Explosion heard around the world... Or Elser succeeds

[thread=213412]Link to discussion[/thread]

November 8th, 1939, 1930h Munich Airport, Runway

Focke-Wulf FW-200 sat on the airport runway quietly. Inside Hans Bauer said to his copilot. "According to the report of the ground control, this damn fog will be lifting in 45 minutes. Night should be clear enough for take-off by 2200." "Ja, herr Standartenfuehrer." said the copilot. Picking up the radio microphone he said "I'll notify herr Weber, the head of security detail."

2000h, Bürgerbräukeller, Munich

Christian Weber listened to the man that approached him intently. Afterwards, he approached Adolf Hitler, who was preparing to start his speech for annual Beer Hall Putsch anniversary. After hearing what Weber whispered to him, Hitler replied "Ach, sehr gut. Prepare to leave this place in 2130."

2035h, Konstanz, Germany-Switzerland border crossing

Thomas Gruener, Reich Customs official, accompanied by an ominous looking Gestapo man, moved around the train, checking papers of passengers on regular Munich-Bern line. Entering the compartment he said „Aussweiss!“. People immediately produced their papers, while one, Johann Georg Elser as it turned out, fumbled around with a bunch of papers. Finally, he produced his ausweiss and handed it to Thomas. His nervousness caught attention of the Gestapo officer who took his passport from Thomas. Instantly he declared "Your papers are not in order! Please follow me!". Thomas stepped aside, careful not to interfere. Gestapo man roughly took Johann by the hand and guided him outside of train, where he was joined by two other officers. Thomas didn't want to know what was going to happen to the man. He heard some stories about "interrogation" methods of men in gray overcoats, and didn't want to get more intimate with them.

2119h, Bürgerbräukeller

Clock was inexorably ticking on the detonator of the bomb, set beneath the speaker stand of the Hall. Only 60 seconds were left till the mechanism activated detonation cap. On the speaker stand the Fuehrer of Nazi Germany, mighty Third Reich was concluding his speech on decadence and impending fall of Allied power, which held Germany enslaved for 20 years.

2120h At the moment when Hitler bellowed "NO MORE! I will ANNIHILATE them!" and Alte Kaempfer jumped to their feet, shouting "Heil Hitler!" in ecstasy, loud explosion obliterated speaker stand. Roof of the hall caved in, burying everything beneath rubble of concrete, metal and wood construction and roof tiles that was almost shoulder high at shallowest point. Ecstasy of the second earlier was replaced by cries of pain as over 90 people laid wounded and bleeding. Almost immediately 15 members of SS Liebstandarte who were standing outside rushed in the hall. They were shocked by the sight, but, oblivious to the cries of wounded men, started digging the rubble with their bare hands, hoping against hope to save the dictator they were sworn to protect with their lives.

2145h It took almost half an hour for the first teams of Feurwehr and Ambulanz to arrive to the scene. Place was already crawling with members of half a dozen security services, although SS men were clearly in charge. Fifteen Liebstandarte officers were sitting on the sidewalk, visibly subdued, while what looked like a senior officer of the SS, wearing Algemeine SS insignia and rank of Brigadefuehrer SS swore at them savagely.

2200h Feurwehr officers dig out first bodies buried in the general area where speaker stand used to be. They are immediately surrounded by SS men and suggested to get some rest. A minute later four SS officers were seen taking out a body of man. His grey uniform was in tatters, and what probably used to be an overcoat, was a bloody mess of textile hanging off the stretchers. They put the stretcher in the black van, waiting outside, which promptly vanished at great speed. Most of the SS officers dispersed in the surrounding streets. They started frisking every bystander and arresting anyone even slightly suspicious. As most people tried to get out of the way, and made run for their homes this resulted in hundreds arrest. 15 members of SS Liebstandarte who were in front of the Hall, were picked up in the bus and driven away. Nobody knew what happened to them, although some sources claimed that they were given personal weapons and left in their cells.

2205h Berlin, Prinz-Albrecht-strasse, SS HQ

"You must confirm this! Right now! I don't care if you have to run to Munich!" shouted Himmler, whose face was red with anger to the young Hauptsturmfuehrer who brought the teleprinter report. He saluted, shouted sharp "Jawohl, Herr Reichsfuehrer!" and turned on his hills and left. After the doors closed, Haydrich, sitting opposite to Himmler, with woried look on his face said "Herr Reichsfuehrer, you understand what this means?". Equally worried Himler replied "Ja, mein Reinhard! The fat, bungling fool will have his five minutes! If only Hess was kept as a heir-apparent!! But even Fuehrer realized that Hess was loony. Anyway, we must follow publicly expressed will of the Fuehrer for now. Send your men to bring the idiot from his hunters lodge". "Jawohl, Herr Reichfuehrer! I will personally take care of that. I just wish I could get my hands on the swine that did it. He would wish that Mueller got to him first." At that moment Hauptsturmfuehrer appeared again. He omitted the usual Hitler salute, instead only rising his right hand. "Herr Reichsfuehrer! It is confirmed! Der Fuehrer ist Tot!"

2300h Zossen, OKH

Phone rang in the conference room, where Brauchistch, Halder, Jodl, Keitel, von Rundstedt, von Bock and von Leeb were just going through the proposed plan to attack France by the way of Low Countries. Captain Roehmer answered it. His face paled. "WAS?" he shouted as he stood up holding the receiver so tightly that his knuckles went white. Everyone in the room turned toward him. Senior officers looked at each other fear visible on every face. They knew that this war was gamble and that French army could still roll over slight opposition forces on so called "Sigfried line" could offer. Most divisions were still transiting from Poland to the west using rail and highways. They were triumphant, but tired. Losses were just replenished and new men still haven't gotten the grips and unit cohesion suffered. They all feared French offensive. The bad news that arrived, was however of different nature. Keitel was the first one to hear it. His reaction caused chill to penetrate the room as his face conveyed shock, sadness and fear at the same time. He announced quietly, unable to use his throat in full capacity "Meine herren, der Fuehrer ist Tot!" Anybody left standing after his announcement just lost control of their legs and sat down. Many faces of junior officers filled with tears, as the man they recognized a hero, and worshipped for bringing glory and might to their country was suddenly taken from them. "Halder, this changes everything," whispered Brauchistch. General-oberst Brauchistch has only weeks earlier refused to take part in conspiracy which was headed by Halder, Canaris, Witzleben, Hoepner. This exchange was not noted by anyone. Halder just nodded solemnly.

2315 Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, Bendlerblock, Berlin

A figure in the chair behind a large desk sobbed quietly in his hands, wrapped around his face. Paper on his desk that caused this was soaked in tears. "Why!" he whined. His hand reached into his drawer and appeared holding a pill between his index finger and thumb. After staring through the window on quiet Berlin night for few minutes, he carefully put it on the table and reached for a telephone receiver. "Get me Magda" he whispered. "I need my wife."

2330 Carinhall

"Herr Goering, wake up" shouted the young servant, Mathias Gnaedinger. He never dared interupt Feldmarschals sleep, but there were four men from SS in the house. He knew you don't get to say too many noes to these guys. One of them, tall, young and blonde fellow, bearing insignias of SS-Gruupenfuehrer pushed Mathias away and poured water from the glass he picked up from the nightstand directly on Goerings face. Bewildered, Feldmarschall rose up to sitting position,trying to gather his bearings. He was not used to such rude awakening. As he blinked, he saw blurred figure in black uniform and bowing toward him. Instinctively he flinched, his mind racing to recent past, sorting out events to check if something he did could bring his demise in the eyes of the Fuehrer. Nothing he could think of could be so devastating to him that Hitler would decide to rid himself of one of his most faithful lieutenants. "However, life in Third Reich was cheap. My life might be more expensive than others, but..." He never finished this line of thought. Bowing figure whispered in his ear "Der Fuehrer ist Tot!". This caused Goerings mind to frantically activate. At that moment he recognized Himmlers' hound dog. He shuddered from the shock this announcement brought to his unprepared mind. Goering jumped out of the bed, rushed to the cabinet in the far end of the room and reached for a pill container in the drawer. He popped one of the pills in his mouth, and quickly followed it with brandy from the bottle that stood ready on the cabinet. He was not ready for this. Himmlers' pet read an official announcement from the piece of paper he retrieved from his pocket. As Goering turned around, three SS what-ever-fuehrers stood at attention and bellowed "Der Fuehrer ist Tot! Heil Fuehrer!". At that moment Goering fainted.

0200 Downing street 10, London

Chambarlain woke to the sound of door to his bedroom opening. His personal secretary was at the door, with police officer from PMs personal security detail at his side. His face conveyed utter confusion and without any preliminaries he said "Adolf Hitler is dead!". This woke Prime minister instantly. "Summon me Leslie, Halifax and..." he started thinking aloud. After a moment of consideration "Actually, summon entire War Cabinet for immediate session. Also, confirm this news however you can. Tell Macmillan to sketch comment for BBC. It must confirm our position on the war, no matter what!"

0200 Paris, Elysee Palace

Daladier looked on the piece of paper in his hand with disbelief. "He is dead." he thought "So this is why they called me from my house in the middle of the night. What happens now?". Daladier pressed a button, and his aide d'affairs appeared. "Summon meeting of the cabinet as soon as they can come. Call Maurice and tell him to be here in half an hour."

0200 Moscow, Kremlin

Stalin, Molotov, Beria, Zhdanov and Voroshilov sat at the desk. Cups of hot tea were in front of them, and air was full of scent of Stalin’s favorite Georgian tobacco. "I can't believe that Hitler would allow something like this to happen to him." Stalin said, waving his head. Beria just smiled and remarked "I guess that he wasn't as beloved a Fuehrer as we thought he was." "Comrade Vycheslav, who do you think is going to succeed him?". "I am better able to answer this." said Beria "Comrade Chairman, according to my sources, Goering is slated as heir apparent, by the will of Hitler." "Thank you, Comrade Beria" said Stalin. "Comrade Vyacheslav, is our agreement with fascists in danger? Could Goering revert Hitler’s policies and attack us?" "Comrade Chairman, Goering is reputed to have expressed doubts on war against Soviet Union privately! If he manages to consolidate his power, I believe we can even find common interest with Germany and continue our cooperation!" "Comrade Chairman," interjected Voroshilov "We could rely that Goering has distaste of ground war as an air force pilot. He will try to avoid getting into large scale conflict on the ground as much as he can, I believe. Pilots of our VVS shy away from "ground pounding" and despise any combat on the ground." "Thank you, Comrade Klimenti" said Stalin "We will now inspect the figures of realization of the third Five Year plan."

0200 Rome, Il Duce Palace

Ciano and Badoglio were summoned from their houses by Il Duce and having arrived in front of Palace, were ushered instantly into the grand room to find only Mussolini sitting there. He greeted them and offered them to sit down. "Adolf Hitler is dead!" said Benito, matter of factly. "The fool got himself killed in one of those foolish anniversary celebrations of his failed emulation of our glorious March on Rome." Ciano was the first to respond "Well that simplifies things for us, doesn't it?" "Si, conte. We now have no obligation toward Nazi Germany. We are free to form our own policy." answered Mussolini. "Badoglio, how soon can you prepare mobilize the Army?" "What for, sir?" "Unforeseen circumstances! What sort of question is that?"

November 9th, 0645 Berlin

"German citizens, heroic soldiers of the Wehrmacht, sailors of Kriegsmarine, pilots of the Luftwaffe! We interrupt our regular transmission for an grave announcement. Beloved Fuehrer, savior of our Vaterland, was killed by the hand of terrorists, while addressing his most faithful followers in Munich. Every son and daughter of Greater German Reich will weep for the greatest son of Vaterland. Today, every window will fly black flag. For next seven days Mourning will be pronounced throughout the Reich and her allies. All public events, except memorial services to the great Fuehrer, will be canceled. However, even in this sad occasion we must not forget our DUTY! Our obligation! Our debt to the man who delivered us from the dual grips of Bolshevism and Jewry. Every man, woman and young will do their duty. As per wishes of our departed Fuehrer, General Fieldmarshal of the Luftwaffe, Herman Goering, will take over Fuehrer position. Let us all hail this worthy successor, bestowed on us by the will of one and only Fuehrer Adolf Hitler." Mozart’s Requiem is played after this announcement.

