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#861
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Interesting questions. I can tell you the Buddhist monk warriors do exist and do cause trouble with their feuding. There's also the desire of the courts to bring them into line and their farm land under the control of the government. Most of the time so far, the various factions try to keep them neutral. This may change later. The pirates also exist, but their activities are comparatively smaller in scale since there is less disorder. I don't think you can strictly call them wako since that's still a ways off in the future.
Socially, because pure military power means less relatively speaking, there are more opportunities for social advancement. The societal elites are more willing to support anyone who can increase their economic as well as military power. Merchants are not viewed as "producing nothing" though they aren't considered a pillar of the state like in Spaña. As for the rest of your questions, I will let you know when I figure it out for myself. ![]() If you have any thoughts on potential developments in a less militarized Japan, feel free to share them. I'd appreciate it, much!
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." |
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#862
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When's the next update?
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#863
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Probably tomorrow. Draft is 75% done.
ED: Got sucked into reading Gantz and Unbalance x2 this weekend... sorry.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." Last edited by MNP; July 9th, 2012 at 10:20 PM.. |
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#864
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2.72 -- Trust The sun beat down with impunity. Allegiances, rank and religion were meaningless before it. It oppressed man and beast equally. Heat danced over unprotected flesh as the sun set every piece of metal afire. Shimmer visions rippled on the horizon. But these men were no strangers to the heat. They traveled in two great columns behind two banners each had a hawk, one on a gold field the other on a white both trimmed in red. Once those hawks were united, a two headed raptor looking east and west. Now they flew together, traveling in the same direction but liable to go their own way. Under each banner there clustered a few men in armor, with others holding a large awning over them for shade. Everywhere else along the columns men wore loose robes[1] and shirts of cotton or linen. Only a few of those not under the awning wore armor, a few carried it strapped to their backs but most of it was with the supply train making the march less of an agony if more dangerous. Traveling under the white banner, Rolando II looked to his right and swallowed his bitterness. His bastard nephew sat his saddle like a statue, back straight and eyes front. From time to time Pedro would listen to a word whispered in his ear by one of his men or allies but his face never moved. A man whose sunny homeland burned passion and honor out of him leaving behind a calculating mind, relentless pursuit of profit and an arrogance born of power, dry and sharp—a typical Spaniard according to the world.[2] Whatever the truth of the image, in practice the influence of Spañan culture was actively resisted in some quarters... and Spañan weakness exploited. After twelve years of unrest and confusion, Rolando believed that Pedro was not his biggest problem. Betrayal was the sources of his bitterness. All along the frontiers, former enemies and allies combined to carve off a little power for themselves at the expense of the Spaniards. Decades and even centuries of dominance had forced cooperation but also bred resentment. Fear and greed kept Spaña safe—even great Francia was humiliated by Spañan arms--but it was fear and greed that drove its enemies now. After a series of inconclusive struggles with the rebels, Juassan de Vivar had turned his attention to the Legion of Alfonso II. In his last campaign he defeated the renegades and consolidated Rolando's grip on most of the peninsula. Exhausted by many years of effort he died in 1177. None of Rolando's surviving commanders were as good. A bloody invasion of the southwest secured Mérida that same year but the cost was high. Rolando often had to choose between border security and internal security. Weakness at the political center invited adversaries and rivals to settle scores long suppressed by the crown. The old city militias and State Guards meant to patrol the countryside could never muster enough force to deal with the infighting and their authority was questionable. Rolando received endless pleas to do something to end the disorder. Had the rebels been united they might have made real progress but proved to be even more divided then the loyalists. Slowly the king extended his authority into territories held by the rebels, proving himself forgiving in exchange for renewed loyalty. As Pedro grew older, gaining influence and securing him to hand became ever more urgent to the surviving rebel factions. The old queen Edilaza grew increasingly ill while Isidro and Escribano de Mértila proved unable to manage the dissident factions without