The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide: An Eastern Roman Timeline

[jkarr]

tbh...im disapointed....just...diaspointed

ending Vlad dracula, dismantling the draculan empire, and plunging the east into civil war in a single post...just....wroung

[von Adler]

May I critique your posts on Sweden and the Kalmar Union?

First of all, by this time, the Kalmar Union is effectively dead - since the Engelbrekt rising in 1434, the Danes must force the Swedes by military might to elect their King as King of Sweden, and even when they succeeded, the peasants would rise by next winter, as the Danes rewarded their mercenaries (mostly Frisians and Low Germans) by installing them as tax collectors. The mercenaries tried to press more out of the peasants and treated them as serfs, which the Swedish peasants (who mostly owned their own lands and were required by law to keep and train with arms and armour) did not appreciate.

The Swedish throne was elective until Gustav I made it inheritable 1544 - Karl Knutsson would not be able to name an heir, only have a favourite for election when he died and try to influence the more powerful community leaders and noblemen to elect this person when he died. This is why the Danes had to force the Swedes to elect their new King as King of Sweden every time a new one - he did not automatically inherit the throne, since he could not.

What the Danes do in your timeline is probably impossible, I would even consider it ASBish - if they attempted it, the Swedes would rise completely. Dissolving the Swedish crown? Siezing Swedish crown land? Usurping large parts of the Swedish nobility? Dissolving the ancient rights of the free Swedish peasantry, enabling enserfing them (like in Denmark at the time) would mean a MASSIVE uprising at the scale of the Engelbrekt rising. The Swedish peasant militia, which several times proved itself capable of handling the Danish mercenary armies - and especially enemy infantry armies (they did have problems with heavy cavalry) would probably count to about 150-200 000 in total if there was an all-out rising (spread out in the country, of course).

Karl Knutsson Bonde was an accomplished general, if no genius. His invasion of Scania (Danish crown land) 1452 was a very good campaign, supported by 70 cannon of various sizes, crushing all medieval fortifications in his path.

The Danes did win several large battles during the numerous civil wars of the Kalmar Union, but since the Swedish peasants owned more than half of the arable land in the country and were required by law to keep and train with arms and armour, they could not be crushed as a group by less than mass genocide, which is beyond the resources of any late medieval state on such a large territory. Your post sets aside the original Kalmar Union treaty and all the treaties the Danes had agreed to after that and threatens the very existance both of the Swedish nobility and the Swedish free peasantry - neither will take this lying down or being forced into exile. Dissolving the Swedish crown is pure madness on the part of the Danes - it will probably mean that the Norwegians will rise too - they'll be next, and cause an uproar all over Europe.

You don't just uniliterally dissolve a crown in the late medieval world. You'll excommunicated before you can say 'ooops'.

[Avitus]

Magnum, the Bulgarian nobility is not thrilled, especially since they enjoyed a somewhat privileged position compared to the Byzantines in the Draculan empire. In particular, they recieved a the return of a semi-autonomous Bulgarian Catholic Church under Vlad, which is big since the fully autocephalous Bulgarian Orthodox Church has been dead since the 1300s, so they definitely don't want to part with Vlad's reforms. The big thing keeping them down is that many of the Bulgarian nobles were killed in the Great Balkan Crusade and later purges by Vlad of potentially seditious nobles. As a result, many of the nobles are freshly promoted soldiers and merchants who found favor with Vlad early in his reign over Bulgaria, but that will only hinder them so long if they are oppressed by the Palaiologoi.

As for inviting a strongman to become co-emperor, after how near Vlad came to taking power for his family, the Empress and her intimates are reluctant to give anyone such an important title, although there is definitely room for a strong foreign backer. It wasn't explicitly stated last update, but Emperor David of Trebizond is now attempting to fill that role through his position as imperial grandfather, by using money and his strong network of allies to steady his grandson's precarious position. Admitedly he isn't as strong a backer as Vlad was, but the empire isn't quite as weak as it was 20 years ago either.

jkarr, sorry to disappoint, but the empire has been a bit too calm of late, and they have been a boiling kettle of civil unrest ever since Vlad took over, so I felt it had to be done.

von Adler, I'm in a bit of a hurry, so forgive me if I don't adequately adress all of your concerns, but I will begin by saying that you most likely know far more about Scandinavian history than I do, and I am willing to ammend some points if they are really ASB.