0800 London, Downing Street 10

9 people sat in their chairs, with sound of paper shuffling the only sound disturbing the silence of the room. "Gentlemen" started sir Neville Chamberlain "I believe you are all familiar with the subject of this meeting. As has been reported by our sources in Germany, during the previous night Chancellor of Germany, Adolf Hitler has been killed. We have gathered here as War Cabinet to discuss further steps in prosecution of the ongoing war against Germany. I have been in contact with mr. Daladier, who is having similar meeting with his cabinet as we speak. He assured me of his adamant position to prosecute the war further, until our commonly agreed objectives have been met. In order to enable us to have more accurate picture, I invite sir Leslie to present current state of military preparation of our country." "Thank you mr. Prime Minister. Gentlemen, I must confess that we cannot be satisfied with the current state of our forces. Since we came to the decision to deploy our forces in France in 1938, progress has been painfully slow. In absence of conscription, we were able to form only skeleton of formation. On 3rd September, we were able to deploy a total of 160000 troops. We expect to reach targeted 316.000 by the spring of 1940. Our Expeditionary forces in France consist of 4 divisions right now, while four are forming up at home, and will be deployed as they become available. We have no problems in supply and entire army is motorized. French have mobilized over five million people. Their army is deployed on the entire Franco-German frontier, behind their formidable Maginot line. Mr. Daladier has assured me that German Army cannot penetrate this line without devastating casualties.” He looked down on the folder in front of him, and turned the page.

“Germans have deployed around 50 divisions on the border front. Without reinforcements they cannot effectively defend their entire front, though they can offer some resistance. Unfortunately, French mobilization process was too slow to allow offensive before adverse weather set in. Current military thinking of French GQ is to receive German attack, blunt it and then start counter-offensive operations. Our home forces consist mostly of regular divisions forming up for deployment in France, reserve forces with 183000 various personnel and around 300.000 newly formed Territorials. We have only one armored division at home, the 1st Armored. They are still getting familiar with their vehicles so we expect it to be ready mid-April. I will now let sir Kingsley present state of air forces to you." "Thank you sir Leslie. Our air forces are the most modern part of our defense. We have almost finished modernization and most RAF fighter squadrons received our new Hurricanes and Spitfire aircrafts. Our..."

At that moment, Winston Churchill, already visibly exasperated, said "That is all very well and fine, but I think we must make a policy decision here. Mr. Prime Minister, my opinion is that death of Hitler doesn't change much in overall situation. He was only an exponent of aggressive German ambitions since previous war." "Winston, please can you for once refrain from interrupting our meetings!" "I am sorry sir Hoare" said Prime Minister "but sir Winston is right. We must prosecute this war until Europe can brief free of incessant German aggression. This government must insist that Germany release Poland from her grip and allow Czech people the right of self-determination. This government will stand by international law and our commitments. We undertook on March 1939 to defend independence of certain countries in Europe and will not retreat from fight until this independence is assured, or this Island is conquered." Everybody in the room felt proud for being British in this moment. It felt the finest hour of Britain.

"Very well, gentlemen." exclaimed sir Hoare "Let's have a vote of the cabinet on the "Proclamation of willingness of the His Majesty's Government to prosecute current war until it concludes under terms as presented in the Ultimatum dated 3rd September" to be presented to the House of Commons. In favor 9, against 0." "Thank you gentlemen. Leslie, Halifax, Churchill and Kingsley, please stay."

0900 Zossen

Halder entered his office. He found Brauchitsch and Canaris in the room. In front of the doors two men from Brandenburg regiment took care that they are not disturbed. Halder started "We gathered here due to the divine intervention. We have been rid of the Fahneneid to the madman. We are now free to act against the extremists. However, nothing we do must endanger Vaterland. We must not allow them to brand us traitors, who betrayed Vaterland due to their blind ambition. Herr Canaris, please continue!" "Goering has already contacted me. He asked for information on willingness of Western powers to conclude negotiated peace. My personal estimate of chances for treaty is slim, without serious concessions that nobody in Germany is willing to accept. I am talking of giving up Poland, Czezch and possibly even Austria." At these words, Halder and Brauchitsch exchanged glances, which Wilhelm did not notice "We must act now and take over government if we have any hope of peace treaty." Halder retorted "To accept what? Give up Poland, for which my troops shed their blood? Even if I personally could get over that, no officer in the army will accept it. We would be hung from the poles by our own soldiers."

Brauchitsch joined in "No, no, no! I could never order an Army to abandon the field of battle which they just conquered. We must be safe from the Bolsheviks and to be safe we must hold Poland!". Canaris frowned at this. "Franz, Walther you cannot be serious?" asked Canaris "We have this opportunity alone. Goering has the ear of almost every industrialist in Germany. If he manages to consolidate his power, I doubt that we will have this opportunity again. Besides, my Fremde Heere West estimates that French could throw up to 100 divisions on us. Our sources claim French have over 3000 tanks, some of them better than what we have. Although the England has not been able to provide serious forces yet, our intelligence suggests they have few divisions of their Expeditionary Army fortifying at Belgian frontier. Military situation is grave, you know it better than me." Few minutes of silence passed, as both officers pondered knowns and unknowns. Halder was first to voice his opinion "Herr Wilhelm, you are right, French are much more powerful than Wehrmacht at the moment. However, campaign season is at least five months away. That gives as time to strengthen our forces. Currently Wehrmacht has around 70 divisions of all categories mobilized and ready, while some 40 are forming up. We managed to beat Poland at about 1:1 ratio. Before our triumph over Poles I wasn't very confident in our own armed forces, but now I believe that we can hold our own in combat. However, any fight will be bloody. Walther, let’s see if we can secure the peace with negotiation.".

Canaris said "Very well. Halder, you will try to figure out Goering’s intentions, before we decide what to do next.” “In the meantime we must prepare everything to take over the government, before the extreme elements of Nazi party gather strength." concluded Brauchitsch. "Very well, then. I shall contact the others and revive the pre-Munich plan!" added Halder.

0908 Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse, Gestapo HQ

Heinrich Mueller was going through the reports of various field offices of Gestapo with accustomed routine. He was sipping his regular morning coffee, cigarette in his hand. What happened the previous night was drawing attention of entire formidable RSHA apparatus. On the streets of Munich officers of various services were practically running into each other. Mueller was expecting his senior staff members to come any minute now. The meeting was scheduled rapidly but efficiently. Mueller was worried that he could not identify any organization or group capable of an act of terrorism that happened in Munich. He was sure that anyone that competent would be unable to escape attention of his agents. He was mildly afraid of reaction of his superior officer Reinhard Heydrich to his lack of information. At that moment, a phone rang. Person on the other side of the line identified himself immediately as head of Munich office. "Herr Generalleutnant, I have to report that my office has apparently apprehended the person responsible for setting the bomb." Mueller promptly asked "Are you sure? Who is he?" The voice on the other side responded "We never heard of him before. He is a no body. Our agent on the border crossing took him off the train before he escaped to Switzerland. He was in our custody since last night." Mueller retorted in ominously low voice "Listen to me herr Oberst... I have serious business at hands and I do not have time for some junior inspector delusions of grandeur. That cannot be the man!"

Next remark of the Oberst changed the mind of Gestapo chief "He had in his possession postcards from the beerhall. THE BEERHALL herr General! We located some of the personnel, and a few of them recognized this man, Elser, as regular customer in previous months. Also he has bruised knees, as if he was crawling on them for a long time! And finally, he confessed just a few moments ago, which is why I called you." At this, Mueller exploded "You idiot, why didn't you say so at once. HERR OBERST, YOU AND YOUR SENIOR OFFICERS WILL PERSONALLY ACCOMPANY THIS MAN TO BERLIN. Use the airplane and get the prisoner here right now! Or I will have you patrolling some Polish village for the rest of your life!"

0930 few floors up in SS HQ

"Well Heinrich, what have you got?" asked Heydrich.
"Herr Gruppenfuehrer, Gestapo agents in Munich identified and apprehended one Johann Georg Elser last night in Konstanz. He was attempting to get across the border with false papers. After investigation and interogation of the suspect, he confessed to have planted the bomb." Mueller reported instantly.
"Sehr gut herr Mueller. Has any progress on identifying his co-conspirators been made yet?"
"No, herr Gruppenfuehrer. They are bringing him to Berlin now. I have no doubt he will sing in no time once I hand him over to Hans."
"Please notify Hans to keep him alive."
"Of course, Herr Gruppenfuehrer."
"You can go to your office now! I have urgent business with Reichsfuehrer! Dismissed!"
"Jawohl, herr Gruppenfuehrer!".
After Mueller left the office, Heydrich got up and through a side door on his office entered the room that was occupied by Himmler. "Herr Reichsfuehrer" he started.
"Come in Reinhard." answered Himmler. Himmler continued instantly "I was very lucky that the Venlo thing Walther cooked up had me stay here yesterday, instead of going to that stupid celebration. I could have been there with der Fuehrer. Where is Walther anyway? Wasn't he supposed to be here to give me a report on those English spies he duped?"
Heydrich promptly answered "Herr Reichsfuehrer, he is coming in two hours. On my orders this affair is terminated, and I sent him to arrest and bring those english spies. We couldn't risk it anymore after last night."
"Good thinking there, Reinhard. Good thinking. I know these spies were amateurs, and their games were foolish. However, if anything leaks out, especially after last night, it could get rather exciting for the two of us."
"Herr Reichsfuehrer we must be sure they didn't get into contact with any other insurgent group inside Reich. As unlikely a prospect as it may be, I must make sure."
"Well, I must go now. Goering has summoned me for a security briefing. He seems to be afraid of shadows right now. Personally report to me the progress of Elsers interrogation. And, Reinhard, from now on file everything on this person in "Special security file Eller"."
"Jawohl herr Reichfuehrer!"

1000 Berlin, Reichstag

Goering entered into grand chamber. Instead of his customary Luftwaffe uniform, he was dressed in black suit, swastika on his collar, black ribbon on his arm. He was followed by mean looking SS men of formerly Hitler’s security detail. Entire room has been swept multiple times for explosives. Nobody without written permission, signed by Himmler himself, was allowed within five hundred meters of Reichstag for entire morning. Air was alive with buzzing of airplane engines, as two squadrons of Luftwaffe fighters raced above Reichstag. Entire tank regiment isolated Reichstag square, soldiers manning tank machineguns at ready, ominously scanning environment. As Goering entered the room the men sitting there rose to their feet, right hands extended in Nazi salute. Entire who-is-who of Third Reich was present inside this room. "Volksgenossen of Third Reich," started Goering "I undertake the responsibility of leadership in these tragic circumstances with no reservations. Although our grieving has not and never will end, I had to organize this ceremony, for danger of leaving the Reich leaderless at time like this was unthinkable. Let no body doubt that persons responsible for the act of terrorism committed yesterday will get their dues and that their terror will be answered with double and triple measure. Entire Reich will curse those names forever. As our only true Fuehrer Adolf Hitler was taken from us, I declare his title singular and unique. I myself will take on title of Reichspraesident, which will be put to vote by entire Volk. Should I earn your trust in free election, I will assume this title for life." At that moment Otto Thierack approached. He started "I, state your name solemnly swear..." That marked ascension to the power of Herman Goering. Entire ceremony took half an hour. Radio program continued with a broadcast on Hitler’s life and achievements. Only interruptions were five minute reports from the front that were broadcasted every hour.

Meanwhile, in the same building, few offices away, Albert Speer quietly continued his work, sketching monumental mausoleum for his idol, Adolf Hitler. Tears flowing down his cheeks occasionally threatened to ruin his sketches, forcing him to look away and wipe them off.

1200 Broadcasting House, Information office

"This is Home Service, on the next beep it will be precisely twelve o'clock! This is the News" said speaker in front of the microphone "Today, after an announcement that head of German government Adolf Hitler is dead, His Majesty's Government held an immediate War Cabinet Session. Proclamation of willingness of this government to pursue war until terms of Ultimatum issued on September the 3rd this year was unanimously approved and sent to House of Commons. House of Commons accepted the text of proclamation, which was sent to the representatives of German Government by wireless. Text of proclamation goes as follows: Government of The United Kingdom and Great Britain will pursue ongoing war against Germany and her satellites or associated forces further, no matter what internal power structure or head of the German government might be. Our peace terms are unambiguous and not subject to change. We are willing to conclude peace with Germany right now if terms outlined in ultimatum are fully complied with. Mr. Macmillan of Her Majesty Governments also added that United Kingdom and her Allies have no wish to wage war or impose unjust terms, bound to be opposed by majority of German people. Our only wish, according to Mr. Macmillan is that peoples of Europe, including Germans, have equal rights and independence. In other news, similar proclamation was issued by French Government. Situation on the frontline is stable, with only minor skirmishes reported. There were no British casualties reported. These were the news. Continue listening to our programming for up to date news and music."

