The Carnival Is Over: A Gaitskell Lives TL

[Charles James Fox]

"Gaitskell's death at this moment was, I believed that night, and am even more certain in the retrospect of over fifteen years, not merely an inexpressible tragedy for his friends and the Labour movement, but a catastrophe for the nation. For he not merely possessed the pre-eminent straightforwardness, common sense and moral authority of Attlee, but a wider intelligence and a deeper understanding of the economic and social issues of the age than any of his contemporaries in British politics ... If he had lived, the future of this country ... would have been far different and far happier ... He would, as the public were beginning to realize in the last year of his life, have exercised, like Attlee and Cripps, a moral influence over his Party and British politics generally in the 1960s and 1970s, which was sorely needed and sadly lacking."

- Douglas Jay, Change and Fortune (1980)


"We may lose the vote today, and the result may deal this party a grave blow. It may not be possible to prevent it, but there are some of us, I think many of us, who will not accept that this blow need be mortal: who will not believe that such an end is inevitable. There are some of us who will fight, and fight, and fight again, to save the party we love. We will fight, and fight, and fight again, to bring back sanity and honesty and dignity, so that our party, with its great past, may retain its glory and its greatness."

- Excerpt from Hugh Gaitskell's speech to the Labour conference, 5th October 1960
____________________________________________

The Carnival Is Over
Part I: The Dawn Is Waiting

GARDNER: Good evening, this is the ITV evening news at six o'clock. Our top story, the driver of the train involved in the Boxing Day crash at Crewe has appeared today before an inquiry into the accident which killed eighteen people. The driver of the mid-day Scot, Mr. John Russell, said that he'd stopped at the red signal, while his fireman attempted to phone the signal box but could get no reply. They decided to move forward to the next signal which was at danger. As they approached, it changed to yellow and his fireman saw the reflection of another train. He applied the brakes but the crash occurred...

...In other news, Mr. Gaitskell, the Labour Party leader, told reporters that he has received a clean bill of health as he exited hospital today. He was hospitalised over Christmas with a viral infection, but has since recovered. He announced that his tour later this month to areas of heavy unemployment would go ahead as planned.

Now, on to cricket, and another fine innings by David Sheppard who hit 82 for MCC today...

- ITV Early Evening News, Friday 4th January 1963, presented by Andrew Gardner


"In 1959, the Labour party became the first major political party in British history to lose seats at four successive elections, with its representation falling to 258 seats, whilst Macmillan's Conservatives were returned with a majority of 100 seats. As the 1950s came to a close, the glory years of the Attlee government of 1945-1951 seemed very distant indeed to Labour politicians, who responded to the shock of defeat by reopening old disputes within the party. Followers of Labour's leader, Hugh Gaitskell, blamed the party's defeat on its commitment to nationalisation, with Douglas Jay reaching the conclusion that even the party's name should be changed to "Labour and Radical". In consequence, Gaitskell attempted to revise Clause IV of the party constitution, but his efforts were halted by the resistance of the National Executive Committee. His fortunes sinked further due to opposition from the unilateralist left, who formed an effective alliance with a number of influential unions to oppose the official policy of the leadership on the nuclear deterrent.

Undeterred, Gaitskell fought back at the 1960 party conference in Scarborough, declaring that he would "fight and fight and fight again" against unilateralism, and eventually won out against his critics by securing the support of the NEC and reversing the position of several unions (the AEU and USDAW). The real turning point for Labour and Gaitskell's leadership, however, was the growing unpopularity of the government from the summer of 1961. This resulted from public anxieties about the economy and Selwyn Lloyd's counter-inflationary budget of April, which involved a rise in the bank rate from 5% to 7%, the levying of a surcharge on purchase tax, cuts in public expenditure, and most important of all, the unpopular "pay pause". From 1962 Labour began to rise steadily in the polls, and Hugh Gaitskell began to establish himself in the public eye not as an ineffectual leader struggling to unite a fractured party, but as the Prime Minister-in-waiting."