As far as I saw it, the Kalmar Union wasn't effectively dead yet, because King Christian of Denmark did hold it on and off for most of his reign OTL. Granted his hold came with a high degree of autonomy, but when push came to shove he was able to use force to effectively push Sweden into line.

Secondly, both Karl II and his TTL son Knute were elected. The main controvercy that Karl was fighting with regards to Knute was whether Knute even could be a candidate, since he was a child born out of wedlock. He won, and after that Knute was supported because of Karl's nomination and Erik Axelsson's support.

Thirdly, Swedens crown is not dissolved, but officially combined with Denmark's. They still have a high degree of autonomy under Ivar Axelsson, though some noble houses did lose significant power, and a few of the ringleaders were exiled. At the moment Sweden is exhausted, because they were fighting on both sides of the civil war. Later there will be more uprising, and you will get to judge then if Sweden's ultimate outcome seems plausible. Rest assured, they are not just gonna roll over and be Danish dependents.

[cimon]

Avitus,

You have improved since you started!You have become more...twisty in your plots,in terms of creative writing,more adjectives and adjectival expressions
and you will be very competitive...

[Onyx]

No, Vlad Dracula does not die! HE WILL RETURN FROM THE DEAD! COME ON HES A BLOODY VAMPIRE!!
Seriously though, kinda disappointed that he died in my opinion a boring way, I mean have him go out in style or ironically (Impaled to death )

But still, its history, you wish some and get some, still looking forward to next update
You know in your TL, you should put at the end that Dracula would swear to come back from the dead, kinda referencing the whole vampire stuff, wouldve been cool
On the flipside though, I have a resurgent Serbia and a Wolf King, so hey, all is not lost eh?

[von Adler]

Originally Posted by Avitus

von Adler, I'm in a bit of a hurry, so forgive me if I don't adequately adress all of your concerns, but I will begin by saying that you most likely know far more about Scandinavian history than I do, and I am willing to ammend some points if they are really ASB.

As far as I saw it, the Kalmar Union wasn't effectively dead yet, because King Christian of Denmark did hold it on and off for most of his reign OTL. Granted his hold came with a high degree of autonomy, but when push came to shove he was able to use force to effectively push Sweden into line.

Secondly, both Karl II and his TTL son Knute were elected. The main controvercy that Karl was fighting with regards to Knute was whether Knute even could be a candidate, since he was a child born out of wedlock. He won, and after that Knute was supported because of Karl's nomination and Erik Axelsson's support.

Thirdly, Swedens crown is not dissolved, but officially combined with Denmark's. They still have a high degree of autonomy under Ivar Axelsson, though some noble houses did lose significant power, and a few of the ringleaders were exiled. At the moment Sweden is exhausted, because they were fighting on both sides of the civil war. Later there will be more uprising, and you will get to judge then if Sweden's ultimate outcome seems plausible. Rest assured, they are not just gonna roll over and be Danish dependents.

Officially combined is the same thing as dissolved - either you have different crowns ruled by the same monarch, or you have one nation. OTL, the Danish purge following the victory of Kristian II of Denmark was what allowed Gustav Eriksson Wasa to rise to prominence - that and the MASSIVE support from the peasantry and the mountainmen it caused - TTL, the Kalmar Union might end much earlier, and Norway may very well become independent.

[thekingsguard]

An expanded Byzantium, free from the grips of Vlad Dracula How shall the new Emperor rule? Well I would hope!

Also, I'm good with keeping Sweden disolved - at the time, nations were far more maleable, tied to crowns more than people.

[von Adler]

To elaborate a bit - since 1436, the Ståndsriksdag, called by the King, had replaced the old things of Västergötland, Östergötland and Svealand. It set the laws ruling the land, although it did not replace the old medieval county laws.

1436 was also when Erik of Pommerania was forced to accept that the Swedish crown was a separate entity from the Danish one, and that the Swedes should rule themselves as much as possible - the Danish King were only free to set the foreign policy - all positions within the Swedish council (which was pretty powerful, as it ruled Sweden in the absense of the Danish King) and as tax collectors in Sweden was to be reserved for Swedish nobility.

The Swedish throne was elective, and the Danes cannot change it without calling up the Ståndsriksdag (of peasants, burghers, clergy and nobility), and if they do, they will be called on violating the 1397 Union agreement and the 1436 re-forming with additions (which the Danes did constantly), and the Ståndsriksdag might even declare the Danish King deposed from the Swedish throne, as they had the right to do, and elect someone else (Karl Knutsson, for examle).