1300 Conference room in Reichskanzlei, Wilhelmstrasse 77, Berlin

Men seated in their chairs placed around the table could, even through the closed doors, hear sharp military steps pounding the granite floors. Double door opened and two soldiers in black uniforms with double lightning insignia stepped in. Although armed only with holstered pistols, they left no doubt to all the present that they could kill anybody in the room should they attempt anything threatening. A second later, Goering stepped in the office. This was his first conference with senior leaders of the Reich in capacity of national leader. In spite of his momentary desire to assume full title of the Fuehrer, he decided after careful consideration not to. If everything went as he planned, he could do it later. First he had to establish sufficient authority and prestige. Besides, such fast grabbing of the coveted title would cause all sorts of speculation. Until all conspirators were arrested and responsible persons identified, he would not toy with the powerful forces held at bay only by the iron will and magical charisma of the (late) Fuehrer. He was sure that these forces were slowly awakening from their imposed slumber. All these thoughts crossed Goerings mind as he walked to the head of the table. As he approached his chair, escorting SS-Liebstandarte praetorian pulled the chair to allow him to sit. Another one placed neat folder on the desk, in front of Goering. Goering nodded at both of them, and they took their positions aside from the desk. Goering came to admire methodical efficiency of the Liebstandarte and their carefully trained choreography of protective detail.

"As you all know" he spoke to the gathered men "the Fuehrer has been killed last night." As he uttered these words, Goering tried to read the faces of men sitting in front of him. He couldn't detect any guilt on the face of the more obvious suspects, such as senior generals or heads of the security services, which took positions closest to the head of the table. All he could see there was deep wondering (presumably about the same thing), as they all tried to detect the same on each other’s faces. 'Curious' he thought, 'I am sure the perpetrator must be in this room.' He continued aloud "Only this morning we received many condolences on behalf of leaders and people of all, but the countries we are at war with. Those others were quick to send us their assurances that they will maintain current 'relationship' with us, we all came to appreciate. Joachim" he looked towards foreign minister, barely able to conceal his contempt "if you please, provide us with details!".

Von Ribbentrop raised his eyes from the folder open in front of him and said "Well, as we expected, Anglo-French coalition is continuing their encirclement policy. My personal belief and of most of my staff is that English are pushing the French further into this war. English sent their proclamation almost at the same time that it was broadcasted on their state radio. French were a bit more subtle and delivered it through Belgium, using mediation of Belgian Foreign affairs. Both proclamations are roughly identical in content and both refer to Ultimatum we received on 3rd of September." All present started excited whispering and head waving, expressing their surprise. "Well this is about what one might expect on such a short notice" said Goering. "I believe they expect us to collapse without..." he stopped, unsure how to refer to Hitler. It seemed so undignified to call him the late Fuehrer, and anything else was just grotesque. "Herr Halder from the Oberkommando das Heeres will present our dispositions."

Halder stood up, and started walking toward large map of Europe hanging on the wall. He felt eyes of SS troopers on him and he could swear that nearest one has almost unnoticeable relaxed his right hand and moved it closer to the gun hanging on the side. "Herr Praesident, meine Herren, You can see on this map current dispositions of our forces, and of enemy formations identified so far. Here, here and here" he said pointing on areas of Germany on the French border "are our army groups A, B and C. Army group A is by far our strongest formation on the West. Currently it consists of 12th and 16th Army, Panzer gruppe Kleist, while 4th army in transit from Poland is also going to be part of this Army group. Army group B consists of 6th Army, formation created in October and currently being trained and 1st Army, already deployed. Army group C is deployed along the French border, covering their forces on Maginot line. This formation consists of 7th and 18th Army. We plan to fully deploy all formation by march 1940. At full strength, we will have 10 panzer divisions and 100 infantry division formations or their equivalents. So far, action on the front has been light. French tried limited offensive toward our Sigfried line, on narrow front. Why they stopped is not known. Our losses during this offensive were light. However, intelligence we received so far, as well as B-dienst have identified over 100 divisional formations active on the French side of the front. Reports from before the war indicated that French army has around 3500 armored vehicles. Although, admittedly, most troops are deployed in the area of Maginot line our reconnaissance flights over Northern France have detected large formations deployed in offensive posture near the border with Belgium." Halder stopped and started towards his seat, when Goering asked "Herr Halder, can you elaborate our existing plans?" This question caused Halder to freeze. How could he say that German Generalstaff has been unable to device plan that would differ from the one that lost the war quarter of a century ago? What is worse, Goering knew their plans and was involved in most aspects of operational planning. Was he trying to discredit him personally? Or entire army? He decided to stall "Herr Praesident, we only have planning in the starting phases. We were supposed to present the draft of a plan in two weeks from now. That was before events of previous night."

"Herr Halder, please, we need your professional estimate of our chances. These people here must have full available information if any rational decision can be made!"

Reluctantly, Halder continued "To be frank, operational possibilities on Western fron are limited. We have three basic routes for assault. First, and most obvious one is common border. This option is unfavorable for attack. Rhein river is too wide to be forded easily, especially in spring. On the other side of the river we will be met with Maginot line with its formidable array of fortress and fortified positions. It would take appalling casualties to even approach this line, and breeching it is near impossible. Second and third option is taking route through flanks of the front, where we share border with small, neutral countries. On the left flank of the front we have Switzerland. We currently do not have plans ready for attack on Switzerland. Level of difficulties involving invasion of this country can only be guessed at without detailed study. My personal feeling is that this operation is perhaps even more difficult than outright attack over common border with France. Our only other option is an attack through Belgium. This operation is easy - Belgium is military highway to France since Caesar. However, it is also the most obvious route. As I explained earlier, French have deployed strong formations on their north. According to plans leaked to our spies, these forces are ready to start marching into Belgium at moment notice. We are not sure whether they would advance all the way or take positions on easily defensible river banks. Either way, it would mean meeting engagement. Tactical fluidity of such operations is notorious and little control is possible to senior commanders on either side. My colleagues believe that Wehrmacht would have advantage in this form of battle. I myself have am reluctant to waive off inherent risk of total loss of control and consequent loss of battle." Halder finished, glad that he wasn't interrupted, wondering if he perhaps was too frank.

"Thank you herr Generalloberst. You may take your seat now." Goering said, in obvious dismisal. Inwardly, he was glad that Halder gave such a briefing. Of course, he knew most of this, but others had to hear it from the mouth of professional soldier to truly appreciate the gravity of situation they were. "Any comments on this?"

Most present had been stunned. Disparity between the forces of Germany and her enemies at the moment were discouraging. Other senior military officers present included Brauchitsch, Jodl and Kaitel, as well as admiral Roeder and Generalmajor Jeschonnek, Chief of Lutftwaffe General Staff. Jodl and Keitel, while aware of forces arrayed against their country, relied on Hitlers genius to overcome adversity as he had many times before. Their hope was extinguished and now they wondered whether their positions were safe. They didn't have anything to add to Halders expose. Other officers viewed land warfare as distant affair, outside their area of competence, while von Brauchitsch, who discussed all this with Halder earlier, decided to keep quiet unless asked directly. Admiral Canaris spoke next "Herr praesident, if I may?" "You have my permission herr Admiral." Goering wasn't sure what to think about this enigmatic person. He knew Hitler was not fond of this former submarine officer. He also knew that Abwehr, which Canaris commanded was quickly becoming superflous organization, which Heydrich strived to include in his growing security empire. He may still prove useful, he thought. At that moment, Canaris started speaking "Meine herren, my service has indication that western Allies are prepared to pursue this war. Our Foreing armies (West) department has confirmed the numbers herr Halder quoted earlier. We have sources claiming that further divisional formations are on the way from Englands colonies (or dominions as they call it) and that, instead of full offensive, Western powers intend to blockade Germany, cutting us off the world markets."

Goering smiled. This meeting was turning out even better than he hoped. He still had to take care of one more thing on the agenda "Well, time has come for even more unpleasant business. Herr Himmler, please continue."

Small man in black uniform stood up. Most people present in the room were afraid of him. Pure evil radiated from him wherever he appeared. He spoke without addressing anyone or without introduction of any kind "Reichssicherheitshauptamt has started investigation into assassination of der Fuehrer almost instantly. Munich was isolated during the night, and nobody but personnel of RSHA was able to enter or leave city. I am happy to report that the man directly responsible for the bomb that killed der Fuehrer was arrested by Munich Gestapo office. Despite interrogations both there and in SS HQ in Berlin, he has not yet uncovered neither his accessories nor his employers. However, as he is interrogated for only 10 hours so far, we didn't expect to uncover anything of value yet. We at SS are certain that he didn't act in isolation, since person in question, as you can see from his file, is virtual nobody. Once we uncover his co-conspirators," at this he looked around the table ominously which caused shudders in everyone "we will deal them some good, old fashioned SS justice!"

"Since we appear to have gone over everything on agenda, I propose a break for fifteen minutes." said Goering as he rose up from his chair.

As Goering got up, Walther Funk, currently Reich minister of Economics approached him. As he approached Goering, two SS men tensed, but once Goering smiled, they relaxed a bit. "Herr Praesident," started Funk "wars are not won on the battlefields alone. Herr Praesident, you must allow me to present our current economic situation. You know how critical the economic situation currently is." Goering answered "Of course I know. We must make decision on the further prosecution of the war. And we cannot do it without accurate information. Can you prepare all the figures for meeting in my office?". After Funk nodded quietly, he continued "Herr Funk, you will contact Generalmajor Georg Thomas of the OKW and herr Todt. You will work with them and come up with needs of the Army for the immediate future and next two years. I will invite heads of the major industrial geselschatfs. We will once again try to find the solution for our economic situation. See if we need anyone else for this meeting. Will two days be enough to collate all the figures?" "Of course herr Praesident. It will be ready!" answered Funk without hesitation.

He wondered, however, if the figures will be found acceptable. When he presented those figures to the Fuehrer it caused him to embark on one of his infamous outbursts of rage. He was not pleased with 'suggestion' to contact Fritz Todt. The head of 'Organisation Todt' (so self-serving) was up and coming star in politics of Reich. His organisation, along with Office of the Four Year plan was seriously encroaching responsibilities of his ministry. Although he was not happy with it, he also had the office of the President of the Reichsbank, which put him in almost complete control of financial life of the Reich. His worries at the moment stemmed from the fact that economy of the Reich since beginning of the war has been failing. Raw materials necessary for the smooth functioning of the war production have been getting increasingly harder to obtain. Shortages of rubber, oil and certain strategic metals mostly copper and iron ore hampered production of almost all military equipment. How to solve this was not apparent, as imports in Germany have fallen for 80% since the beginning of the war. Improvisation only could get things so far and after certain point entire industry faced meltdown. He hoped that Goering could come to some solution or else the war was lost. Another suggestion, to contact General Thomas was more welcomed by Funk. He hoped he could manage to cut some of the unreasonable demands that were coming from the OKW.

Fifteen minute brake was already ending, and everyone was going back to their places around the table. It looked like the meeting will not end very soon.

November 09th, 1430 Heidelberg, Steier’s house

Josef Steier sat in his living room, listening to the radio. He was as shocked with events that happened during the night as the next man. His wife Anna was out shopping groceries which were increasingly hard to find. He wondered whether she could come back with any meat. He also wondered how they would feed their children when they come back from school. Hans was 15 and attended Realschule, but he was also member of Hitler Jugend. Before the war started this seemed like innocent child play, but Josef was really worried once war started that this would turn into something else. Now that der Fuehrer died, he was shocked and confused. For past six years, Hitler and Nazism where the major points of whispered discussions at his company, the small insurance office at Heidelberg. It was dangerous to talk too loud or against the regime since 1933. However, they all agreed that life was getting better under the Nazis. Their firm was taken from herr Goldstein, of course, but they were better off since then. He had to admit that Nazis made life of ordinary Germans better. But then, the war broke out. He hoped it would finish quickly and that his son would not be old enough to go to the army before it ended.

1500, Reichkanzlei, Wilhelmstrasse 77

"I call this meeting to order. Meine herren, I hope you had your refreshments, as we will now continue our meeting." started Goering, interrupting lively chat going on around the table. "After having heard the elaborations of foreign minister herr Ribbentrop, our chief of staff herr Halder and herr Canaris and having in meantime consulted with our Economics minister, her Funk I have concluded that our Reich is in extremely exposed position. As you know, in my capacity of Praesident and Kanzelar, I can take all the decisions. This grave situation, which threatens very survival of our Revolution and ideal, has impelled me to seek diplomatic means to end this conflict. It is clear that our Reich neither wanted nor provoked this war. All we wanted is to have contiguous territory, as is right of every self-respecting country in the world. We were denied this as you know, and the resulting war has ensued. Later today we will present our peace terms to our enemies through formal channels. We will seek mediation of friendly and neutral powers. I intend to offer end of all hostilities. In order to show our good faith I will immediately order a cease of all naval activity in the Northern Atlantic. Herr Roeder, see to it that our U-boats are given orders to proceed at their best speed towards nearest friendly port. They are to fire only if fired upon. We will notify our enemies of this. Furthermore, we will offer to retreat from the large swaths of Polish territory, keeping only what rightfully belongs, with regards to strategic defensibility of the frontier of course."