her. Their attempt to do so resulted in Escribano de Mértila's assassination in 1178. Since, the largest cohesive rebel block was gathered around Gaspar de Clarós, from Córdoba. Archbishop Isidro vacillated between support for Gaspar and preventing him from securing hold of Pedro. “They’ve banded together to fight, but it’s not their natural state,” Edir explained to the king. All the while the great fear of the monarchy was realized as the nobility increasingly turned their wealth to securing military power. A number of junior officers had abandoned the state armies to sign private contracts of service and these were sometimes joined by foreign officers and companies. Results were all. Less formal command structures built around rapid response to threats rather than static defense and large campaigns were prevalent. Rumors cropped up claiming that some of these military commanders had overthrown their employers in favor of themselves. Rolando came to the aid of several rebels who found themselves faced with unruly mercenaries and while this exercise of kingly duty helped regain their loyalty, that it happened at all made the king very uneasy. Italy was again a source of trouble for the Spaniards. Rolando felt pride in the arrangements made in the south and that part of Italy stayed quiet and supportive. The troublesome north did not. Ravaged and abused again and again by the Spaniards, as years of internal conflict engulfed the Spaniards Tuscany reached out to the single most powerful man in Italy, the Duke of Ferrara. Ostensibly a Spañan client, through adroit diplomacy and judicious conquest Ferrara had seized control of north Italy from Bavaria to Milan. Most of this was done with the favor of Toledo—it served as a check on Provencal and Bavarian ambitions in Italy, Now the Bavarians were fighting the Kimeks in the east and Rolando could do nothing to prevent the alliance. A closer threat came from Provence. Under the pretext of aiding his sister Edilaza, the King of Provence invaded Spañan Godosa, marching south along the coast with a small flotilla. The methodical and disciplined way he reduced the towns in his path or made agreements with locals argued for long planning. The most daring aspect of the campaign was a seaborne attack against Ordón, north of the Pyrenees. Its capture created a major obstacle to southern reinforcements but tied up the invading troops. Ortiz Almagre and his wife Leonora of Puaton rallied the loyalists north of the mountains and attacked the Provencal troops besieging Beziers forcing them to flee. Unwilling to abandon his efforts while still holding Ordón, the King of Provence attempted to cross the Orb river north of Beziers at the Roman bridge near Capistanque. This time he clashed with Ortiz in a major battle. Ortiz was victorious, a large number of Provencal troops were drowned or trampled in their flight across the river, and the foothold around Ordón became a bargaining chip instead of a threat. ![]() Towns in the northern Godosa region, c. 1180 The Italian situation was no threat to Spaña itself, the Provencal attack a painful but limited nuisance. In Africa a much more dangerous threat was emerging. In the reign of Alejandro V reports had begun to trickle in about conflict and religious revival among the desert Berbers. Raids increased but they were nothing major, some sheep stolen or a merchant robbed. Mountain villages forced to pay for protection. As early as 1174, the western Saharan trade routes were united under the Genaya Senhaja though Rolando took no notice as costs remained the same. Scholars have written books on the influence of the Kharajite Muslims on the religious thought of the region even after its Christianization. One idea that had never died and was even furthered by the Spaniards was the idea of success breeding legitimacy. Power was in the hands of God and resistant to that power meant imperiling the natural order laid our by the Divine. Failures could be a sign of divine displeasure. If (Beber) kings were set over them by God, their sins could cause God to set new (Spañan) kings over them. As long as the Spaniards remained the dominant power in the Maghreb this worked for them. Success against the Berbers and Arabs, Christian and Muslim alike was the result of holy favor. Now the Genaya claimed the mantle and used northern civil war and weakness as evidence that Africa would pass to a new master. The Genaya Empire burst out of the mountains in 1179. Though hailing from the fringes of the Sahara, they were aided by the Atlas Berbers who had been squeezed by the local governors in the region to pay for the prosecution of the civil war in Africa. Taken by surprise, the Spaniards fought back and performed well in the initial battles but simply could not sustain the larger effort of beating back the Genaya. Sigilmasa fell in 1180, but the real alarm was the fall of Mermaza in 1182, which was declared the new capital of the Berber state. While the southernmost province of Spñaan Africa survived, by 1184 the Genaya were once again moving north invading Barga in force and raiding almost to Mequinez. The cities in the interior were surrounded and picked off. The coastal ports became islands in a hostile sea. In an ironic aid to Rolando, it was the rebels which suffered the most as their territories lay in the path