The Danes, and especially their Frisian and Low German mercenaries, were unable to understand that the Swedish peasants were free, self-owning farmers and not serfs for them to deal with at their pleasure. Sweden never was a fedual country. The official creation of the Swedish nobility happened 1280 and created about 300 knights. This is not a fedual state where you can replace the King and any nobility loyal to him and take it over.

The total population of Sweden at around 1430 (including the Finnish part of Sweden) was about 900 000-1 100 000. Gotland had about 22 000 inhabitants 1361, and about 500 fell at Ajmunds, and 1 800 at Korsbetningen. If we assume that half fell and the rest managed to escape, the Gotlanders raised more than 4 000 men to face the Danes - more than 18%! Also note that this is not a rabble - there were limp and oneyed peasants among thos at Korsbetningen, but it seems that a vast majority wore at least chainmail armour.

Gotland was rich and totally dominated by the peasants, and they were going "man ur huse" mobilising everyone. Still, one can assume that the Swedish peasant militias would be able to mobilise 10-15% - if we assume 1 000 000 inhabitants, that is 100-150 000, not counting the nobility and their personal retainers or any mercenaries the Swedes might raise. These peasant militias will mostly fiight locally - while they may move 200km on skis duing winter to partake in a fight, they will not invade Denmark or sail to Finland.

The Swedish peasant militia was decently well trained and equipped. Paul Dolnstein, a mercenary military engineer from Lower Germany who served with King Hans of Denmark in 1500 during the campaign to have Hans elected King of Sweden, wrote about and drew the Swedish peasant militia.


Note how the Swedish peasant militia on the right wear older but still good armour, helmets, have a standard and a unit sign (the rooster), fight in organised ranks and wield crossbows and swordspears (designd to handle pikes) against the German mercenary pike formation.


Note the Swedish peasant militiaman (on the left) armoured in iron plate cuirass, some kind of coif, a good helmet, a bag of blots or arrows on his back, a swordspear and a two-handed sword to deal with mercenary pike formations.

1471, the Swedish peasant militia won their greatest victory ever. Led by Sten Sture, they defeated a combined army of union-friendly Swedes and Danes - which included the Danish King, his personal retunie, cannon, arqebusiers and the most modern mercenaries money could hire.

1452, Karl Knutsson invaded Scania with about 4 000 men and 20 cannons (my earlier information of 70 was wrong, the other 50 were probably arqebuises), probably to plunder, ravage the land, destroy fortifications and make sure King Kristian of Denmark could not use it as a base for an invasion of Sweden. He captured Helsingborg, Lund, Vä and Åhus, which were the strongest fortified towns of Scania at the time.

Jönköping lacked a proper city wall at this time, and the castle was based on a monestary and not very strong. If the Danes hold something in southern Sweden, Kalmar with its strong castle and fortifications and easy access to the sea for reinforcements and resupply when the ice is not blocking the port is far more likely.

Long story short, even if Kristian removes a large part of the nobility opposed to him, he cannot dissolve the crown nor make it heraditory - if he does, he will have EVERYONE rising on him. Part of the nobility supported the Danish Kings, mostly because it meant they could advance as caretakers of royal land, tax collectors and council members on the cost of the nobility which opposed the King. Many of the peasants shrugged, since the Danish King always promised (as in 1397 and 1434) to respect Swedish peasants' rights, customs and land ownership. It was when the Danes violated this that the Swedes rose.

If the Danes start to EXILE Swedish nobility, there's no pecking order or advancement to protect, but the very existence of thier class for the nobility. As Kristian II:s purges in Stockholms Bloodbath 1520 showed, such an action did not destroy opposition, rather it galvanized it, and allowed able nobility from less powerful families (like Gustav Eriksson Wasa) to rise to prominence.

To be frank, your post fucked the Kalmar Union over permanently.

I'll be happy to provide information on what is needed for the Union ot survive - at least for a while.

Edit: Also, Viborg/Viipuri/Vyborg was Swedish since 1293 - it was the power base of Karl Knutsson Bonde and a very strong castle (referring to the map posted earlier).

[Avitus]

cimon, Thanks! One of my life goals is to get something I've written published, so if writing a TL is helping my storytelling abilities I can only count that as a good thing.