The announcement stunned all present. They expected that Goering would have a less belligerent stance, but this? First to speak was von Ribbentrop "Herr Goering, but..." That was as far as he got. "Herr Ribbentrop you will address me as Herr Praesident from now on! If you have any constructive comments, let us hear them." "Herr PRAESIDENT," said Joachim "I am not sure that Allies will consider this offer satisfactory. The English hate us, they will not want to stop while they have the chance to strangle us. I think we should attack them and...". Again he was interrupted by Goering, visibly annoyed "Herr Minister, I asked for constructive comment. I will not stand for my decisions to be opposed by such nonsense. You heard herr Halder, didn't you? I cannot risk entire Reich to satisfy your vanity." At this moment, Goering decided that it would be best if he disposed of Ribbentrop. He knew the man wasn't very popular diplomat to say the least. He wasn't even a capable one. Pretty soon he will have to consider replacement but until then, he will try to take as much of foreign policy as he could. He already had engaged in some on his own, but now he had the authority of position to back up the attempts. "But herr Praesident..." tried Ribbentrop again, but one look from Goering was enough to shut him up. Red in face, he fumed inside yet he didn't dare try any further.

Next, Goering turned towards von Brauchitsch. "Herr Brauchitsch, do you estimate that Wehrmacht is capable of defending Reichs borders for the time being?" After short contemplation and whispered conversation with Halder, he answered "Of course herr Praesident. Consensus of Wehrmacht staff is that, given enough ammo, and without serious disturbances in the east or at home, we will be able to hold the front for at least a year, perhaps indefinitely. Soviet forces might present a threat later on, but at the moment they are too busy swallowing their alloted portion of Poland. According to our mutual treaty, they will try to subjugate Latvia and Estonia. Our intelligence information leads us to conclusion that they are massing armies on the Finnish border, probably with intention of exhorting concesions from Finns, after an ultimatum Soviet government issued on 31st of October."

"Thank you herr Brauchitsch. So, if nobody has anything to add, I will conclude this discussion!" At that moment Himmler spoke "Herr Praesident," he started, with slight trace of irony in his voice indicating that he didn't take Goering title all to seriously "I must protest this. We cannot abandon our conquests, not with Bolsheviks in the east. Consider also, that Poland has sizeable Jewish population. We mustn't allow this so close to our borders. We just started solving the threat of Jews in our midst. If we allow a country on our border to exist with even slightest posibility of Jewish takeover, we will be in danger." "Herr Himmler, this is why we have our Nurnberg laws. Precisely that situation is why we adopted these laws. Do you want to propose we amend them further?" "Herr Praesident" continued Himmler "You know my stand and stand of my service on this issue. I propose we leave this discussion for a less public setting, due to sensitivity of the issue." "So, you do not have anything else to add?" asked Goering. "No herr Praesident. Not at this time." answered Himmler.

"One more thing is left for us to discuss. After hearing herr Himmler earlier, my intention is to have a public investigation into the assassination of der Fuehrer. I propose we establish an interagency Board of inquiry, responsible to me." What followed was expected. "Herr Praesident, I must protest this. I believe my service is enough to conduct the investigation!" Himmler exclaimed. "What other agency should I cooperate with?" "Well, there is CriPo and as it appears that foreign powers might have their hand in this, Abwehr should be involved!" Goering answered. It was obvious he has given this some thought. "Of course, this investigation would be as public as possible." "But herr Praesident, actions of SS and RSHA are not subject to public disclosure at any time. You know that as well as I. Those topics are sensitive..." but Goering cut him off "This is not subject of discussion herr Himmler. Significance of this event surpasses your objections. You will meet herr Canaris and both of you will outline plan of activities in order to conduct joint investigation. You will of course have full cooperation of civilian police as always. You will report to me directly." Himmler swallowed his true response and only said "Jawohl, herr Praesident!"

"I conclude this meeting!" said Goering and stood up. He quickly left the room, escorted by SS personnel closely. The rest of present got up and left, wondering how will all this turn out. It was clear that all was not said between two most powerful people in Germany at the moment. But for the moment the conflict was frozen. Whether it will thaw, or some compromise will be reached, remained to be seen.

0900 Eastern time, Washington DC, White House, Oval office

Roosevelt sat behind his massive desk. He followed the events of previous day with detached interest. It all happened to late in the day for meaningful conversation between him and his subordinates to take place and the event in itself was while shocking, not the most important for United States. Doors of the office opened, and Cordell Hull entered. Elderly diplomat proved to be able and amicable fellow. He managed to convey good will of United States and made many valuable friendships. "Mr. President, it seems that Goering has been appointed as Hitler's successor. I think our friends in Britain and France may have a little less to worry about now. Mr. Shirer visited Mr. Kirk in Berlin. He was present as one of accredited reporter on the 'inauguration' this morning. Mr. Goering didn't indicate any change in political direction of the Germany. However, here is the full transcript of his speech." reported Hull. "Thank you, mr. Secretary. I hope the war will turn out for the best. The ease with which Nazis conquered Poland is frightening. General Marshall was surprised - he expected a prolonged battle on the Wistula at least." Cordell offered some consolation with his remark "You must remember Soviets attacked Poland from the east. They were crushed between wolf and bear.". After this remark, Cordell left. Roosevelt returned to reading the first draft of his speech meant for the ceremony he was expected to attend on 15th. He felt fitting to mention struggle for liberty and against tirany on the foundation of the Jefferson memorial. He made annotations to his speech writer to insert something along these lines.

November 10th, 1600 Downing Street 10, London

"So, sir Wood, we have received this proposal from Swedish ambassador?" Said Chamberlaine, looking at the bunch of papers he was holding in his hand. "Did you have the chance to study it?" "No mr. Prime Minister, not in detail. It was delivered just two hours ago, so after reading it I immediately set off to show you. Sir, if this proposal is genuine it might offer peace in our time. But for real this time." Said lord Halifax, not hiding his excitement. He was against this war from onset, but he agreed that some things just couldn't be tolerated. However, what he read in the proposal he just delivered to his boss, offered an elegant way out of the war, which according to his oft repeated opinnion threatened existence of the empire itself. He knew Prime minister felt personally insulted by the former head of Germany. But little man was dead now. And first thing that new leadership did was to propose this bloody good offer. If it only depended on him to call this decision...

"Well this proposal is" Prime minister paused, looking for word "tempting for the lack of better word." He shuffled the papers a bit more and added "Well, anyway we must contact our Ally and see what they make of this offer. As much as I am tempted to consider this peace proposal, I am reluctant to trust Germans. They have shown blatant disregard for basic civility so far. You realize that political situation in Germany is bound to be instable. Maybe if we wait a fortnight, our problems will be solved altogether by themselves." Halifax was more than a bit disappointed by PMs attitude, but didn't allow it to show. In the meantime, telephone on the PMs desk rang. He picked up the receiver and answered "Yes?" as he put it against his ear. He waived "Stay!" gesture at Halifax who half stood up from his chair.

November 11th, 0800, northwest off Scotland

Kapitaenleutnant Wilhelm Ambrosius stood on the coning tower of U-43, his first officer Paul-Karl Loeser standing next to him. They used this opportunity to relax and spend some time outside cramped and noisy environment of U-boote. They didn't expect to see any ships in these waters, but both officers wanted to breathe some fresh morning air. They have surfaced only 20 minutes ago, as they observed thick fog through periscope. Young communication officer appeared through the hatch, carrying a piece of paper. Wilhelm hoped it was report on some convoy, so that he could finally let loose a few torpedoes. "Herr Kapitaen, this came through in the clear!" said young officer. 'In the clear?' thought Wilhelm. He was confused. He took message and scanned it looking for important bits. Wordlessly he handed it to Paul. Pauls eyes widened as he read the message. "Herr kapitaen! Do you realise what this means?" Paul asked. Wilhelm silently nodded. He wondered what genius came up with order not to fire unless fired upon. In U-boot being fired upon, usually meant you dont get to fire back. He decided that it probably was one of ground pounding, paper pushing admirals. He barked orders over internal communication system "Navigator plot course towards Wilhelmshafen. Engineering, two thirds ahead. Helm, make your course 045." Confused "Jawohl herr Kapitaen!" echoed his orders. Next he said "All hands. We have just received new orders. We are going back home. This patrol is over. This entire war might be over. Our order came in clear. Do not start celebrating yet, but I believe these are good news. I need everyone to double your attention, as I want to get back home in one piece. Double your attention, men. Good luck!" he exclaimed finally.

November 11th, 1200 Linz

On the recently named Adolf Hitler Platz, huge crowd has gathered. Sdkfz 11 moved slowly through the main street, as troops cordoned off people to each side. In front of the halftrack marched military orchestra, playing Marcia funebre by Ludwig van Bethoven. Halftrack pulled an artillery lafette modified for the cargo it now carried. Luxurious looking coffin covered with now familiar red flag was mounted upon carriage. Behind carriage procession of most important leaders of Germany marched slowly, solemn look on their face. As they reached future burial site, column stopped. Six soldiers, riding halftrack, dismounted and picked up coffin. Carrying it on their shoulders they proceeded to the grave site. Before laying coffin to the ground they picked up the flag, folded it carefully and gave it to the blond woman in black clothes. Ceremony continued as all leaders gave speeches. It was over in one hour. Crowd started defilee, signing in the book of mourning, open on the stand in front of the grave. Model of mausoleum was exhibited in front of it. Not everyone was grieving however.

Some of the inhabitants of Linz vividly remembered the February morning when man, now laying beneath the ground, marched in their city, preceded by few hundred black clad troops who forced everyone out on the streets in order to welcome him back. As if they asked him to come. They also remembered arrests, fear and terror that followed. To think the man who caused all this was born here... None of them dared say this aloud of course. Not with feared SS around them. But no one could see inside their heads. At least their thoughts belonged to them.

After the funeral, Road to Munich

A large black Mercedes was travelling on the road bending slowly down the Alps. Inside, Goering and Halder were seated. Goering delibaretely arranged to have Halder travel with him back to Munich. He wanted to discuss current situation in Germany with head of most powerful force in Germany, so he arranged only the driver to be in the car. He hoped he could repeat Hitler’s strategy from 1932. As his precedent, Goering knew that he could not achieve control of the Reich without recruiting either Army or SS to his side. He was leaning more towards the Army, in spite the fact that outwardly he shared ideology with powerful SS chief. The crude methods employed by Himmler and disgust actions and methods of his thugs caused on international scene repelled him. His instinct told him that it would be better to cut off an arm (even if it was right one) than to lose entire body. "Herr General, I wanted to have this chance to talk to you in private. You are aware that I have decided to embark on peace offensive. You know what terms I offered to our enemies. I am aware that some in the Armed forces may be against the extent of those terms. Warriors always find it is painful to abandon the conquest won through spilling of their blood and lost comrades. We are both military men, and although I never fought on the ground, I understand what it means to lose one's comrades." Goering said to his general, empathizing with him. He wanted to make the man comfortable and establish some sort of commonality with him. If he failed to win him over, there were not many good options remaining to him. "As much as it hurts, one must take into consideration wider perspective. We must, if we want to save what we achieved up until now, accept certain sacrifices.". Goering stopped to allow Halder to consider his words.

"Herr Praesident, I am at a loss. I... I just wasn't able to speak to your predecessor in those terms." Halder pondered how honest could he be? He decided to risk a bit and see the reaction. Afterwards he will see how far it would go. "Herr Praesident, I am aware of the reasons that guided your decision. I share your opinion on certain agencies in our country.". If he misread the reason he was here, Halder would get in lot of trouble for the previous statement. He relied on his instinct and it was not wrong. Conversation that followed between two men was not recorded nor written down anywhere. What they agreed in the Mercedes that day historians derived only through events that ensued in following weeks.

November 11th, 1930, Koblenz, Army Group A HQ, dining room

Von Rundstedt was sitting at his table sipping his customary glass of wine, waiting for von Manstein his chief of staff who was supposed to join him for supper. Heinz Guderian, appointed commander of XIX corps and famous 'inventor' of Panzer warfare, was supposed to join them. Guderian was invited on Manstein’s insistence, as he wanted to discuss with him the plan whose rough sketches he presented to von Rundstedt two weeks earlier. Due to the constant demands of forming up formation, touring the units and conferring with their subordinate officers, they grabbed this opportunity when everything was slowed as a consequence of the death of der Fuehrer. He heard steps approaching and the door to the dining room opened. Two officers stepped inside. They were engaged in animated conversation. As they saw aging general, they stopped in achtung stance and bowed, clicking their heels. Removing their hats, they approached at the table. Manstein put his briefcase by the table. "Good evening, herr general!" they called in unison to their superior officer. Rundstedt nodded lightly, gesturing them to take seats. "Dispense with formalities please. We are not on duty, consider this a dinner among friends. Besides my rank is not that senior." "Danke, herr General!", answered Manstein. Servant appeared carrying their soup. Dinner passed with light conversation, sharing memories from previous war and polite questioning on life of their offsprings.