of the Genaya compared to those remaining loyal to the king. Even this might not have brought Rolando's attention south but after the capture of Mermaza, the Genaya had begun to raise the prices on the African gold trade to ruinous levels. Ships could and did make sail along the coast, but two thirds of the gold trade went overland. The collapse of Pedro's support in Africa and the defeat of his Provencal “allies” left him in a weakened position. Now with the economy of all the state under stress, Rolando extended feelers for renewed negotiations. Rolando had adopted a more conciliatory tone against the rebels than Amina in the 1130s. While he did fine rebels in territories he recaptured he did not dispossess or execute them and so they were willing to listen to the king. Negotiations took place off and on throughout the period,* but only bore fruit after the fall of Mermaza. By 1185 most of the rebels were tired of the warfare none had been used to and the Genaya threatened their interests as much as the king. Ironically, Rolando found an ally in Pedro himself. By now the son of Alejandro V was a man grown. He took part in several military campaigns against Rolando and his own supporters to bring them into line. While young, he was able to stay calm and think clearly under the pressures of combat and his personal martial skills were commendable but he lacked an essential quality: a desire to be king. A pawn for most of his life Pedro resisted Rolando out of simple fear. Even if he submitted to the king, his mere presence would be a focus for dissent. Rolando would have no choice but to execute him. Pedro could see that the king was finally gaining the upper hand against him. Facing the prospect of eventual defeat or a life spent fighting, he did all he could to make some sort of agreement. While Gaspar de Clarós had the largest rebel block, Pedro gathered a cadre of men from younger and less important families (not all noble) who chafed under the authority of the great lords or wanted an end to the fighting. The combined power of Pedro and the king forced Gaspar to heel, and he marched reluctantly by Pedro's side as they marched with the king to Africa. The Spaniards were joined by a force of Berber allies from the east, but they were kept in reserve lest they betray their allies in favor of their distant kin. The combined forces traveled along the coast to relieve the coastal cities and secure naval supply lines. Once they reached Genaya territory, small fortifications were built inland to secure the routes to the coast and defend from inland attacks. ![]() General path of the campaign of 1186 Most of the army was mounted, with the footmen being used in a variety of roles and left behind as garrison troops. The army slowly shrank is it moved south, but early results were promising. A number of Genaya raiding parties were beaten off and most of the province of Saleh was cleared of the enemy. Throughout the rebels and the loyalists watched each other warily, but managed to cooperate when necessary. No one wanted the south to become a troublesome region, and Rolando granted some of the rewards from recovery of lands to Pedro to distribute as part of the original agreement. While this benefited the rebels materially, the king was seen acting as the ultimate overlord of all present. This was irritating to many, but palatable to all--barely. By the time the army reached the port of Anafas[3] the summer heat was in full swing and even with ships bringing in replacements, the combined army could number only 6,000 effectives, less than half of their original numbers. After resting for some time in Anafas, the combined armies divided. Pedro marched along the coast to Mazago, which was the sole rebel-affiliated port remaining in the south. The king meanwhile set out for the stronghold of the Torres[4] to the south. Located midway between Anafas and Mermaza, the Torres predated the kingdom. Under the rule of the Spaniards the village became the hub of local markets and administration. In the present, the lands around it were prosperous and thickly settled, with stucco-walled huts a common sight interspersed with larger villa-style houses done in the desert style. When Rolando was told of a small Genaya force approaching the stronghold, he quicked his pace and drove off the enemy after a short skirmish. Entering the gates in high spirits he decided the defensive fortifications were in need of reconstruction and sent a large detachment back north to bring the necessary supplies and materials. When completed, the refortification would secure the gains he’d made along the coasts and provided a staging point for attacks into Genaya-controlled territory. For the moment he breathed a sigh of relief at being able to stabilize the African provinces at a low risk. The Genaya returned in force a few weeks later. While they did not know the king himself was present, the opportunity to trap a significant Spañan force was irresistible after the defeats suffered earlier in the year. Rolando watched with growing trepidation as the Genaya army grew outside the stronghold. Carrier pigeons[5] were sent out in an attempt to call for help. The response was troubling. The men Rolando had sent north had not yet reached Anafas, and while riders were sent to find them Rolando knew the army--one made