Kaisermeister, I know it's a bit anticlimactic for Vlad, but I felt that he had a good reign and served his purpose. Plus, there is some irony in a vampire bleeding to death after fighting a wolf man.

thekingsguard, Ioannes IX will definitely have some challenges with being a thirteen year old sole emperor, but he is lucky in that he has a politically competent mother and the loyalty of all the Greek cultured citizens who felt oppressed under Vlad.

von Adler, I'm surprised how patriotic this board's Scandinavians are. I'll be happy to take useful suggestions into account, and I've tweaked the next couple of decades in Scandinavia on account of your input.

Firstly, on Jonkoping, the city did not hold out because of military strength. It held thanks to the Swedes bickering amongst themselves over who Karl II's successor would be, since he was already old at the time and the question was of pressing importance, particularly for Ivar Axelsson as his son in law. The city should have fallen sooner, but Ivar Axelsson screwed the Swedes over when the political tide began to favor Karl's sons.

Secondly, I agree that such a situation in the Kalmar union is not sustainable for long. At the moment, even with the reduction in status, Ivar Axelsson is in de facto control of Sweden. I'm not totally decided, but based on his OTL self I'm sure Ivar has no intention of remaining under Christian's thumb for long, and with a powder keg under him he will do something big when he moves. Suffice it to say that Sweden won't just be rolling over, and that any surviving Kalmar union TTL will have to have Swedish support in some measure to survive for long.

I'll try to have the next update up sometime tomorrow.

[jkarr]

Originally Posted by Avitus

jkarr, sorry to disappoint, but the empire has been a bit too calm of late, and they have been a boiling kettle of civil unrest ever since Vlad took over, so I felt it had to be done.

just think...couldve spanned ove two posts at least, but oh well...still following x3

just think...couldve spanned ove two posts at least, but oh well...still following x3
though does this mean we wont se any draculan-byzantinium heraldry now, or does his son have a chance at a later stage

[von Adler]

Originally Posted by Avitus

von Adler, I'm surprised how patriotic this board's Scandinavians are. I'll be happy to take useful suggestions into account, and I've tweaked the next couple of decades in Scandinavia on account of your input.

Firstly, on Jonkoping, the city did not hold out because of military strength. It held thanks to the Swedes bickering amongst themselves over who Karl II's successor would be, since he was already old at the time and the question was of pressing importance, particularly for Ivar Axelsson as his son in law. The city should have fallen sooner, but Ivar Axelsson screwed the Swedes over when the political tide began to favor Karl's sons.

Secondly, I agree that such a situation in the Kalmar union is not sustainable for long. At the moment, even with the reduction in status, Ivar Axelsson is in de facto control of Sweden. I'm not totally decided, but based on his OTL self I'm sure Ivar has no intention of remaining under Christian's thumb for long, and with a powder keg under him he will do something big when he moves. Suffice it to say that Sweden won't just be rolling over, and that any surviving Kalmar union TTL will have to have Swedish support in some measure to survive for long.

I am not very patriotic, I am merely trying to help you stay off the ASB path. Jönköping was a small trading hamlet without any fortifications beyond the monastary at this time - unless you place a Danish-friendly or Danish army there, the local peasants will have taken it before any forces loyal to Karl Knutsson or any other pretender will have time to arrive.

The town has less than 1 000 inhabitants at this time, and the castle, Rumlaborg, was destroyed completely by the peasants during the Engelbrekt rising 1434. Karl Knutsson decided to re-erect the castle in 1449, but it was not finished by the time of your conflict, and never became more than a single wooden pallisade on a low earthen rampart (it had been wooden before 1434 too).

Edit: Also, the position as heir for the King is completely irrelevant. It never surfaced OTL - the positions on the Swedish council was, and that was how Karl Knutsson gained power - because the people in those positions managed the royal lands and usually had big influence among the population in the areas where they came from. Never once until the elective monarchy was abolished in 1544 were there any politicking around the hier of the King or a preferred elective. Politicking started after the King was dead or deposed, on who would be elected King next. Sten Gustavsson (Sture) was a MASTERFUL politician, a very skilled orator, a quite competent General and an absolute master of intrigue, which is why he managed to take power 1471 and retain it until 1497.

By the way, during this age, the nobility of Sweden did not use their lineage as part of their name, and nowadays they are usually separated by adding their house/lineage in paranthesis, like this: Gustav Eriksson (Wasa), Karl Knutsson (Bonde), Sten Gustavsson (Sture), Ivar Axelsson (Tott), Åke Axelsson (Tott), Erik Nilsson (Oxenstierna), Jöns Bengtsson (Oxenstierna).