- E.H.H. Green, Land of Hope and Glory, Britain in the Twentieth Century (2008)


"The experience of the Suez Crisis seemed to have discredited a whole generation of Conservative leadership in 1957, but under the stewardship of Harold Macmillan, the party experienced a remarkable political recovery. Macmillan restored the party's pride with key foreign policy successes at the Bermuda Conference of 1957 and at talks with Nikita Khrushchev in 1959 over the Berlin Question. Britain continued to exert substantial influence in world affairs, and at home, the economy was expanding rapidly, leading to Macmillan's famous declaration that "most of our people have never had it so good." All of this contributed to a electoral landslide in 1959, as the Conservatives gained a majority of 100 seats. As a result of their success, it was not fanciful to talk of the Conservatives as the natural party of government, especially as the Labour party seemed so divided and absorbed in internal squabbles. It was in this spirit that Party Chairman, Iain Macleod declared to the 1960 Conference:

'The Socialists can scheme their schemes and the Liberals can dream their dreams; but we at least have work to do.'

As the Conservative party entered the Sixties, however, anxieties about the Macmillan government began to grow. Central to this changing political atmosphere was an emerging sense of declinism, as Britain seemed to be falling behind other Western economies in terms of economic growth and labour productivity. "Modernisation" became the key word of political discourse of the early 1960s, with Labour chastising the government for its failure to reform the economy and the Conservatives desperately trying to balance unpopular economic reforms and electoral advantage. In 1960 and 1961, the government launched a series of inquiries - Beechings, Robbins and Buchanan, to form the basis of the party's domestic programme. Nevertheless, the party's reputation of economic competence was sharply undermined in 1961 by balance of payments problems and Lloyd's unpopular "pay pause". In response, the party established the National Economic Development Council in 1962, but without the co-operation of the TUC it was widely viewed as a gimmick. Macmillan hoped to restore purpose to his government through applying to enter the European Economic Community, but received a sudden shock in January 1963..."

- William Cash, "Introduction: Conservative Governments and their Record", in: William Cash and Edward Duncan (eds.) Conservative Governance: From Salisbury to Today (1992)




DE GAULLE VETOES UK ENTRY INTO COMMON MARKET

- Headline of The Times, 14th January 1963


"One might sometimes have believed that our English friends, in posing their candidature to the Common Market, were agreeing to transform themselves to the point of applying all the conditions which are accepted and practised by the Six. But the question, to know whether Great Britain can now place herself like the Continent and with it inside a tariff which is genuinely common, to renounce all Commonwealth preferences, to cease any pretence that her agriculture be privileged, and, more than that, to treat her engagements with other countries of the free trade area as null and void — that question is the whole question.

It cannot be said that it is yet resolved. Will it be so one day? Obviously only England can answer. The question is even further posed since after England other States which are, I repeat, linked to her through the free trade area, for the same reasons as Britain, would like or wish to enter the Common Market.

It must be agreed that first the entry of Great Britain, and then these States, will completely change the whole of the actions, the agreements, the compensation, the rules which have already been established between the Six, because all these States, like Britain, have very important peculiarities. Then it will be another Common Market whose construction ought to be envisaged; but one which would be taken to 11 and then 13 and then perhaps 18 would no longer resemble, without any doubt, the one which the Six built."

- Statement of President Charles de Gaulle at a press conference in Paris, 14th January 1963


"All of our policies at home and abroad are in ruins."

- Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, The Harold Macmillan Diaries 1956-1966 (2011), entry: 14th January 1963


"Europe was to be our deus ex machina, it was to create a new contemporary political argument with insular socialism; dish the Liberals by stealing their clothes; give us something new after 12-13 years; act as a catalyst of modernisation; give us a new place in the international sun. It was Macmillan's ace, and de Gaulle trumped it."

- Sir Michael Fraser, Director of the Conservative Research Department, interviewed by Dr. David Butler, 1963


"The statement issued by President de Gaulle today represents a great humiliation for Britain, and a severe blow to our standing across the world. The Prime Minister told us that our nation's future depended upon entry into the Common Market, and that entry was the central solution to our domestic problems. Yet, the central six nations of the European community realised that Britain's economic and diplomatic interests could never be reconciled with the ambitions of the European continent, as President de Gaulle has rightly said. The Prime Minister entered our country into a foolhardy application which could never succeed. The lesson of today is clear: we are an independent nation, and we will only solve our problems if we have the ingenuity and strength to address them ourselves."