As they finished the desert, von Manstein opened his briefcase and took out folded map of Northern France and Low Countries. On the map various arrows of two different colors protruded from German border and towards France. Two thick arrows of one color started their journey on the German side of the border, extended over Belgium, turning slightly southwards and ending their journey on the banks of Somme river. Timeline on various points of the journey indicated that forces represented by the arrows were supposed to reach their final position one month after X-Day. On the other hand there was the arrow of different color, thicker than the previous one, protruding from German border, crossing south portion of Belgium and then turning northwards towards the coast. "As you can see Heinz," Rundstedt used first name of his subordinate to enforce informality "my chief of staff has devised a plan. Plan different than the one we are supposed to use once the order is given and if the order is given. But that decision is not up to us. What I want from you is to check and double check this plan as an expert in use of panzers. I will now allow let Erich to elaborate his plan further. You will correct his failings or improve his concepts to create a new plan. I want a plan for decisive victory, victory which would guarantee the end of war, unlike this plan from previous century. We want to be in Paris, not in some village on Somme in June. I intend to submit this plan for approval to high command. Of course, what we discuss here, well, you know." "Must not leave this room!" finished Heinz. "Exactly, Heinz. Exactly." said von Rundstedt with satisfied smile. Manstein started talking, and Guderian was immediately absorbed in elegant strategic concept that was presented to him. He found it to his liking and in spirit with his beloved Panzerkorps.

Story so far:

Adolf Hitler was killed by a bomb set up by Johann Georg Elser. Elser was arrested by accident, even before bomb exploded. Goering takes over Hitler's position and starts sounding peace offer to the Western Allies. German military, which was already considering plot against Hitler is considering taking action. They decided to wait for proper moment, but to re-examine existing plans for military takeover of Reich’s government. SS, already investigating the assassination, is ordered to cooperate with other services in conducting further investigation. Also, Goering’s peace offer causes further rift between him and Himmler, as Himmler envisioned General governance area as his test bed, where he would conduct large scale experiment for his ideal of society he wanted to build in the east. Hitler was buried in Linz, and Goering, realizing inevitable conflict with Himmler starts courting Army. In the meantime Allies are considering whether to accept the offer coming from Berlin. Manstein, Rundstedt and Guderian work on their plan for decisive victory.

November 12th, 0900, Tokyo, Imperial Palace

"Nomura-san," broke the silence Abe Nobuyuki, addressing his foreign minister "Can you, please, comment on latest events in Europe?" Nomura looked around the desk. Only the vital ministers were present in the room. This, aside of Prime minister and Foreign minister, included President of Privy council, Minister of finance, Army and Navy, ministers of Commerce and Industry and chief of Cabinet Secretariat, taking minutes of the meeting. Emperor took his customary position of unnoticeable presence. In carefully considered phrases Nomura said

"Gentlemen, our prospective ally Germany has been hit by an act of terrorism. Their head of government has been assasinated by bomb during one of the official celebrations. Although they have already named the successor, we have reason to believe that internal situation in Germany is not unlike one we had in Japan in 1936. We were also notified both by our ambassador Saburo and my own personnel that Germany has sent peace feelers to their enemies. This represents rather serious reversal for us, since we counted that attention of European colonial powers will be tied closer to home for extended period of time. Although nothing has yet been reported, I have outlined three scenarios:

1. Germany continues war but it is destabilized further and a coup causes chaos inside Germany. Consequently, Germany losses war. Thus European powers attention is redirected to us.
2. Germany makes peace, retreats from war, thus European powers are free and redirect their attention to us.
3. Germany continues the war as we foreseen and we are free to continue with our plans.

Those are basic scenarios. However, we are unable to estimate chances of any single of those scenarios actually coming to pass, since there is not enough information. On the other hand, United States has since that unfortunate incident with their vessel, increased support for China. Although there is no shooting war between us yet, we must consider we are in the state of economic war. United States consider our current policy overtly aggressive and feel that Japan represents a threat to their Pacific holding and is unstable factor in the Pacific basin. We will surely come to real conflict against America if we continue our present policy."

Godo Takuo, Minister of Commerce and Industry spoke next "Gentlemen, I must concur with my esteemed colleague. Embargoes of Allied powers against us create many difficulties in our industry. We are unable to obtain sufficient quantities of crude oil, iron ore and other raw materials we need. Until last year we depended on Australian iron ore supply, but they cut that off after we attempted to buy the mining company. We now face the prospect of slow strangulation of our economy unless the alternative supplies are found or embargo is lifted."

Army minister Hata Shunroku declared "Mister Prime minister, I must advise you and other here that the Army is determined to bring the Chinese incident to conclusion. For us, there is no other option but to continue on our course. In case of worst-case prediction coming to pass, we might be willing to curtail our offensives for some time and allow some time for favorable diplomatic solution. I must stress that Communist interference in China is increasing. The time is running short. We must maintain presence in China in order to forestall Communist takeover, in which case we will face bigger danger than what we are now. Diplomatic service must put all their efforts in coming to an understanding with Americans and Allies. We cannot fight against China with one eye on the horizon and one hand tied. All we need is to be left alone for few months, and Army can finish the job."

Many a Prime minister of Japan heard these words from their Army ministers during past few years. None dared stand to the Army and ask questions such as "What happened to your prediction that the army needs only few more months you prophesized a year ago?". Not that many Prime ministers lasted even that year. As soon as they were too critical of military staff, the government was brought down by resignation of army minister. Pretty quickly this settled into uncomfortable routine. Government gets in power, questions military, goes out of power and new government is sworn in. Abe knew this. He was sworn only 3 months ago and didn't intend to lose his office that quickly. "Hata-san, this government has concurred to army wishes so far. However the events in Europe happen, we will not abandon any of our conquests in China, without assurance that China will never fall in Communist hands." Japanese, accustomed to listening to slightest detail, noticed the phrasing of the last sentence. Was Abe opening up possibility of limited retreat?

November 12, 100 miles south off Cape of Good Hope, command bridge of Admiral Graff Spee

Captain Hans Langsdorff scanned the horizon with his high powered binoculars. The radio message that arrived in the clear the previous morning utterly confused him. He knew what happened in Germany, but he expected that, tragic as it might be, it wouldn’t affect his mission. Yet, now he had orders to turn towards home. His crew was happy enough with it. Their cruise lasted two months, during which they sunk around 100000 tons of enemy shipping, all the while being lucky enough to slip through the numerous hunting vessels.

As the ships engine started to act up two weeks ago, the crew felt that their luck was running out. Although Langsdorff ordered engineers not to reveal the full extent of the damage to the engines, the entire crew was already whispering about it. In truth the order to sail back home could not have come at better moment. If only Altmark appeared on rendezvous point as scheduled. His bunkers were a depleted and he didn't want to refuel in more constricted waters of the Northern Atlantic.

At that moment his navigation officer Juergen Wattenberg shouted "SMOKE! I see smoke on the horizon, bearing 120.". Hans instantly ordered "Helm, steer full right. Evasive maneuver.". This was the second ship they met on this busy sea lane. Once, it was his prey. Now he was ordered not to pursue it. Well, while not entirely happy, he could live with those orders.

13 November, 1000 Zossen, OKH

Halder was waiting for Canaris and von Witzleben to arrive. He made an appointment with them as soon as he arrived to Berlin. Witzleben needed some time to prepare and arrive from Saarbruecken, where he was stationed as commander of the 1. Army. Halder decided that those two were the only people he could trust with the assignement he received from the President. This assignment required him to gather a few units (he deduced that two divisions would suffice) and deploy them in certain manner, so that SS and other organizations connected to it were effectively neutralized. He knew he could count with Brandenburg regiment and he intended to use them in... At that moment a buzzer on his desk sounded. "Let them in!" Halder said. Admiral Canaris and General Witzleben entered through the door after a few seconds. "Good morning, herr General." they said, greeting him. "Good morning. It is nice to see you again herr Witzleben. How is your army doing?" asked Halder amicably. "Training as usual, herr General." answered Witzleben.

"Well, I'd like to explain you the reason for this meeting. Gentlemen, the President himself authorized me to conceive an operation. Objective of this operation is to neutralize certain organizations within Reich, opposed to our current leadership and suspected of plotting overthrowing of the legally established government by means of force. I was also authorized by the President himself to select trusted people to plan and execute this operation. What we discuss here you will be able to share with subordinates on need-to-know bases only and pending approval by me or President himself, should I be unavailable. Operation will be listed as ‘Schwarz’. You are not supposed to make any written records of this operation. Furthermore, all troops’ movements pertinent to execution of Operation ‘Schwarz’ must be either part of, or made to look like part of, routine troop movement. I must stress the significance of secrecy. Nobody and I mean nobody is to know of this operation except people who are absolutely indispensable for successful execution. Operation must be ready at any moment two weeks from now."

Witzleben was surprised by this. He didn't know that situation between Goering and SS (what other organization might be plotting) has deteriorated so quickly. Well, this might be satisfying - arresting those SS thugs was one activity he would enjoy. As first shock subsided, serious discussion between three officers started. It continued for two more hours. Operation ‘Schwarz’ took its final form and they compiled list of candidates to be blessed with knowledge of it workings.

1100 Bletchley Park, Bletchley

Alexander Denniston and Arthur Bonsall seat in the office. They were going over latest report of "Hut 8", department trying to decipher German naval codes. Although head of the section Alan Turring expressed optimism, no significant breakthroughs were achieved yet. The only message that was recovered in entirety was sent in clear language, and that was nothing to brag about. The same result could have been achieved by a kid listening to the radio and knowing Morse code. It was Denniston who spoke first. "Sir, we need at least one whole machine to make further progress. All we have now are the primitive version of machine recovered by the Poles, and few pieces of current versions. Alan has promised that with the whole machine he will have entire system broken by Christmas."

Arthur, the director of the GC&CS, just looked at Alexander with bemused look on his face. "Sure, Alistair. I tried. I really tried." he started, irony visible in his voice "But commercial department of Olympia factory in Berlin answered that they have this huge backlog and that domestic orders will have priority for foreseeable time. They thanked me for interest and added that something might be done if I could pop them a Typex. Alistair, they tend to sink by the time we get near those machines. And our friends from the Army have yet to capture a single tent, let alone signal outfit of German army." Alistair laughed bitterly. "I know sir. But without the working machine, we will never be able to read their mail. Well not never, but not soon enough. Alan can read few words of every coded message. He swears that there are 12 subs in Atlantic. He even had approximate positions for 7. But since they stopped talking, those subs could be anywhere. At least we know where the seven of them were heading. We informed Admiralty, and they are trying to intercept them on the way to base. But it is large ocean."

November 14th, 1113, Prague, former Czech Republic

Student Jan Opletal died 3 days earlier, due to the wounds he received during massive protests against Nazi occupation on 28th of October. His colleagues at the Prague University were walking in small groups around the University building. Approaching other students, they would just whisper "Tomorrow, during funeral.". The information spread virally. Students told it to their parents, parents to their friends. Demonstrations might not be that big, had not the rumors of impending peace negotiations spread through population of the city. People listened to BBC in secret, so they heard what Nazi authorities hid from them.

Czechs decided, spontaneously and almost unanimously that this time, their voice will be heard. In 1938, they accepted the dictate of great powers, not wishing to needlessly suffer and trusting their Allies. Now they thought "Fool me once shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me!". Having no weapons caches, no organized armed forces nor any hope of outside assistance and no central organization, it was miracle that population of Prague decided to voice their protest. With no other alternative, the ordinary citizens would turn up at the funeral of the murdered student. They knew that there was danger in this, but falling back to human’s primary instinct, they felt that security lay in numbers. No one would shoot thousands of unarmed civilians, would they?

2100, Carinhall

Goering and his wife Emmy were sitting in the living room. This was the first time in the week that Goering had enough time to spend with his family. Edda was already asleep and Emmy hoped that she could talk to her husband. "Such a tragedy, Hermann. Poor Eva, I had to comfort her for two days. She was devastated on that night. I didn't dare leave her alone, for fear of what she would do. If only there was somebody for Magda. Luckily that the guard in front of the house heard the cries of the children and managed to save them before unfortunate woman got her hands on them. Do you know who did it, Hermann?"