At the time of your post, the Ivar Axelsson (Tott) and Åke Axelsson (Tott) were embroiled in a bitter conflict with Kristian I of Denmark over properties in Denmark siezed by the King in 1467. For one of them to switch sides would be very strange. Karl Knutsson (Bonde) had agreed 1468 with Ivar Axelsson (Tott) to name him a favourite for election to Kingship when Karl was dead, and the alliance between the men were very strong, as were the family ties.

[DonMegel]

Personally I was glad to see Vlad go. It was a neat butterfly but I am happy that the Romans are again in charge of the Eastern Empire. Bring on the update!

[Avitus]

jkarr, I believe we'll see some Draculan-Byzantine heraldry. You may be able to see it coming in the update below.

von Adler, Noted, and I do appreciate the info. Thank you for your input, I promise to put it to use (since Scandinavia is not my strong suit).

On Jonkoping, I assumed several hundred Danes had fled and gathered there, but if you know (and I'll bet you do) of a much better fortress in the same general area I'll amend my earlier update (assuming I can still edit it).

I only used the legitimacy of Karl II's sons as an important controvercy because it seemed to be in his OTL reign, since if his sons are legitimized they become likely successors to him.

I attribute Ivar's earlier switching to the Danes to a decade of butterflies and the fact that he seemed to only be loyal so long as it benefitted him OTL. TTL, siding with Chritian earlier is much more profitable, as can be seen over the next few updates.

And I know about the norse patronyms vs. family names. I assumed that at this point the patronyms were enough to distinguish between people of the same first name, but I'll use there family names in parenthesis when it seems appropriate. If I'm still missing something feel free to tell me.

DonMegel, Your wish is my command (albeit a day late) !


Chapter Three: Ioannes IX


1473, Part Two


"Let all men glory in the ascention of Basileus Ioannes IX to the throne of Constantine, and the holy empire of the Romans!"-Patriarch Basil III of Constantinople, on the ascension of Emperor Ioannes IX to the position of sole emperor.


Although the rebellion was over, Emperor Ioannes IX was immediately left with several major problems plaguing his reign. First and foremost among these was his legal status in Bulgaria, the former Duchy of Thessalonica, and Draculan Serbia (the minor gains made during Vlad’s final campaign, centered around Nis). Other problems included the state religion, pressure from his grandfather Emperor David of Trebizond and his cousin King Andreas of Cyprus, the unsettled war in Serbia, and his status as a boy emperor in a sea of international rivals. Despite his youth, Emperor Ioannes IX was not so poor in his early years as one might think, thanks to his early exposure to the pressures of state politics and the aid of his mother Empress Anna Komnena in state matters and Protostrator Giovanni Giustiniani in military ones. The young emperor was noted for inheriting his mother’s good looks, and for being tall for his age at the time of his ascension (though he would grow very little in his later teens, ultimately ending up around 5’9-6 feet tall). He was a capable speaker, though his detractors often pointed out the crackling voice of adolescence, and he was on more than one occasion able to diffuse bad situations with a well worded statement. He was also noted for his piety, though this was seen in different lights by different people, as he tended to agree with his father’s policies of becoming closer to Rome.

The very first undertaking of the young emperor’s reign was to negotiate a peace treaty with Despot Vuk “the Wolf King” Brankovic. As the civil war had gone on, rather than face the sizable garrisons in the occupied fortresses of southeastern Serbia, Vuk Brankovic had decided to bypass them altogether, and instead began raiding farmland in the area of Western Bulgaria. The situation was bad for all involved, and with the current problems there was little short of a chance capture of the Despot that could be done to stop the Serbian raiders. A meeting between Despot Vuk and Emperor Ioannes was arranged near the Serbian border. As an intimidation tactic, the entire mercenary army from the campaign against the Draculans was brought along. Negotiations were brief. The main issue was who should control Nis. The Romans claimed it on the basis of their ancient roots there, citing the birth of Constantine I in particular. Despite this, the Serbians were adamant about not giving up any territory to the empire, and in the end Nis was returned for several thousand dukats in annual tribute over a ten year period, and the return of captured persons and livestock by both sides (an agreement slightly favorable to the empire by this point).

That done, now that peace had returned arrangements had to be made for the fate of Thessalonica and Bulgaria. In addition to being acquired not by the Romans but by the Draculan Empire that they had been a part of, both were of dubious legal status under Emperor Ioannes. Thessalonica’s fate had been debated ever since its acquisition, because of its long and prominent history as the second city of the Eastern Roman Empire, and had ultimately been grudgingly ceded to the Romans, making Ioannes rule technically legal. That said, the city had enjoyed a privileged status as the de facto capital of the Draculan Empire, and many of its citizens had come to wholeheartedly accept the religious reunion with Rome thanks to its association with Vlad Dracula and the benefits he had brought to their city.