- Hugh Gaitskell, interviewed by Robert McKenzie on the BBC, 14th January 1963




"In opposing British entry to the EEC, Gaitskell was reflecting the majority opinion of the PLP, and his critical intervention after de Gaulle's veto was widely welcomed across the Labour movement. Focusing on the issue of Europe provided a sorely needed moment of unity within the Labour party which reinforced Gaitskell's authority. Some of Gaitskell's closest supporters such as George Brown and Roy Jenkins, however, were strongly in favour of EEC entry and became increasingly despondent.

Gaitskell scored a second major victory in February with the revelation of Britain's unemployment figures. The recent data showed that unemployment had rose to 3.9%, the highest figure since the fuel crisis of 1947. In late-January, Gaitskell had visited areas of high unemployment on a nationwide tour, and evoked these experiences in a widely acclaimed speech in Parliament savaging the government."

- Andrew Glenister, Labour: A New History (1999)


"In February, Gaitskell flew to the United States to meet President Kennedy. He hoped that this visit would cultivate a positive image for him as a 'British Kennedy' within the British media. The American political establishment, however, did not see him in quite these terms; even the Democrats were uncertain about the Labour party, particularly in relation to defence issues.

Gaitskell saw Kennedy alone for almost an hour on 20th February. It was their second meeting, and was, according to Gaitskell, friendly and constructive. Gaitskell sought to assure Kennedy that he supported the Nassau agreement over Polaris missiles negotiated by Macmillan two months earlier. They also discussed financial management in Britain and relations with the Soviet Union in the wake of the Cuban missile crisis. On the subject of Europe, Kennedy was anxious to understand the Labour Party's position on the Common Market.

Kennedy realised that he was talking to a likely future premier, and Gaitskell was impressed by the style of the young President and its sharp contrast with the leadership of Macmillan. The visit filled Gaitskell with optimism about the future and fuelled his desire to form a radical government to inspire and reform Britain as the Kennedy administration had done in the United States."

- David Marquand, Hugh Gaitskell (1980)

________________________________________________





TBC

[037771]

Interesting opening; subscribed.

[abc123]

Intresting. Subscribed.

[Blackadder mk 2]

I will be watching with interest.

[The Oncoming Storm]

Wow, I've always been interested in how a Gaitskell Premiership could have been, subscribed!

[Plumber]

SUBSCRIBED.

[Johnny Canuck]

Very interesting stuff - will definitely be following.

The historian in me can't help notice you have Ewen Green publishing Land of Hope and Glory two years after he died OTL - some distant butterflies at work?

[Some Bloke]

Interesting. Carry on.

[Charles James Fox]

Thanks for the replies everyone. I'm currently working on the next update which should be finished soon.

Originally Posted by Johnny Canuck

Very interesting stuff - will definitely be following.

The historian in me can't help notice you have Ewen Green publishing Land of Hope and Glory two years after he died OTL - some distant butterflies at work?

Yes, I wasn't sure at first whether to use OTL historians or make them up (due to butterflies), so I settled on a balance between the two. Here it is presumed that Ewen Green becomes a historian of modern British politics as in OTL and survives longer.

[jamsodonnell]

Subscribed.

[stodge]

An excellent start and I'm really interested to see where you go with this.

Gaitskell was ten years older than Wilson and Wilson will presumably continue to be a major figure in the Labour Party and presumably (if I'm reading you right) Government(s).

The pro-nuclear anti-EEC strain of thought which was Gaitskell's didn't really survive in OTL - the strong activism of CND in the early 60s permeated Labour (and the Liberals to some extent) while the anti-EEC elements became the trademark of the strongly unionised elements of the party.

Gaitskell could serve two terms as Prime Minister conceivably and that offers possibilities for "In Place of Strife" for example but the EEC issue won't go away and neither will the nuclear question either.

[Some Bloke]

Perhaps not but it probably will strengthen the Pro Nuclear and anti EEC lobbies within the party meaning that whoever succeeds Gaitskell as leader would have to accomadate them to some degree. Maybe as Prime Minister he might have the confidence to attempt to repeal/ammend Clause IV in the Labour Party Constitution.