"Well that brute Heinrich claims that it was the carpenter Elser they captured. I ordered him to work with Abwehr, but he is constantly dragging his feet about it. I am afraid the worst Emmy. It had to be a conspiracy. Simply had to be. Herr Himmler thinks he is so smart, but I found out that he executed 15 guards detailed with Hitler. I know his right hand man, Heydrich conveniently had some ‘engagements’ and left the security arrangements to unsuspecting Christian. After all this, he produces that poor carpenter, who would confess to being his own mother after 10 hours of hell they gave him. It all stinks. I ordered the Army to prepare new Night of Long Knives. I am just waiting for the right moment now. I do not want to do anything while we are at war. I hope English will come to their senses and accept my offer during next few days."

"Oh, Hermann, will there be any danger to you? Himmler looks so dangerous and evil. Edda always cries when she sees him." Emmy said, with fear audible in her voice.

"Don't worry my darling. I have taken precautions. The men that guard me have been thoroughly checked. I have ordered Leibstandarte taken out of SS command chain. Since yesterday they are augmented by Armies special unit, Brandenburg. I should be safe."

"Oh, my poor husband. Such responsibility, thrown on you and so quickly. Please be careful. I don't know how I could live without you."

November 15th, 0800, Prague, Prague Castle

Neurath sat in his office. After having served a year in the government with no ministry assigned to him, Hitler appointed him a Reichprotector of Bohemia and Moravia. Immediately he faced problems, as people he ruled were used to great deal of democracy and personal liberties. He instituted censorship and banned all political activity. This provoked only further unrest. After a virtual rebellion broke out, Neurath ordered police to open fire and disperse protesters. Since then, situation was tense, but peaceful overall. Although Neurath expected whole thing to defuse by itself within next days, he ordered a security company to be prepared to act in case something happened. Student that was shot during protests died and his funeral, scheduled later today, was going to be a public event. The security chief has classified this event a high-risk event and ordered additional company of SS troops, training for deployment on the Western front to reinforce existing garrison deployed in barracks attached to the castle. The unit consisted of Sudetten Germans, who were known for their particular hatred of Czechs. Neurath hoped this was unnecessary precaution, but his security chief operated under "Better safe, than sorry" rule. Usual complement of Gestapo agents and informers were deployed around central square Vaclavske Namesti, around Malostranske Namesti and around cemetery. They had orders to observe and report, resorting to force only if things got out of hand.

1012, Berlin, Bendlerblock, Reichs Ministry of Foreign affairs

Letter from Goering said:
"Herr Ribbentrop, I have decided that foreign policy at this moment is on critical juncture. Since it is now obvious that peace negotiation will include certain concessions on the part of Reichsgovernment and that such concessions are now indivisible from general military and economic situations of the Reich, I have decided to take the post of the Foreign minister personally. Remain sure that I value all the services you provided to the Reich in the capacity of Minister for Foreign affairs. Without your work, our successes of previous year would not have come to pass. In order not to slight your position, I have decided to employ your capabilities in another challenging task. This task is indispensable from the aspect of the economy of the Reich. Upon my decision, you, herr Ribbentrop, have been appointed as Special diplomatic and economic envoy to South America. You will travel to Argentina, where your HQ will be at our embassy in this friendly country. I assure you that entire German diplomatic service in South America will be at your disposal. Your goal is to secure favorable trade terms and enable Reich to obtain raw materials. Letter of the Ministry of economics, attached to my letter will provide with detailed figures you need to know in order to work on the task. Rest assured that this posting if successfully completed will be adequately rewarded.

Yours Truly,
Hermann Goering, Reichspraesident"

After reading the letter, Ribbentrop was stunned. Two men who delivered it were standing by the door, waiting. Ribbentrop said "Gentlemen, thank you for delivering this letter. I must now go see the Reichspresident." "I am sorry herr Minister, that is impossible. Herr President is currently occupied. We have instructions to escort you to your home, where you will pack for immediate journey. We are afraid that itinerary is a bit complicated by the war, and since your task is sufficiently urgent, arrangements have been rushed by authority of herr President. We must leave immediately." said the taller escort. "But he cannot do this to ME..." raged Ribbentrop. Then he realized that he could. And that he just did. He wondered how long will exile, for this was exile, no sense pretending it was anything but, last.

Meantime in Reichskanzlei

It has been long time since he last sat with all the heads of the industry. He called this meeting in order to consider the economic problems Reich faced. His secondary goal was to strengthen his own position. He knew that earning big industrialists trust was vital for control of economy. And control of economy was in turn vital for control of the Reich. "Gentlemen," Goering started "as you all know, Reich faces significant difficulties in securing important strategic materials critical for operation of our industry. Naval blockade enforced by our enemies has impaired our ability to import iron ore, rubber, oil, wolfram and copper, to mention but a few materials that many of your companies need. Although we intend to start negotiations with the enemy, we cannot be sure how long this situation will continue. What I expect of you is to increase rationalization to maximum. No single gram of material can be wasted. You understand that our production priority, in view of current situation, is material for war." "Herr President, current shortage of raw materials is unbearable in long term." exclaimed Funk. He has been pressing for this meeting with Goering for few days now. Finally Goering agreed and meeting was scheduled. "I know herr Minister. I have decided to send herr Ribbentrop to South America in order to try to secure us imports from there. However, I am pessimistic as to his chances, and then there is still the problem of shipping the goods. We need something much closer, something that cannot be choked off by enemy navy. And I have an alternative. Herr Schulenburg has sent us a report that government of Soviet Union is interested in some sort of trade agreement between our countries. He has indicated that they want the meeting between highest authorities of both parties." Alfried Krupp, representing the largest steel producer in Germany said "Herr Praesident, the problem is not only raw materials. I, for one, face severe labor shortages if mobilization is extended." "Well, I will give Herr Funks ministry authority to employ and mobilize any able body inhabitant of the Reich." answered Goering "That should alleviate some of the shortages."

"Herr Funk, as we have lost services of herr Goebbels, I am forced to appoint you as Minister of Public enlightment and Propaganda. Herr Todt, you will take over herr Funks place, while I intend to place herr Albert Speer to replace you as head of the Organisation Todt. The necessary paperwork will be completed by the end of week, but changes are effective immediately." announced Goering. "Office of the Four Year plan will be joined with the Ministry of Economics."

"Herr Thomas, do you have anything to add?" asked Goering. General-major Thomas answered "Herr President it is the estimate of OKW economics staff that we can support the war effort with extremely careful rationalization of resources. However, large scale increase in production of war material is not possible without prior investment. Our railways are in particularly dire conditions. Herr Dorpmueller has provided detailed report. Deutche Reichsbahn lacks enough locomotives and we cannot transport coal from the mines to the factories." Goering, who knew some of this situation tried to offer some consolation "Herr Thomas, we do not expect any large scale military operations in the next few months. As I read in herr Dorppmueller report, some of the problems are largely seasonal, and by the end of winter most of our problems should be solved. I hope that we will manage to come to diplomatic solution for our conflict, after which we will be able to solve these problems systematically. In the meantime, priority remains in respective order: needs of Wehrmacht, then of arms industry and then of civilian needs. I conclude this meeting. Thank you, gentlemen."

1228 Prague, Charles Bridge

Hauptsturmfuehrer Roland Klein observed as his company was establishing a blocking point on the bridge. They have been ordered to block approach to the Prague Castle, since Gestapo agents observed huge crowd of Czechs marching through the city, heading towards the bridge. According to informants a group of students, no doubt the same group that incited the protests two weeks ago incited the mob to protest German authorities. SS company looked forward to some activity to break the boredom of routine training. They were fully armed and he ordered machinegun section of his company to set up their two MG34 machineguns at the center of the blockage. On the other end of the bridge, security company of the castle formed a cordon formation. The purpose of SS troops was to act as fall back point in case crowd managed to overwhelm the security company. Roland doubted this would happen, but he would be ready. No Czech mob will pass his troops. The men in his company were all young, 18 year old boys who lived in Sudetenland, and most hated Czechs with passion.

At that moment, a noise filled the air. It was the noise of thousands of people chanting. Roland couldn't understand what they were saying, but he was sure it wasn't very flattering to Germans. When crowd reached the security cordon, they stopped. Front row of protesters closed together, and hand in hand they advanced on security cordon. For a moment it looked like the cordon would stop them, but then the line of troops bent inside toward the bridge, and second later it broke. Protesters started pushing, and then a few of young man picked one of soldiers and dropped him in Vltava over the bridge railing. Roland had his orders what to do in this case. He just bellowed "Machinengewehr sektion, bereiten." He heard the distinct sound of MG-34 being chambered. His soldiers tensed, training their weapons towards crowd. As crowd reached half of the bridge, soldier of his unit shouted "Achtung! Citizens of Prague you must disperse now! If you do not disperse we will open fire!". Crowd didn't show any sign of stopping. They might not even have heard the call. Roland belowed "Einrichten!". Weapons were ready, and soldiers took firing position. They were positioned in two rows, 20 people each. Machineguns were put on the trucks, parked in blocking position. Warning was repeated once more, but crowd just continued. They were less than twenty meters away. At that moment, Roland ordered "FEUER!". Sounds of rifles firing echoed over the river. First row of protesters fell to the ground, but people behind just kept on coming. Sound that came next was unmistakable. It was the sound of machineguns firing in anger. Soldiers, manning the formidable antipersonnel weapon single handedly responsible for death of hundreds of thousands in the previous war, used long bursts, firing more than 500 rounds into the crowd. All hell broke loose. If the first salvo of rifle fire didn't frighten the people, machinegun fire absolutely terrorized them. Many just dropped to the ground, not wounded, but hoping to avoid being shot. Others turned to run. Third echelon of SS troops, passed between two rows of men who just fired on the crowd. They didn't carry firearms, but batons.

At the end of the day, more than 100 people were counted dead. Among them there were two Germans of the security detachment. Over a thousand was seriously wounded or beaten. All were arrested and sent to Dachau. Gestapo agents and informers identified more prominent protesters, who were later arrested in their homes. Final figure of arrested and deported people climbed to 2350. The terror of that day remained imprinted in minds of Prague people. The lesson they learned from this was that without the careful organization and at least some weapons, no amount of mass protest would deter Germans. Although Neurath hoped the events wouldn't get to this point, he justified the actions of the day. Hauptsturmfuehrer Roland was commended for braking up the demonstrations. Neurath also ordered Gestapo office of Prague to pay close attention to people who try to leave city in following days. He didn't want news of this event to spread outside of Reich. But, in this he was already late.

1326 Hours, Reichskanzlei

Having finished his previous meeting, Goering started preparing for his next guest. He had to be careful and pick his words with care. Although he was sure that no peaceful solution to ongoing confrontation with SS is possible anymore, he was not going to escalate the conflict to the next level without at least trying to reconcile with Himmler. Himmler himself eagerly accepted invitation for the meeting, since he insisted on earliest possible time. Goering was less satisfied with this choice, since he wanted to delay possible final confrontation until peace or at least truce with foreign enemies. Anyway, this worked just as well... He retrieved a cigar from the box on his table and just as he was about to light it, a buzzer on his desk sounded. "Herr Reichsfuehrer SS to see you herr Praesident", his secretary announced through the speaker. "Let him in." As the doors opened, Himmler walked into the room. He was wearing fresh dress uniform, no doubt with intention to induce respect. Well, perhaps it worked on the other people, but Goering was beyond the dubious charm, or whatever it was that got Himmler to the position he occupied. Himmler stopped and extended his right hand. "Herr Himmler, good afternoon!" Goering greeted him. "Good afternoon, herr Praesident." This time there was no irony, but Goering was sure that the words were deliberately pronounced with hesitation.

"Herr Himmler, I invited you to get a report on your joint investigation. It was due yesterday, but I haven't found anything on my desk." Himmler responded "Well, herr Praesident, I do not want to clog your desk with useless reports of 'No further progress in investigation.'. Elser insists, despite all our efforts, that he worked alone. We checked his expenditures, we interviewed neighbours, arrested entire family, and everything was overturned in his house and shop. We could not establish any connection between him and any group." "Herr Reichsfuehrer" Goering used the proper official title to enforce the meaning "That is impossible. I expect results, not excuses. Herr Himmler, I also gather that you are against the peace proposal I gave. Are you aware of situation in which we are? Both economically and militarily?" asked Goering. Himmler answered "Herr Praesident, I am not an economist. But as a soldier, I am aware only that one’s enemies should be attacked. I believe we can win. We have better discipline and more determination. Those are decisive values in war. Our generals barely qualify for the name of soldier. My opinion is---" Goering interrupted him "Oh yes, you would know, from your extensive experience in the field of battle. Our general staff is old institution. It is one of the oldest in this country. I must and I will trust their judgment. It seems to me you should keep your mind on security services and not trying to run the war instead of me and people paid to do it." Himmler was outraged by this retort. "Herr praesident, I will not stand to this. SS is the only protector of our ideology. Even your position depends on it." "Is that a threat herr Himmler?" asked Goering. "No herr Praesident, it is merely a statement of fact. If you will excuse me, I must leave you." Himmler stood up, without waiting for response. Goering just waived his hand in dismissal.