up largely of footmen--would have to be provisioned before it could return to the Torres in any shape to fight. After doing the calculations, Rolando was not sure they could arrive in time once the Berbers began their attack. Contemplating surrender, a message arrived from Pedro. His men had already started for Torres and could reach it in four days. Their force was small, but if Rolando led a sortie out of the stronghold when Pedro arrived, they might crush the Berbers. The king was torn. The chance his nephew might simply be lying to facilitate the king’s death was real. Letting Pedro attack and be overwhelmed would be an excellent way to deal the rebellion a crippling blow. It was possible he could hold out until his own troops rescued him, but if he was captured it would be a disaster for the kingdom even though Radolfo was ruling well back home. And so Rolando wrestled with the question, Do I dare trust my nephew? ___________________________ [1]djellaba variant [2]Rolando is describing the alternate stereotype of the Spaniard,* he doesn't actually see Pedro as this. [3]Meaning “hills” in an alternate Berber more heavily influenced by Romance languages. [4]Towers [5]These are trained to fly to “home” and to “food” so they don’t always have to be hand carried. Note: I wrote this using Libre office and it screwed everything up when I tried to post it here. So apologies for any errors in that regard.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." Last edited by MNP; July 13th, 2012 at 07:01 AM.. |
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#865
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A dangerous choice.
perhaps Rolando should wait untill he can clearly see Pedro's forces and then attack while the Genayans are distracted
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#866
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An update!
I see that Spana is having its turn at "bad luck". I also await with anticipation the outcome to Rolando's decision! |
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#867
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Well the problem is I'm not sure the route to take and if Pedro survives what his fate will ultimately be. There are many cases where the rebel is killed as where the rebel is conciliated by the ruling power. Spaña is more like the Byzantine and Islamic polities in this regard than the WE ones for what that's worth.
As I've said before, a chance observation by minifidel launched the Amina-arc and went in a very different direction that what I'd planned but it was a good one.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." |
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#868
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2.73
2.73 -- Betrayal? The breeze tugged at Dominico. Gentle but insistent, snatching at a loose banner or scarf, it urged him to venture beyond the walls. The path will be easy, it whispered, with the wind at your back. An easy path, but a hard ending for beyond the walls lay the enemy.A/N: Technically the rebellion is not ended just like that, but in principal they agreed to work together. There are still loose ends to work out.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." |
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#869
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Nice update MNP, I'm glad to you're starting to work on this TL once more.
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CLINCH THE FIST! |
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#870
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I appreciate those readers like yourself who keep up with it, even when updates are slow. It's been a long time since my iron man heyday.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." |
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#871
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Quite a dilemma really. How about doing a narrative segment modelled on a Marco Polo like road trip to the East
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#872
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Well. It feels a little bit anticlimatic, but I am glad the rebellion is over. Seems to me that I always reading about a revolt/civil war in this timeline.
![]() Personally, I am more fond of a "history lesson" format as opposed to a novel, but you do write quite decently, so I suppose it would be bearable. ![]() |
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#873
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Well thank you for the writing compliment! Haha! It's been a turbulent century for the Spaniards in part because I felt I was letting them off too easy before.
But on a wider level, it's easier to rebel effectively thanks to the rise of pike-shot tactics in the west and because the more centralized states create opportunities for major friction. Things will wind down some in the thirteenth century I think or at least the conflicts will be fought on different levels.What do you mean by history lesson format? Sounds interesting.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." |
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#874
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another interesting update, I wonder whats in store for Spain now.