[Arachnid]

Anything with a saner Labour party and no British entry to the EEC has my interest. Subscribed.

[Lord Roem]

Ah, the middleman of my inexplicable political hero triumvirate (coming between Sailsbury and Edward Short.)

Interesting opening, I look forward to reading more.

[Charles James Fox]

"Sexual intercourse began
In nineteen sixty-three
(which was rather late for me) -
Between the end of the 'Chatterley' ban
And the Beatles' first LP."

- Philip Larkin, excerpt from "Annus Mirabilis", High Windows (1967)


"As Britain entered the Sixties, a remarkable sea-change in the national climate of opinion occurred. During the previous decade, the nation had experienced unparalleled prosperity and had seemed to remain a great power on the international stage. This optimism, however, gave way to profound anxiety and angry introspection. Indeed, there were voices of self-doubt in the Fifties, such as the "Angry Young Men" of disillusioned playwrights and novelists, and the outspoken critics of Eden's Suez adventure, but these stirrings were not typical of the mood of the times. It was only during the Sixties that these feelings permeated almost all walks of life, including politics...

...Aside from long-term socio-economic developments, there were several short-term events which contributed to growing social criticism. Britain's economy was stagnating and there was little hope that policy-makers could escape from the "Stop-Go" cycle, whilst countries in the newly formed EEC experienced astonishing economic growth. The government's abandonment of the Blue Streak missile system in 1960 seemed to foreshadow the end of Britain's nuclear ambitions, and marches by the Campaign of Nuclear Disarmament soon became a fixture of national life. Abroad, the election of John F. Kennedy as President of the United States generated an image of youth and idealism which contrasted starkly with Britain's ageing leadership, and idealism seemed to have no respectable outlet in British society. This general mood contributed to, and was strengthened by the rise of political satire in Britain, with the staging of Beyond the Fringe in 1961, the publication of Private Eye from the same year, and the launch of That Was the Week That Was on the BBC in 1962.

It seemed as if no national institution was spared criticism, with the Church of England, Parliament, the educational system and industry all coming under attack by writers, academics, politicians, journalists and comedians. Criticism was not only directed towards institutions, but also towards the predominant values underlying traditional British society..."

- Arthur Marwick, "The Sixties in Britain", in: Christelle Lefebvre and David Zimmerman (eds.) The Sixties in National Context (1990)


"A dogged resistance to change now blankets every segment of our national life. A middle-aged conservatism, parochial and complacent, has settled over the country; and it is hard to find a single sphere in which Britain is pre-eminently in the forefront...No doubt we still lead the world in certain traditional spheres - merchant banking, classical scholarship, trooping the colour, or sailing the Atlantic single-handed. But wherever innovation is required, we see a frightful paralysis of the will."

- Anthony Crosland, The Conservative Enemy (1962)


"Late one summer evening on Saturday, 8th July 1961, Viscount Astor strolled around the grounds of his large mansion, Cliveden, with a number of friends after dinner. It was during a sweltering heatwave that Astor and his guests, talking happily over cigars, heard the sound of splashing and laughter ahead. As they turned a corner, they saw a naked girl running from the pool to fetch her towel in the bushes. Later on, the girl, the 19-year-old showgirl Christine Keeler, half-naked and wrapped in a towel was introduced to one of the guests, the Secretary of State for War John Profumo. The biggest scandal in British political history was born."

- Jeffrey Archer, The Decline of Britain (2007)

Secretary of State for War, John Profumo (Left) and Christine Keeler (Right)

"The affair between Profumo and Keeler was brief, and in normal circumstances, might have been quickly forgotten. Yet these were not normal circumstances, for Keeler was simultaneously involved in a relationship with Capain Evgeni Ivanov, assistant Soviet attache at the Russian Embassy in London and a GRU agent. Unknown to Profumo, MI5 had been following Ivanov and Stephen Ward, who had been selling Keeler's services. When MI5 had discovered Profumo's contact with Ward and Ivanov, they informed Sir Norman Brook, the Cabinet Secretary, who told Profumo to be cautious. As a result of this, Profumo assumed that MI5 knew about his affair with Keeler and quickly ended their relationship, although MI5 did not recieve actual confirmation of the affair until 28th January 1963. Brook informed Macmillan of Profumo's links with Ward and Ivanov, and rumours about his private life. On the matter of Profumo's infidelity, however, Macmillan preferred to hope that it was untrue or that the issue would simply go away.