Bulgaria was even worse. Firstly, Ioannes ascension to power there was quite blatantly illegal, after the treaty by which Vlad had first been named co-emperor of the Eastern Empire had stated that Bulgaria and Wallachia were to be the property of his heirs following the union. The only potential justification for it’s annexation would be as compensation for Vlad’s attempt to allow his sons to inherit Byzantium, but this would be poor justification at best. Worse still, like Thessalonica Bulgaria had been very supportive of Vlad’s religious policies thanks to the privileged status of Bulgaria in the Draculan Empire, and the fact that most of the nobles were men handpicked by Vlad to replace their Ottoman predecessors. In the end, a great council was called in Constantinople, attended by the Emperor, most of the new Bulgarian aristocracy, several Thessalonian land holders, all of the Four Pillars of Hagia Sophia, and Emperor David of Trebizond.

The council was to take place on July 15th. Although unofficial, the primary spokesman for the Bulgarian aristocracy was the Boyar Ivan Shishman, a grandson of the Tsar of Tarnovo of the same name whose father had fought and helped to regain Bulgaria during the Great Balkan Crusade. Although he himself had not seen battle, his true importance came from his being among the only surviving descendants of the Asen Dynasty that had not converted to Islam, through the Shishman cadet branch that had ruled briefly in Tarnovo. Although his claim was relatively weak compared to the Dracula claimants, as a young able bodied man with royal blood in his veins he presented a perfect focal point for a Bulgarian rebellion, and his presence put serious pressure on the young Emperor Ioannes to find a way to peacefully placate Bulgaria.

Although the possibility to rebel certainly existed, such a thing was not the hopeful outcome of either side, and both groups were fairly conciliatory towards one another in most regards. The biggest obstacle was religion. Although up until this point the church unionists had had the service of the intelligent and charitable Patriarch Basil III to fall back on, by the time of the council Basil was sickly and dying at the age of seventy. For all that the people of Constantinople had come to loath the idea of union during the Draculan Inquisition, they had nevertheless come to love Patriarch Basil III for his charitable nature, and the fact that even during the inquisition days he had done everything in his power to look the other way when traditional Orthodoxy was practiced or professed. After two weeks spent discussing the fate of Bulgaria, with very little progress to show for it, on July 30th, Patriarch Basil III dies of what is now believed to be a heart attack brought on by some form of cancer. Before his death, he leaves the council with a final statement, “Let man not tear asunder those things that God has brought together, least of all his holy church and empire!” His words and death shortly thereafter have a deeply moving effect on all present (some also cite this as the cause of Ioannes IX later great focus on religion), and progress begins to be made in the council thereafter.

The final decision is made to pursue a legal means of securing Bulgaria for the empire. Ioannes IX’s wife, Maria Dracula, is the eldest surviving daughter of the late Emperor Vlad, and thus has a legitimate claim to the Bulgarian throne, while also being married to the reigning Roman Emperor. The claim is legitimate, assuming that one either ignores the survival of the child Constantin Dracula or declares that his inheritance is limited to Wallachia, and works well as a compromise, since it technically allows Bulgaria to remain as a separate state with its own queen regnant, while providing a strong possibility that it will be inherited by the next emperor after Ioannes (assuming that the couple produces an heir). For Ioannes personally, it is a bit of a letdown, as although Maria Dracula is noble and pretty, the two are not a close couple, and had as of that point not consummated their union, as Ioannes’ mother had intended for the marriage to be annulled later so that her son could have a more suitable bride.

As for religion, the decision is made not to make any changes to the current situation as of yet. The primary reason for this is that Catholic Hungary and its close ally in Smyrna have the empire surrounded, and after the recent civil war the empire would stand no chance, nor would their chances be good even in the event that no such conflict had taken place. In a further conciliatory effort, the new patriarch was neither Bulgarian nor Greek. Rather Emperor Ioannes endorsed Patriarch Symeon I, a Trabizondian native and the favorite of Emperor David I. In addition to being somewhat removed from the Bulgarian conflict, Symeon also had a reputation for non-controversy, something that all agreed would be best for the early reign of Ioannes IX. Despite this, Ioannes IX would later come to hate the new patriarch for his money mindedness and lack of holiness compared to Patriarch Basil III, who had been friendly towards the young emperor. As an added precaution, the new patriarch was strongly encouraged by several prominent Constantinopolitan’s, likely including the imperial family, to avoid choosing a side in the union controversy. If nothing else, Symeon I would indeed remain neutral to the end.