Also I enjoy both writing styles so I say choose what you're most comfortable with.
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#875
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Seconded. Keep it up!
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#876
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Awesome!! Seems like Spans might get some rest for a while, and perhaps be able to focus on more important things. Like that newly discovered land across the sea. But keep up the good work!!
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MNP how about a reverse Marco Polo? See the west through the eyes of an Easterner touring Bavaria, Francias, Spaña and Vykinland? And perhaps the Irish Ultramar? Would be a good way to provide a contrast and it could be done in narrative the way you did the update of the young Amina learning about Francia. Quote:
As far as rebellions go, I don't think it has been any much different from OTL if you really lay down all the conflicts happening at the time. Keep it up!!!
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Poor Little Mexico, So Far From God, So Close to The United States. Or maybe not so. Follow: A Mexican "Victory" 2.0 to witness an alternate. |
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#877
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Great updates! I wonder what Pedro's future will be. I could see him being created a royal prince in exchange for his submission. However, I'm not sure what his title would be since there are few ranks in the Spanan nobility, perhaps "Prince of X"? I'm glad the civil war has ended, its interesting to see how much malice was directed towards Spana that came to the surface during the civil war.
Keep up the good work! Scipio
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Things Fall Apart: A Valois-Burgundy Centered Timeline Full of Badassery |
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#878
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More sea-going ventures will be in Spaña's future for sure. I did cover the Marco Polo like trip, but a reverse might be quite interesting. I'll have to think on that, might be tied in with sea going adventures as well.
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That everyone was angry at them is a result of their international success for some two hundred years. Most of the surrounding states have been kicked around and manipulated by them at some point, so when an opportunity to improve themselves at Spaña's expense showed up it was irresistible.
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The Raptor of Spain #2.80 - Moments (Last Update: 06 May) "The greatest tool for narrative is the world you create for it to exist in." |
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#879
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Well, making duke a hereditary here seems pretty implausible, although in OTL it only became hereditary around 1000, it could theoretically happen. What was the title held by the house of Baiona before they inherited the throne? Count of Baiona? My suggestion would be to give Pedro a principality (apanage) of his own on the periphery of Spana that he and his descendants would rule with viceregal powers. Perhaps grant him the lands in Castile (Languedoc) that are partially under Provençal occupation, and allow him to reconquer them. He could also be given a principality in italy and be sent to deal with those rebels. His title could be Count/Marquis of (Castile, Tuscany, whatever), but I think that Prince of (name of principality) has a better ring to it and befits his royal status. This is in the vein of Rolando being made Prince of Crete before he inherited (and fought for) the throne.
My ideas here come mostly from my knowledge of French and English civil wars. Charles of Navarre, for instance, was granted extensive lands in Normandy during the 1350s to appease him and bring him back into the fold. John of Berry, in another example, was granted Poitou as another apanage just before the French reconquered it from the English, as an example of precedent for my suggestion above. George, Duke of Clarence was allowed to retain his titles and lands after he rebelled against his brother Edward IV during the Wars of the Roses in exchange for a submission similar to Pedro's. An Iberian example would be Henry of Trastamara being made Count of Trastamara by his father, although that happened before, rather than after a succession war, and obviously had bad results for the monarchy. Scipio
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Things Fall Apart: A Valois-Burgundy Centered Timeline Full of Badassery |
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#880
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I've spent the last three weeks reading this TL from beginning to the very last post, and my only regret is that I took so long to start doing so. I've meant to for a long time, but finally managed to begin. Once I did, I couldn't stop again.
What a fantastic exercise in world building and character development. Your Turtledoves are very well deserved, MNP. I must admit, I was rooting for Amina to have a happy ending, but that's not always what makes a realistic TL. For your reverse Marco Polo, have you considered sending another Chola west, in the footsteps of the adventure who brought with him the sword of India (I can't recall his name)? That could provide a reminder of the changes since the last visit, both political and cultural. Anyway, now that I'm up to date, consider me subscribed, and keep up the brilliant work! ![]() |
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