By the autumn of 1962, a web of intrigue and rumour relating to the private life of Profumo had built up in London's clubland, Fleet Street and Westminster. These rumours were circulating just as the credibility of the government was being undermined by the Vassall scandal..."

- Edward Duncan, Harold Macmillan: Life of a Radical Tory (2010)


"VASSALL CASE: an espionage case and political scandal involving John Vassall, a civil servant and private secretary to Thomas Galbraith, Under-Secretary at the Scottish Office. On 12 September 1962, John Vassall was arrested and charged with spying for the Soviet Union. He gave a full confession and was sentenced to 18 years in prison. The affair became politically damaging to the government as it was alleged that Vassall and Galbraith were involved in a homosexual relationship. The debate in the Commons in November 1962 was a public relations disaster for the government, with the Labour Opposition criticising the Admiralty's handling of the affair. The Radcliffe Tribunal cleared Galbraith and Lord Carrington, the First Lord of the Admiralty, of any wrongdoing, but the case represented a turning point in the government's relationship with the press, as journalists subsequently sought to criticise Macmillan at every opportunity."

- David Butler and Lewis Salmon, British Political Facts, 3rd edition (2001)


"In January 1963, the affair moved to the next stage. Keeler was informed that she would be called as a witness in the trial of Johnny Edgecombe, a former lover, who was on trial following a shooting incident at Stephen Ward's flat in December. She attempted to sell her story to the press, including her affair with Profumo, but failed. It was still possible, however, that she would refer to the affair during Edgecombe's trial. In any event, Keeler quickly left the country before appearing at the trial, provoking frantic speculation. During the same month, MI5 learnt of Profumo's affair with Keeler and law officers began to investigate the rumours. The Attorney General, Sir John Hobson, interviewed Profumo on 29 January, who insisted that there had been no impropriety in his relationship with Keeler. A few days later, Profumo appeared before Hobson, the Solicitor-General Sir Peter Rawlinson and the Chief Whip Martin Redmayne. Again, he denied any impropriety. After this, Macmillan should have seen Profumo himself, face-to-face, but was happy to take Profumo at his word.

The Profumo Affair may have died a quite death if it were not for the persistence of George Wigg, Labour MP for Dudley, who greatly disliked Profumo after being slighted by him in the House the previous year. On Tuesday, 26 March, Wigg raised the rumour in the Commons that a Minister was implicated in the spiriting away of Keeler from the country before she could appear at the Edgecombe trial. He asked the government either to deny the rumour or to appoint a select committee to investigate.

The next day, Profumo was taken to the House to be met by Hobson, Rawlinson, Redmayne and the Leader of the House Iain Macleod. The purpose of the exercise was to squash the rumours as quickly as possible. For most of the day they hammered out a personal statement for Profumo to deliver to the House, to first absolve Profumo of any connection to Keeler's absence from the trial, and second to deny any impropriety. Late in the afternoon, however, Hobson bumped into Lord Hailsham, the Leader of the House of Lords and Lord President of Council, whose advice had a decisive impact on the personal statement delivered by Profumo the following day. Hailsham believed that all that was required in Profumo's statement was his denial that he was in any way involved in an attempt to pervert the course of justice through the removal of a witness out of jurisdiction. Any further denial of any improper relationship with Christine Keeler was, in his opinion, gratuitous and unnecessary."

- Edward Duncan, Harold Macmillan: Life of a Radical Tory (2010)


"With permission, Sir, I wish to make a personal statement.