Obviously, attempting to remain in the middle ground was not particularly popular, and precautions were made in particular to ensure that the Cypriot Palaiologoi. Despite being if anything more Roman Catholic flavored than Ioannes IX thanks to the western Cypriot nobility and extensive contacts with Venice, King Andreas I Palaiologos of Cyprus, as the elder first cousin of the emperor was the obvious choice for a rebellion. His position in Cyprus gave him a larger personal estate and army than any of the Constantinopolitan or rural nobles. In autumn, an agreement was made that a moderate annual tribute should be made to King Andreas in exchange for not pursuing his claims on the throne. Although rejected by most on account of his old age, some comment the death of Thomas Palaiologos towards the end of that same year (at age 64) was related to the imperial attempts to stifle the House of Cyprus, as his counsel would have been invaluable to any revolt lead by his sons.

Most of the rest of the year passed in uneasy peace for the Romans, with the small exception of one major riot in Thessalonica which cost around 300 lives, but was put down before escalating further. In the rest of Europe and the near east, several major events occurred. Perhaps the most significant in the long term, though not necessarily so, is the beginning of the Polish intervention in Russia. King Casimir IV, hungry for a victory after his inability to save the Prussian Federation from the Teutonic Order, marches to the aid of Novgorod against Ivan III. 12,000 Polish, Lithuanian, and German soldiers under King Casimir, and another 2,000 hastily assembled Novgorodian volunteers from the countryside under Dmitry Boretsky, arrive at outside of the besieged Novgorod on May 19th. Despite several attempted assaults, the beleaguered Novgorodians managed to hold out, thanks in large part to Marfa Boretskaya’s assurances that her son would return with aid. After a brief attempt at negotiation between King Casimir and Grand Prince Ivan, it is mutually agreed that both sides see each other as in the wrong, and that no compromise is forthcoming.

The Battle of Novgorod takes place on May 24th, just outside the walls of the city, in such close proximity that the soldiers and volunteers inside the city are able to pick off several of the Muscovites with their bows. The Muscovites are outnumbered almost two to one, but initially they fail to take the situation seriously. Unlike the similarly sized army of Novgorodian volunteers that the Muscovites had defeated the previous year, the Polish-Lithuanian army was largely made up of professionals or experienced feudal soldiers. Despite having excellent maneuvering ability, the Muscovite forces were eventually driven from the field, having both dealt and received around 3,000 casualties (though the Muscovite fatalities were a higher percentage of their casualties). Although King Casimir attempted pursuit, the wilds of Russia proved too much for his forces, and raids by the survivors cost him almost another thousand men before he made the decision to cut his losses and withdraw back to Novgorod.

Although Moscow was far from broken in this fight, Novgorod was momentarily saved. Upon returning to Novgorod for the winter, King Casimir negotiated a treaty with the leading citizens of the city. In addition to obvious demands for his aid and continued support, such as trade concessions for merchants from his realm, and the construction of a Catholic Church in Novgorod to serve them (the church union had yet to be acknowledged outside of the Roman Empire and Trebizond), Casimir IV made serious attempts to strengthen the Novgorodian state. The most notable among these was the creation of a Grand Marshal of Novgorod. The position was to be the head of the state’s military, responsible for its organization and discipline, but without domestic powers beyond those of any other prince (at least in theory). It was not created as inheritable, being instead selected by a council of the Novgorodian Princes, but once elected the position was to be held for life. The first Grand Marshal would be Dmitry Boretsky, elected thanks to his achievements in the war with Moscow.

In Sweden, Ivar Axelsson, responsible for executing King Christian’s orders to remove seditious elements from Sweden, instead uses his position to curry favor with the nobility. Rather than exiling all nobles with significant roles in the restoration of King Charles II, he instead approached them with an ultimatum to support him or be exiled. Overwhelmingly they chose to support Ivar rather than face exile, with many giving him gifts of money or property in addition. As compensation, and in an attempt to convince King Christian that he is indeed complying with his orders to remove rebellious or treasonous persons from Sweden, the purge focusses far more on the defenseless lower classes, with many petty criminals and the like being shipped out of Sweden on charges of suspected treason or heresy. In addition to making Ivar Axelsson considerably less popular among the common folk than the nobles, it also creates significant Swedish immigrant populations in England and Norway.