'So it comes to this. I cannot believe that history repeats like this.' Goering lamented. He didn't want internal conflict at this moment, but it was now inevitable. He was being threatened and he had to respond. He took the phone and said "Get me Chief of staff."

Meanwhile, Downing Street 10, London

"Gentlemen, as you know, after conferring with French government and governments of our dominions, decision has been made to start negotiation with government of Germany." Chamberlain opened the meeting "We have agreed to start first round of negotiations in two days in The Hague. We intend to request from the German government to demilitarize the border between France and Germany, evacuate areas of Poland to be determined during negotiations, to allow for international control of armaments and readiness of German army for next ten years. We have gathered here to determine minimum demands acceptable to us."
"I think we cannot accept any terms short of surrender of Germany and evacuation of all areas occupied after 1938." spoke Churchill. "They must disband all but 20 divisions. That is my opinion, and I believe great part of public." Chamberlain expected something like this from his bellicose Minister of Navy. "Sir Winston, while your opinion is valued, I must oppose you. Most of Conservative and Labor party disagree with you. My voters disagree with you. This country does not need to continue this war if principles for which we joined it can be fulfilled without further suffering." Halifax added "We have preliminary proposal from German government which in large part complies with our wishes. Details remain to be discussed, but in the whole I think we may receive a fair deal." Nobody else spoke. Churchill decided to offer his resignation from the cabinet. He decided not to have any part in Appeasement 2.

1425 Kremlin, Moscow

"Comrade Chairman, our troops will be ready for attack in two weeks!" reported Voroshilov to Stalin. "We have nearly half a million troops on the border, and only logistic preparations remain to be completed. We shall roll over Finland in two weeks." "Very well Comrade Marshal. We have exhausted all attempts of diplomatic solution. Only a week remains until our ultimatum expires. Expect an order to attack in two weeks then. I presume your plan is the same as we spoke?" "You are right to do so, Comrade Chairman." finished Voroshilov. "I will notify Beria to prepare his side of operation. We will need an excuse in order not to make it look like aggression in the eyes of the world." Stalin said, smiling smugly.

1437 Prinz Albrechtstrasse 9

Himmler furiously stomped through the hallway of HQ building. Passing by the office of his deputy, he shouted "Tell Reinhard to report immediately" to the guard. He pushed the door of his office and stepped into it. As he was taking off his coat, Heydrich appeared through the door. "Good afternoon, herr Reichsfuehrer!" he called. "Come in Reinhard, and the afternoon is not good. Not good at all. Brush off the dust from the Case 'Hunter'. Reinhard we must make it look like an accident of some sort." It was little known fact that SS had plans for assassination of many important persons in Nazi hierarchy. This planning was instituted after July 1934 and held in secret to be used only in contingency that some members of party proved unreliable. Only three (well, now two) people knew of this - Hitler, Himmler and Heydrich. "Herr Reichsfuehrer, it will be very difficult. Especially now." said Heydrich. "Don't you think I know that? Find a way. Use someone trustworthy. Do it secretly." ordered Himmler finally. "Jawohl herr Reichsfuehrer." Heydrich, with his high standing and respect he earned from his superior officer could allow himself to oppose him. But now Himmler was furious. Even Heydrich didn't dare to provoke him. 'So, President and Himmler had final argument this morning. It seems president has thrown his towel in with the generals if Himmler is in such a foul mood.' Heydrich decided to obey the commands of the man he owed so much too. But he also decided that he will not leave himself without a back-up plan. He went about his business of the day and in the course of planning for Case Hunter he found a piece of information buried in pile of dossiers on Goering he retrieved from SS archive. 'This could be it he thought! This is exactly what I need!'. Heydrich picked up the phone and called the SS operative service "Heydrich here. Get me Ernst!" he said to the operator who responded. Hearing Kaltenbrunner say "Ja?" Heydrich simply said "Report to my office, immediately!" and hung up, without waiting for "Jawohl!". After this meeting, he finished his activities in the office and went home. In the spirit of his decision, he decided to open his closet and brush off his old Navy uniform. He might need it one of these days.

November 16th 2035 Prague, apartment overlooking Charles Bridge

Viktor Laszlo emerged from the dark chamber. He just developed negatives of the photos he had taken that day. He was satisfied with the sharpness of the images. He had to be careful taking them, for if anyone noticed that he took photos his life would be in danger. That he managed to conceal this single camera from the Gestapo man that overturned his apartment and confiscated his two other cameras, after horror scenes of the morning was a miracle in itself. He knew that images he made must be made public to the world. He had to somehow show them to someone outside of Germany. He didn't care for his own life any more than the people who marched on the bridge did. He wasn't a Czech, but in his three years of studying photography on Prague University he grew to like the Czechs. He didn't go to protest for being a foreign resident he didn't want any trouble. But people who got out certainly didn't deserve the treatment they got that day. 'Machine-gunning unarmed people like that. Only barbarians could come up with that idea' thought Viktor. During the day he found out that two of his colleagues from the University were gone. One was shot dead on the bridge, another beaten and arrested in the police action that followed the massacre. Her destiny was unknown. Not even the family of unfortunate girl was notified of her whereabouts. Fortunately for him, Germans cooperated with his idea of returning to Hungary and closed down University for good. His leave would not be overly suspicious. He decided to hide negatives in his belt and try to smuggle them across the border. He would think what to do next later, once the first step was passed and he was safely out of Third Reich. 'Maybe Ilsa...' but he was getting ahead of himself.

November 17th, 1147, The Hague Permanent Court of International Arbitration

At one of the world oldest international institutions, The Court was selected to host the second great peace convention of this century. Germany requested good offices of Netherlands. The term of convention was settled for today. Representatives of the negotiating parties arrived, and hallway in front of the conference room was filled with lively conversation. The groups formed by nationality and everyone was careful not to mix with their enemies. Nobody expected much of this first meeting and they all knew it was necessary to establish the first contact, test the waters and most importantly secure a truce for the duration of negotiations. Then it was time to enter the conference room. The room was prepared with a speaking stand and three large tables arranged so that heads of states and their associates could feel comfortable. "Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to The Hague." opened Dirk Jan de Geer "We have gathered here in order to secure the peace in Europe. The three nations represented here have agreed to use good offices of this Government to facilitate the negotiation and help them arrive to just solution to their ongoing conflict. I regret that government of Soviet Union has declined an invitation to come here. They stated that current situation is not of their making, that they are not at war with any of the powers invited and have no issue they feel need be solved by peace conference. For the rest of us here, I sincerely hope our efforts here will bear fruit and that in the following days, we will be remembered as peacemakers and not warlords. May God help us all. I pronounce The Hague Peace conference of 1939. open. I invite sir Neville Chamberlain to this stand and represent the position of the His Majestys Government."

Chamberlain stood up and walked to the speaker stand, displaying dignity characteristic to British. "Ladies and gentlemen, esteemed colleagues, in the name of His Majesty, King George VI and my own name I welcome your presence here at this moment. That we all gathered here shows that basic humanity, civility and honor that characterized our continent since time beyond the memory can still be counted upon. Unfortunate events that brought this war on us could perhaps have been averted had good will been present a few months ago. However, we got entangled in this struggle. Thankfully it has not yet become the struggle to life and death. If we all come to an agreement here, we can back off from the abyss we stare down to. I am authorized by the House of Commons to accept following conditions in order to establish truce and commence negotiations between our nations. We expect German government to immediately order evacuation of at least some areas of Poland proper as a further sign of goodwill. We demand that evidence be provided that these orders are issued and complied with by German forces on the ground. Also, we expect that German troops will retreat from French border, thus removing any possibility of accidental escalation of the conflict. Proper demilitarized zone will be established as a result of this conference to be maintained and control by international forces as determined on this conference. We request the German government accept those preliminary conditions in order to continue this peace process. Should the German government request additional time, provisional truce will be accepted for duration of three days. It will only be extended beyond this date if aforementioned conditions are accepted. If German government finds any of those requests unjust, I remind them that this war was the result of their actions. War could have been stopped or avoided entirely had they not chosen to embark on course of action that forced us to issue the Declaration of war on September 3rd this year, despite ample warning His Majesty’s government gave before the final step. I invite French Prime minister Daladier to approach the stand." finished Chamberlain. All present applauded, although German delegation was less than enthusiastic about it. They resented harsh words spoken at the end of Chamberlain address.

Daladier approached the stand "Thank you Sir Chamberlain. Ladies and gentlemen I can only echo the words of my friend and ally with little to add. I will only insist that in the view of Government of Republic Of France which I represent, the demilitarization of border areas is the condition sine-qua-non. We will not negotiate it away and we will not allow it to be impotent. We will request efficient control by international forces and representatives of all three interested countries namely Belgium, Germany and France. I now invite mr. Goering to address this convention and state Germanys position."

"Ladies and gentlemen, I would like first to express gratitude to our hosts for organizing this meeting on such short notice. Second, Government of Germany, despite protestations of Allied power does not and will not take sole blame for the conflict we are in. We are all aware that borders on the east were not satisfactorily established after the previous war. Instead of facilitating just and diplomatic solution, they propped up Poland by their Guarantee, thus inhibiting any efforts to peacefully adjust the borders between two neighbors. Germany requested only the lands rightfully belonging to us. Nothing more. Yet, Poland declined all German offers, no doubt encouraged by unlimited diplomatic support it received from Governments of Britain and France. Germany was left with only one option. Even then, we requested only the right to have contiguous territory and to protect our citizens from escalating Polish terror. But I am willing to leave all this behind us. I have already given orders to prepare evacuation of General Governance. I also ordered the naval forces of Germany to stop all activity and return to port. As this order was sent uncoded, you must be aware of it. As for the retreat from common border, I will point out that it is not German troops that invaded French territory, but the opposite. We will agree to retreat only when French troops currently occupying German territory retreat to within French borders. German government wants peace, make no mistake about that. But we will not be humiliated again. Ever again. We are willing to make any concessions that are honorable and just, but Britain and France will never again dictate peace to Germany. However, despite everything, in order to end suffering of all nations, I accept the conditions of the truce as laid out by sir Chamberlain. Germany will endeavor to the utmost for the success of this convention. I thank you for your attention. I hope that we will meet here again in three days."

November 17th, "Chicago Tribune", "Berlin after Adolf Hitler", by William Lawrence Shirer

As I walk the Unter den Linden, the great avenue of Berlin leading to Brandenburg Gate, I can feel the atmosphere being changed from only a week ago. The Fuehrer (Leader in German - Ed.) of Greater German Reich has been killed. The man who controlled entire political life of German nation has suddenly ceased to exist. So far, I couldn't notice any indication there has been any upheaval. Daily life continued as before. One can attribute this only to discipline and respect for authority ordinary German citizen has ingrained. Still, one only has to dig a little deeper beneath this superficial peace to reach the anxiety people from the street feel. I have been able to talk to a number of German citizens in the course of previous days. Although most of them wouldn't reveal much of their true thoughts and emotions, I could gather that most are worried whether Hitler’s death will result in general upheaval and disorder, two things most Germans are terrified of.

Power transition so far appears smooth and Hermann Goering, previously the commander of Luftwaffe (German Air Force - Ed.) has been appointed successor. Mr. Goering appears disposed to make peace and has even publicly called United Kingdom and France to peace negotiation. His initiative has been met with approval of most of German public. Although rumors of discord from hard line NSDAP members persist, nothing points to conclusion that mr. Goering is not able to keep the party under control. In any case, political structure and ideology allows few possibilities for opposition to voice their disagreement with policy of the leader.

It appears that the Wehrmacht, or armed forces of Germany, are fully supportive of mr. Goering, and judging by presence of SS Leibstandarte personnel around him at all times (this special unit is somewhat similar to Secret Service), he enjoys the support of German security apparatus. The strongest pillar of support to mr. Goering are representatives of big business in Germany, with whom mr. Goering cultivates strong connections. In previous years, mr. Goering was reputed to have secured largest donations from greatest corporations in Germany. Besides, as head and virtual economic dictator of Germany mr. Goering has been able to solidify his relationship with captains of German economy.