I understand that in the debate on the Consolidated Fund Bill last night, under protection of Parliamentary Privilege, the honourable gentleman the Member for Dudley, opposite, spoke of rumours connecting a Minister with a Miss Keeler and a recent trial at the Central Criminal court. It was alleged that people in high places might have been responsible for concealing information concerning the disappearance of a witness and the perversion of justice. I understand that my name has been connected with the rumours about the disappearance of Miss Keeler. I would like to take this opportunity of making a personal statement about these matters.

I last saw Miss Keeler in December, 1961, and I have not seen her since. I have no idea where she is now. Any suggestion that I was in any way connected with or responsible for her absence from the trial at the Old Bailey is wholly and completely untrue. My wife and I first met Miss Keeler at a house party in July, 1961, at Cliveden. Among a number of people there was Dr. Stephen Ward, whom we already knew slightly, and a Mr. Ivanov, who was an attaché at the Russian Embassy. The only other occasion that my wife or I met Mr. Ivanov was for a moment at the official reception for Major Gagarin at the Soviet Embassy.

Mr. Speaker, I have made this personal statement because of what was said in the House last evening by the honourable Member, and which, of course, was protected by privilege. I shall not hesitate to issue writs for libel and slander if scandalous allegations are made or repeated outside the House."

- Personal Statement of Rt. Hon. John Profumo M.P., Secretary of State for War, to the House of Commons, 28th March 1963







"Later that day, the House of Commons was scheduled to debate the Vassall case, and Gaitskell arrived just before midnight to make his contribution to the debate. He had been informed of a possible relationship between Profumo and Keeler on 15 March by Roy Jenkins at a dinner party in his Frognal home. Gaitskell rose to speak before 1 a.m. Should he put himself behind the attack on Profumo, or evade the issue? He decided to attack the government, drawing attention to the inability of Profumo to comment on the rumours of impropriety with Keeler. Sensing the strength of feeling on the Opposition benches behind him, he went for the jugular. He accused Profumo of harbouring skeletons in his closet and demanded 'complete openness and transparency' relating to his personal relationship with Ms. Keeler. It was, he said, an issue of the 'utmost importance, not only for our national security, but for the standards of public morality which the government has a duty to protect.'

It was an impassioned attack on Profumo, displaying again the intense moralism which informed Gaitskell's politics. Gaitskell was right in one sense, for Hailsham in arguing for a limited denial of wrongdoing ignored the realities of the situation. A half-denial simply fuelled further questioning from Gaitskell, again under parliamentary privilege. Nevertheless, the limited nature of Profumo's statement inadvertently changed the game substantially. It invited a heated response from Gaitskell, who linked himself irrevocably to charges of partisanship and opportunism. It reinforced the solidarity of the Conservative party during a difficult period, and the loyalty of at least some supportive voices within the press to the party..."

- Peter Clarke, A Lost Crusade?: Hugh Gaitskell and His Times (1994)


"Look Jack, the basic question is, 'Did you fuck her?'"

- Alleged comment of Iain Macleod to John Profumo, 31st March 1963


"After Gaitskell's intervention, the government was pushed back to square one and forced to deal with the central rumour of impropriety. Profumo met again with the Law Officers, the Chief Whip and the Leader of the House to draft a second personal statement. He delivered this statement on Monday, 1 April, in which he said stated that there was nothing "improper" in his relationship with Ms. Keeler.

The lie, however, was a ticking time-bomb. Despite Profumo's two statements in the House, the rumours wouldn't go away. In May, Macmillan asked the Lord Chancellor, Lord Dilhorne, to begin an inquiry into the case. On 16 June, Macmillan finally summoned Profumo to 10 Downing Street for a meeting. In contrast to the previous meetings with ministers, Profumo finally cracked and confessed his lie. He resigned the following day, and the Profumo Affair became public.

- Edward Duncan, Harold Macmillan: Life of a Radical Tory (2010)






PROFUMO RESIGNS: CONFESSES KEELER AFFAIR
- Headline of the Daily Telegraph, 18th June 1963


"Mr. Gaitskell: Yesterday the House and the nation became aware of the utter deceit and depravity of this government. The House must be aware: this is a great moral issue. The government has a responsibility to this nation to embody everything that is right and just, and set a moral example to the British people. This government has failed to do so. The former Secretary State of War used the privilege of a personal statement to lie to the House, and lie to the country. He sought to cover up his own gross impropriety, and we must surely condemn him for this. But our condemnation should not be restricted to the Right Honourable Gentleman, for we must also condemn his friends and colleagues on those government benches who stood by his deception and left the British people in the dark. And now we hear of more and more rumours of improprietous activity by other government members, and the people of this country demand answers!