In Castile, Pedro, the supposed son of King Henry IV by his adulterous wife Joan of Portugal, dies of a fever at the age of eleven on July 6th. Although never given any royal titles, and likely headed for the clergy on account of his dubious legitimacy, Pedro long carried a fair chance of inheriting the throne. His death is taken well by the reigning Prince of Asturias, Alfonso, as he now stands as the sole potential male heir to the kingdom. On the other hand, King Henry is devastated by the boy’s death, and withdraws from public life almost entirely after the funeral. By the end of the year at latest, any administrative and public duties that had been performed by King Henry were being performed by Prince Alfonso, who became still more popular with the people through his charismatic public appearances in the king’s stead.

In Georgia, after much struggling, Alexander Bagrationi takes control of Tiblisi with the aid of troops supplied by Uzun Hassan of the Ak Koyunlu Turks. There he is crowned as King Alexander II of Georgia, and declares Bagrat VI to be nothing more than a usurper. His success reinstates the senior Branch of the Bagrationi house on the throne of Georgia, but at the cost of subservience to the Uzun Hassan and the Ak Koyunlu. He is required to swear fealty to Uzun Hassan soon after his coronation and is required to pay tribute annually and provide soldiers in times of war.

[von Adler]

The general area cannot be held by the Union-friendly forces - there are no castles or fortified cities at all. The few castles that were in the general area were destroyed in earlier fighting, particularly during the Engelbrekt rising of 1434 or the fighting 1469. Armies did not pass through here, as it was not an important area and not a marching route - Danish armies came to Stockholm or Kalmar by sea. Småland, where Jönköping is located, was unimportant in the quest to control Sweden. It makes no sense that the revolters go there - any Union-friendly forces unfortunate to find themselves there can be handled by the local peasants.

Generally, anytime the Swedes rose, the Danes and Union-friendly Swedes would hold the strongest castles, usually Stockholm castle (and sometimes the city too), Kalmar, Visby and Visborg, Kronoborg (that was destroyed by the Danes in a siege 1469) and a few others. The countryside was dotted with small wooden castles that stood no chance at all when the peasants rose.

Castles that actually had defences but were not on the coast were often given over to the revolters by negotiations - usually it was a Union-friendly Swedish nobleman and his retainers that held it, and he was allowed to leave unharmed with his men and their families, since there was no chance of relief. The Danes could bring troops by the sea in spring - but only to the ports.

If there's a stoppage, it should be around Kalmar, which after Stockholm was the most important and above all fortified town of Sweden. Lödöse (the predecessor of Göteborg) was also important as Sweden's only communication with the North Sea.

[Avitus]

von Adler Post 328 on page 17 (the 1470 update) has been edited to use Kalmar instead of Jonkoping and have the Swedish army marching along the coast. Thanks again for your help on Sweden, any thoughts on the new update or any of the other countries?

[Xgentis]

Byzantine politics reform need to be done so that the empire don't fall apart over each succession.

[cimon]

Originally Posted by Xgentis

Byzantine politics reform need to be done so that the empire don't fall apart over each succession.

Concur! It has been the source of troubles for the Byzantines more often than not.

[Tongera]

Originally Posted by cimon

Concur! It has been the source of troubles for the Byzantines more often than not.

Bit of a understatement. More like a pain in the ass.

Also, what is the Ukraine like at this time?

[Razgriz 2K9]

Well, at this point, the Ukraine I believe is still a part of the Polish-Lithuanian Union (It hasn't reached Commonwealth status yet)

[Avitus]

On succession: They definitely do need to work on it, but with Ioannes IX reasonably secure for the moment, and nobody expecting him to die soon the focus is definitely on other things. Vlad's succession was particularly disasterous because he created a horde style empire that wasn't tied together by anything other than being conquered by the same guy, and because his male children were still well underage. In cases where an emperor lives to a ripe old age with an adult son who is obviously meant to be his successor, the system works, but since this isn't a perfect world (that's ASB) that doesn't always happen. Things will get better once we hit the period of reform under Emperor *classiffied* the Great

On Ukraine: Split between Poland-Lithuania, the Crimean Kahnate, and a little Italian colony held by the republic of Venice. Kiev itself is with the Lithuanians at the moment, but the whole Russian area is evolving pretty rapidly right now, so expect to see some activity there soon.