, the advancing forces had to wait for one crucial week, and within those days Ataturk was able to set up defenses of Ankara with the Duzenli Ordu carrying out defensive projects like digging trenches and setting up machine gun and artillery nests. Once the British realized that Ataturk’s forces were eager to bleed the Greek Army dry, they deployed three small divisions under Sir William Birdwood. Birdwood also carried several tons of weapons and ammunition that the Greek Army requested by was under orders to not let Pepelyanev or Lukov get their hands on British weaponry. With British reinforcements, Ataturk also capitalized on the Battle of Ankara as the do-or-die moment. The Duzenli Ordu troops were given special rations made by civilians who worked nonstop to produce enough rations for the battle. Finally, the advancing forces struck at Ankara.



The Duzenli Ordu was reorganized from veterans of the Turkish national resistance movement and became a formidable fighting force, despite the handicaps they faced with the lack of heavy weapons and foraging the battlefields for abandoned rifles from dead Greek, White Russian and Allied soldiers.


Later historians suggested that the Battles involving Eskisehir and Sakarya itself should have been called the Sakarya-Ankara Offensive because the Greek Army did not just stop to capture Sakarya, but rather advance towards Ankara. Within the first three days of the Battle of Ankara, Ataturk fiercely conducted himself under heavy artillery fire by giving orders to lure the enemy into the city. Though neither the Greek Army and its allies nor the Duzenli Ordu had experience in urban warfare, Ataturk was determined to make every invader pay for their advance in blood. However, news from one of Karabekir’s former subordinate Halit Karsalan reported to his superior that a large enemy force consisting of Wrangel’s Russian forces, the ARF and the People’s Guard of Georgia were amassing in Kars and were poised to attack other parts of Turkey, especially the lands that were once earmarked for the proposed “Republic of Pontus” but Venizelos did not back such a proposal for a Greek homeland in the close vicinity of the Caucasus. Karsalan’s forces however, were now encircled by a large Georgian force under Valiko Jugheli’s command from the north and Drastamat Kanayan’s Armenian forces from the south while Pontic Greek rebels waited for Wrangel’s forces to arrive in order to shore up the stillborn Pontic Greek state. Back in Ankara, Ataturk continued to repel the enemy forces even as Papoulas continued to order his forces to advance. In the northern outskirts of Ankara, Pepelyanev’s army cut off the supply convoys coming from the city while rerouting those supplies into their own camp. Lukov’s forces on the other hand, were recalled from Ankara due to the Caliphate Army’s counteroffensive against the Bulgarian position in Odrin. Within those three weeks that Lukov’s Bulgarian forces went back to Bulgaria, Karsalan actually managed to repel Kanayan’s forces and even inflicted huge casualties on Jugheli’s forces. However, the Imperial Russian Navy’s Black Sea Fleet had been mobilized to aid the Pontic Greek rebels. The Russian battleship Imperator Aleksandr III was the only Russian warship that participated in a naval bombardment of Trabzon against Karsalan’s forces. The naval bombardment allowed Kanayan’s army to continue advancing into the city where Wrangel’s troops (minus Tukhachevsky this time because he was recalled to Moscow for political studies under the watchful eye of Kornilov and the soon to be named Young Slav movement) landed along with Kolchak’s Siberian Legion troops. By September 14, Trabzon was under Russian control but passed into the joint control of the Pontic Greek, Georgian and Armenian authorities. From Trabzon, Kolchak and Wrangel were able to ship more Russian weapons into Papoulas’s forces, allowing the Greek Army to operate the Fedorov Avtomat for the first time. However, Papoulas disliked the rifle because of technical issues which he took notes in his notebook and passed his assessments of the Fedorov Avtomat’s deficiencies to Pepelyanev. The British also took one Fedorov Avtomat for testing purposes while Pepelyanev wrote to Vladimir Fedorov on the negative reactions among his allies in response to their usage of the Fedorov Avtomat. Needless to say, Fedorov was sent into Trabzon to fight alongside the Pontic Greek and Armenian forces equipped with his rifle.