(Cries of Shame! by government Members)

...This is a government which has lost all its moral authority. A government, which like the Venetian cabal, has shut out the people it deems to serve. A government which has defended corruption and immorality in the interests of the few. This is a failure of a government, and for this reason, the Prime Minister must for once listen to the British people, and resign."

- Speech of Hugh Gaitskell, Leader of the Opposition, to the House of Commons, 18th June 1963


"Conservative ministers and backbenchers were furious with Gaitskell's speech in the Commons. They believed that Gaitskell was exploiting the Profumo scandal out of political opportunism, and were particularly incensed over his acknowledgement of press rumours that there were further government scandals waiting to be uncovered. The atmosphere of the time represented something close to a McCarthyite witchhunt, with journalists circulating rumours such as a story of an orgy involving several government whips. For Gaitskell to lend credence to further speculation of ministerial wrongdoing was viewed as grossly irresponsible. The suggestion, probably unintended by Gaitskell, that ministers were intentionally complicit in attempting to hide any infidelity was also infuriating. According to Ian Gilmour, after the debate a noticeably disturbed and perhaps intoxicated Hailsham burst loudly into Macleod's office, shouting 'That Wykehamist bastard has no right to do this! Can anybody say that Gaitskell is not an adulterer himself?' Hailsham's anger reveals another element of Tory ire, the widespread knowledge within political circles of Gaitskell's own affair with Ann Fleming, the wife of the novelist Ian Fleming. Never had a government hated a Leader of the Opposition as much as the Macmillan government hated Hugh Gaitskell."

- Andrew Roberts, A British Lion: The Real Quintin Hogg (1992)




Leader of the House of Commons and Conservative Party Chairman, Iain Macleod


"MCKENZIE: Mr. Macleod, we know the importance that you as the Chairman of the Conservative party place on character and integrity. Last week, Mr. Profumo confessed that he had lied to the House of Commons and to the nation about his relations with Ms. Keeler, a relationship involving potentially serious implications for national security. Is it not an interesting comment on your party that a man of this background should have been able, for so long, to hold the position that he did?

MACLEOD: Well Bob, I think that it is important to stress the background of Mr. Profumo, a man, who like many of us, served honourably during the war and dedicated himself to public service. This was the man the Conservative party knew, and it was an immense shock that he could knowingly mislead his colleagues and the House as he did. He has made a grave error, an error that he will pay for in personal terms, because we must remember that this is, above all, a personal tragedy. It is a tragedy for the Profumo family who have suffered in the public eye and deserve our sympathy.

MCKENZIE: It may be a personal tragedy, but is it really adequate to isolate this case to the fate of one individual when there are, after all, significant questions to be asked about the security of the nation? Doesn't this whole affair indicate the government's sheer carelessness when it comes to defending the United Kingdom?

MACLEOD: The government takes issues of national security very seriously, which is why we have established a full inquiry under Lord Denning to get to the bottom of what happened. It is precisely because of the severity of this case that I do not believe that speculation by journalists and politicians would be helpful at the present time.

MCKENZIE: Is there not another, and more pressing question which your party and government has to answer, relating to your gullibility as Leader of the House, alongside the gullibility of the Attorney General and the Solicitor General, when you talked to Mr. Profumo about the rumours but failed to come any close to the truth of the matter?

MACLEOD: It may be easy, with the benefit of hindsight, to make that judgement. Mr. Profumo gave us his word that he did not have an inappropriate relationship with Ms. Keeler, and at the time, there was no evidence to suggest otherwise. Of course, we began to see during the past month what had really happened. I only regret that we did not have the evidence earlier to understand the whole truth of the matter. But let me make just one last statement. This is, as I said before, a personal tragedy for the Profumo family. I am quite frankly, as I am sure the rest of the country are, disappointed, disgusted even, with the Labour party revelling in this issue and exploiting a personal tragedy for political advantage. If there are implications of national security for Parliament to consider, we shall learn of them in due course, but I believe that Mr. Gaitskell's speech brought politics in this country to the gutter. We must move forward from Mr. Profumo and learn lessons together, not resort to petty accusations and point-scoring.