The Duzenli Ordu’s chances of winning the Battle of Ankara was unsure because new recruits were constantly arriving into Ankara on a daily basis that it’s hard to distinguish the new recruits from the former Turkish resistance troops. Without Lukov’s troops to back Papoulas’s forces and Pepelyanev’s army, it looked like Ataturk had a chance of at least forcing the invaders into a stalemate. Yet he understood too well that the White Russian movement had already committed atrocities against Turkish civilians and some of those soldiers might be connected to radical movements that have an anti-Turkish streak on them. Still, he directed his troops in an increasingly hopeless battle. However on September 21, while Ataturk was on a vehicle with a driver, a Greek machine gunner opened fire but missed. Immediately, a young colonel named Nikolaos Plastiras led a squad of Greek soldiers accompanied by one of Pepelyanev’s subordinates named Mikhail Meandrov (then a captain) and three of his soldiers also opened fire on Ataturk’s vehicle. Once Plastiras fired a shot that deflated the tire from Ataturk’s vehicle, thirty Duzenli Ordu troops reached their leader and fought back against Plastiras’s squad. It was then that another Greek squad, this time led by Stylianos Gonatas, threw three grenades from a ruined building into the ground. Ataturk was wounded in the stomach and leg but was successfully carried off by another vehicle driven by a reliable Duzenli Ordu soldier. It did not take long for Gonatas and Plastiras to catch up to the Duzenli Ordu forces driving the vehicle Ataturk was in before they were given new orders: Mustafa Kemal Ataturk was not to be killed, but captured alive. A difficult task to achieve, given the fact that Ataturk was even willing to commit suicide to deprive his enemies of the satisfaction should be captured in any situation. In any case, the advancing forces had gained 86% of Ankara’s districts but the Duzenli Ordu moved their headquarters to a tiny town called Gokceyurt. Here, Ataturk would make his last stand along with the exhausted Turkish defenders against Papoulas’s forces. News of Ataturk’s escape from Ankara to Gokceyurt reached Istanbul where Mehmed VI demanded that Ataturk be brought back to the ancient capital alive to stand trial. He also had on his wish list some prominent members of the Young Turk movement, most notably Enver Pasha and Mehmed Talat Pasha. In what was the most ironic twist of the Turkish War of Independence, Mehmed VI approached the ARF leadership and proposed a joint operation to apprehend the perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide, something that the Young Turk leaders would certainly have reacted negatively. It was precisely because of this proposal that Mehmed Talat Pasha called in a secret meeting with many other perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide and made plans to assassinate both Mehmed VI and the ARF delegates but that would require both parties to meet in Istanbul or some other parts of Turkey. However, before the Young Turk conspirators could begin to map out how they will kill their targets, tragedy struck the Young Turks.


Ataturk’s wounds worsened his health as soon as he arrived in a hospital on the outskirts of Gokceyurt. Already, he lost a quarter of blood by the time he ended up in the operating room. Even when the Duzenli Ordu retreated to Gokceyurt by September 24th, Papoulas had to allow Birdwood to advance into Gokceyurt while Pepelyanev’s forces had the same idea. Both the British and Pepelyanev’s army encircled Gokceyurt and confiscated supplies that are coming into the city. Within just two and a half days, all of Ankara and Gokceyurt were in the hands of the Greco-Allied forces. British troops managed to drag out the hospital staff that operated on Ataturk, along with Ataturk himself. Once they saw his wounds, Birdwood requested for medical assistance to the captured Turkish leader and British medics were able to patch him up long enough for him to be sent back to Istanbul. How his fate will be once he meets with Mehmed VI, no one knows. One thing for certain, the Turkish War of Independence has just become a war of national survival with Ismet Inonu catapulted into the spotlight.
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Last edited by MarshalBraginsky; September 24th, 2013 at 01:45 PM..
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  #140  
Old September 16th, 2013, 10:45 PM
cortz#9 cortz#9 is online now
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Another ripping good post! BTW what happened to Beria?
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