MCKENZIE: Thank you, Mr. Macleod.

MACLEOD: Thank you."

- Leader of the House of Commons and Chairman of the Conservative Party Iain Macleod interviewed by Robert McKenzie on BBC Gallery, 24th June 1963






"DENNING REPORT: a report published by Lord Denning, at the inquest of the government, into the Profumo Affair. The report was published on 30 September, and sold 100,000 copies. It argued that there were no serious security breaches as a result of the affair, but did little to stop the media frenzy which had surrounded the scandal."

- David Butler and Lewis Salmon, British Political Facts, 3rd edition (2001)


"Throughout the whole of the Profumo Affair, Macmillan's attitude to the rumours was: 'Well, what has this got to do with me?' It was shocking that a Prime Minister who had shown such shrewdness, such apparent ease in holding the highest office in the land, could be so incredibly careless. I suppose that after the Vassall affair, he convinced himself that another scandal would bring him down and developed a kind of 'bunker mentality' to the running of government. He was a tired Prime Minister and by Profumo, the public could see it. The government was fatally wounded, and it was simply a matter of time before his colleagues in the Tory party turned the knife and finished his career."

- Michael Foot, interviewed by the New Statesman, 1986


"The impact of the Profumo Affair on the fortunes of Gaitskell and the Labour party was mixed. Undoubtedly, it was a huge embarrassment for the government and had a destabilising effect on Macmillan's leadership. After the Affair, it was doubtful that Macmillan would lead his party to the next election, as he was criticised severely in the press. Moreover, the scandal could not have come at a worse time for the government, with Britain facing growing economic problems and a general decline in cultural deference to authority. Profumo seemed to be symbolic of everything that was wrong with Conservative rule.

On the other hand, the Affair was not a clear victory for Gaitskell either. Although there was widespread disgust at the revelations of the scandal and the government's mishandling of events, many felt that Gaitskell had overplayed his hand. In March, he launched an unqualified attack on Profumo and the government without waiting for the crucial evidence to emerge. He had stressed that the issue was primarily a moral one relating to the personal behaviour of public officials, not one of national security, where Labour easily held the moral high ground. In directly hinting at widespread corruption and deception within the Conservative party, he turned the scandal into a heated partisan debate. Though, luckily for Gaitskell, his affair with Ann Fleming was not made public during the summer of 1963, the knowledge of his relationship with Fleming amongst a large section of politicians and journalists encouraged the belief that he was a hypocrite and opportunist. In fact, Gaitskell was genuinely shocked by the Profumo scandal and his response was shaped more by emotion than cold political calculation, but he could not counter the negative perceptions generated by the whole saga.

The Conservative government was near to collapse in June 1963, but lived to fight another day. Ultimately, the battle for the nation's future would not be fought over Profumo, but over more familiar ground..."

- Peter Clarke, A Lost Crusade?: Hugh Gaitskell and His Times (1994)



_________________________________

TBC

[037771]

Very interesting; love the analysis of Gaitskell's political and personal reaction to the affair, in contrast to that of Wilson. This reads to me as if it's been backed up by substantial research, or at the very least a personal knowledge of the subject above most other people. Keep it coming.

[BillyShears]

I'm glad the links to the Flemings are in this

[The Oncoming Storm]

Very good! It really looks like Gaitskell has set himself up for a fall over his attacks on Profumo, it probably explained why the Tory MP's reacted so angrily to him in the Commons.

[MrwBrightside]

There's nothing like blatant hypocrisy that inspires a man...keep it up!

[Jape]

Great stuff sir, these forums are severely lacking in good post-war British TLs.

I'm deeply interested in how Gaitskell guides his Party here. Wilson for all his flaws was something of a compromiser who held Labour together during difficult times. I doubt Gaitskell will have similar tact - not that he'll crash and burn necessarily but it will surely get messy at Conference.