Most certainly, on the political scene of German no person able to stand to mr. Goering is currently visible. If his peace offensive succeeds, there is no reason to doubt that mr. Goering’s role in Germany would be any different than the mr. Mussolini’s in Italy. He certainly appears to be the man with whom it is possible to do business.

November 18th, Helsinki, Presidential palace

Kyoesti Kallio sat at the front of the table, around him some of the most important figures of Finnish politics have already taken place. They gathered to consider for one last time the outrageous demands which Government of Soviet Union presented to them. Finland has been deeply divided on this topic. Since the demands were presented on October 31st, *the government of Finland has been in virtually permanent session. Despite numerous counter-proposals, Soviet position has hardly moved. And a day ago reports started coming that Soviet forces were massing in and around Leningrad, Kem and Murmansk.

Kallio was against any concessions, and in this he was supported by Foreign minister Erkoe, Defence minister Niukkanen and Minister of Interior Kekkonen and Finance Minister Tanner. In favor of accepting the terms were Prime minister Aimo Cajander, Chief of Staff Mannerheim and Pasikivi, finish Ambassador to Moscow.

Kallio opened the discussion "Gentlemen, it appears we are on the threshold. From here we can go only in two directions - subservience to the Soviet Union like Latvians and Estonians or we can choose to resist and hold our heads high. You know my opinion on this. The demands of Stalin and Molotov are incompatible with independence and freedom of Finland."

"Mr. President, that may be so." spoke Mannerheim next. "Once more I must warn you of dire state of our military preparations. Our army has hardly any enough rifles to arm every soldier. Upon mobilization we demanded that every conscript brings some sort of "uniform" with him. Our army has no mechanization to speak of. Most of our aviation can barely dust forests, let alone defend our airspace. On the other side we are faced with force of over half million soldiers, thousands of artillery pieces and numerous tanks. The Soviet army has preponderance of at least five to one in men and materiel on the battlefield. I doubt we would be able to withstand massed assault of Soviets."

"Gentlemen, I must warn you" Paasikivi spoke next "that Soviet Union appears determined to attack us should we not concede their demands. I was warned and I quote word for word "of serious consequences that shall ensue if Finnish government does not proceed in spirit of friendship and accepts the demands of Soviet Union" in my last conversation with mr. Molotov. That can mean only one thing gentlemen. They are ready for war."

Minister of foreign affairs Erkoe spoke next "My opinion is that Soviet Union is bluffing. They are blustering us into submission demonstrating force on our borders. They wouldn't dare attack us deliberately. We have friends who will come to our help in case of unprovoked aggression."

"Just like Poland had friends mr. Erkoe?" asked Paasikivi.

Prime minister Aimo Cajander asked "Mr. Erkoe, have you managed to secure any help or guarantees from the foreign powers friendly to our country?"

"Well, nothing definite, I admit. British and French answered that they will consider steps should such contingency arise, but majority of their forces and resources is tied up already. Germany is on friendly terms with Soviet Union and have told us that no help will be forthcoming to us from Germany. They are even unable to provide material for sale, claiming entire production is needed for their Army. United States has sent us a letter of support and we were notified that they recently sent demarche to Soviet government, condemning the aggressive policy towards neighboring countries."

"So, in short there is nothing we can expect from the outside. Except from Ivan. And he is not offering help." concluded Paasikivi.

"Well, that is gross oversimplification mr. Paasikivi. Surely, if Soviet Union attacks us international community will not stand to this." insisted Erkoe.

"By the time 'international community' do anything, my soldiers will lay trampled beneath the tracks of Soviet tanks. Gentlemen do you understand that our troops do not have enough ammunition?!?" pointed out Mannerheim. "If you will insist on this suicidal course, I will offer my resignation. You will then have to find somebody else to lead our troops to certain death."

The latest exchange caused ministers of Defense and Interior to frown with fear. Especially Mannerheim’s expose on the state of armed forces and his vivid conjunction of scenes of trampled soldiers started to sway two ministers away from confrontation and towards acceptance of Soviet demands. Prime minister was an idealist who believed that war was much too terrible thing and that Soviet Union was not serious in its threats. However ominous tone of Molotov’s last exchange with ambassador Paasikivi made him wonder. Those fears caused the three men, initially in favor of fighting Soviets to reconsider. At that moment, President said "Having heard all this I call you to vote. Bear in mind seriousness of vote you are about to cast and of possible dire consequences either way. In favor of decision to accept Soviet demands 4, against 3. Gentlemen I believe this is a gross mistake. We will be left defenseless and then conquered at Stalin’s whim. But I have no other choice but to proceed by the will of majority. Mr. Paasikivi you will notify mr. Molotov of our decision if it is not already too late. You will request that non-aggression pact be guaranteed by third party of our choice. Mr. Erkoe, you will contact Swedish Government and Government of United States of America and request that they guarantee the agreement we make with Soviet Union! Good luck to us all, and may God help us gentlemen."

November 18th, 1118, Rome, Pallazio Il Duce

Mussolini was sitting in his spacious office, lost in thought. 'It seems that this entire war is winding down. Just as well, considering the report Badoglio gave me on the 'mighty machine of war' he presents me on paper. All I can see here is his wishful thinking!' he thought. Grabbing the red pen, he scribbled '200.000 regular troops?!?! Unacceptable' on the margins of the report. After careful study of the report he realized that Italian Army was not ready for war. They lacked almost all forms of modern equipment. The artillery has barely moved away from the Great War technology. Air force was even worse. 'At this time and age we are condemned to using biplane fighters? Even Poland was able to field more modern air force.' raged Mussolini inwardly. The only area he could be reasonably happy with was Regia Marina. The navy boasted 6 capital ships, of which 4 were among most modern in the World. In addition 19 cruisers, 59 destroyers and more than 100 submarines could be counted on. Although impressive, these numbers were almost totally overwhelmed in the face of the might of French and British Mediterranean fleets. Also, Italy lacked any aircraft carriers, of which one was under construction. Position of Italy was exasperated further by the fact that sea was its natural medium of attack and defense. Numerous ports and entire coast of Italian peninsula were at once her strength and weakness. They could base their navy almost anywhere down the length of Italian boot, but also enemy might strike at any point outnumbering anything Italy could put to sea. While Britain and France were both at war, Italy would be mad to try anything against them. Further complication for Italian situation was its ambiguous relation with Germany. While Hitler was at helm, Mussolini could rely that Germany was Italian friend. Even then, he was frequently kept in dark as to the real intentions of his northern neighbor. He played his part in capture of Austria, feeling indebted for support received during the Ethiopian crisis. He helped settle Czech affair peacefully. His attempts to mediate Polish affairs were spurred by Hitler and Allies alike. German request to join the war in 1939 caught him entirely by surprise. After all the discussions with his fellow dictator, during which war was planned for 1942, Hitler just blundered into the war.

The day he was killed during that foolish ceremony, Mussolini was still angry with him. He allowed his rage to vent aloud to Ciano and Badoglio. He ordered mobilization without really knowing what to do or whom to attack. Now, having seen the state of Italian forces he was sure that no action from Italy will come this year. Instead, he will try to improve Italian forces and prepare the invasion of Yugoslavia on spring. The country to his east was ripe for picking. It was a conglomerate of nationalities under domination of Serbia. Though friendly with French, it was by no means guaranteed by them or Britain. Mussolini had the means to destabilize the country from within and to break it up from outside. He decided to send Ciano to Hungary to try and get their help to dismember the country. Bulgaria was one of the other candidates whose help Italy could enlist. Both countries fostered territorial ambitions toward Yugoslavia, had reasonably strong military forces and could be expected to cooperate with Italy given some diplomatic foreplay. Italy herself had established bridgeheads on the coast, as cities of Fiume and Zara belonged to Italy giving Italian forces two supply ports for advances up and down the coast, as well in hinterland. The only problem with the plan, aside the fact that Yugoslavia had military strong enough to present significant challenge in difficult terrain (a problem Mussolini hoped to address by fostering internal division), was that France and Britain seemed close to closing down their hostilities with Germany, which would leave them with ample time and forces do take care with any unwanted disturbance in Europe. Mussolini hoped that internal unrest might dissuade them from interfering in the conflict, presented to them as indigenous. Anyway, as decision time was long and before the committing to the policy irretrievably there were many bridges to be crossed, Mussolini decided to take chances and began writing memos to his subordinates immediately. Once preparations were complete, he will stop and carefully reconsider the idea again. In the meantime he will follow aged maxima of Romans "Divide et Impera."

November 18th, 2025, Berlin Anhalter Bahnhof

Konstantin von Neurath got off the train that brought him from Prague to Berlin. That morning he received an order to report to Reichspraesident next morning. He hastily organized the trip, and eight hours after boarding train he arrived to Berlin. The trip, which normally took 6 hours at most was delayed by numerous troop transports as train approached Berlin. Having finally arrived and exhausted by trip, he proceeded to the Kaiserhof, to get a good night sleep. As one of the most capable diplomats in Germany, Neurath had a general idea why he was invited to Berlin in such haste. He knew that negotiations were about to start and he guessed he'd have prominent role in the peace process. Neurath, through his contacts at foreign ministry has gathered that, after disposing of Ribbentrop few days earlier, Goering took over Foreign affairs ministry personally.

November 19th, 0900

Neurath came to the office of the Praesident. The guards inspected him and his briefcase rather thoroughly and he was allowed to proceed inside. Goering greeted him cordially "Good morning Herr Neurath. I hope you were able to catch some rest." Neurath nodded, saying "Yes herr Prasident, I caught some sleep. Berlin is a lot more peaceful than Prague in the last couple of days." "I heard about the demonstrations, herr Neurath. Good job in dispersing the crowd. I just hope you took precautions to stop the news spreading to the outside world. It would be embarrassing if information on this leaked out at this moment." observed Goering and continued "I presume you guess the reason I invited you over. As you know, I have decided to try and end this conflict in diplomatic manner. We are alone here--- Oh, don't pay attention to Konrad. Nothing we say will get out of this room. We will talk openly and as frankly as possible. You must know as much as I do in order to negotiate successfully. My conclusion after reviewing entire situation is that present war exposes our country to an extreme danger. On the battlefield our forces face numerically equal if not somewhat superior forces. Technologically we are more or less on equal terms with the enemy. We were able to overcome Poland, but I am afraid this success is more due to Polish failings than our own prowess. After action report I received from General staff paint a bleak image in some aspects of our forces. I am not at all confident in the possibility of overcoming French and English forces. However, our greatest failing so far is on economic front. Germany is simply not able to undertake a prolonged, large scale war which is necessary to defeat French army. Late Fuehrer never understood economic facts, although I tried to convey to him that waiting just a few years would enable us to confidently tackle any power in Europe. Fortunately, it seems our enemies are just as unwilling to fight us and we have started negotiations. Predictably, their starting terms are harsh, but not on the scale of November 1918. I have decided to appoint you as German Plenipotentiary at the Peace convention. Next session is in two days, and in this time you are to pick your staff. I expect you to be ready to leave to The Hague early on the 20th. I will authorize you to negotiate in the name of Greater German Reich. You must make it clear those maximum concessions we will accept is creation of independent Poland, demilitarized zone up to 5 kilometers wide on both sides of Franco-German frontier. Any reduction of Wehrmacht, Luftwaffe or Kriegsmarine is acceptable only in case equal restrictions are enforced to English and French. We will not accept unilateral control of German armed forces. We seek recognition and guarantee of final borders of Reich by all involved powers. We will in turn sign non-aggressions treaties with all neighboring countries. Do you have any questions, herr Neurath?"

Neurath was surprised with Goerings monologue. He knew that Reichs foreign policy was changing, but this... Neurath wasn't able to make Hitler moderate his ambition was exactly the thing that caused the gap between them to rise. More compliant Ribbentrop was placed on his place, and the current disaster ensued. He immediately asked "Herr Praesident, will I have full freedom in negotiations?" "Naturally herr Neurath!" was the answer. "Well, I would like to have herr Pappen on my staff if it is possible and herr Weizsaecker as well. As for, negotiations, I cannot make any plan now, until I hear demands of the enemies. Then, we will plan our negotiation tactic." concluded Neurath. "Herr Praesident, I will need to talk to her von Welzceck. I will need to gain some insight in thinking of the enemies prior to the conflagration."

November 18th, Berlin, Ersatzheer HQ

General Friedrich Fromm read through the fourth page of readiness report of new divisional formations. Since the war started AWOL reports were more or less steady, but in the last week, since negotiations has started AWOL reports among junior officers and conscripted men spiked. Most of the reports came from green units, which have been never committed to combat. This was unwelcomed, though expected development. Unsurprisingly, Feldpolizei was notified, but sheer volume of desertions prevented in depth investigation. Those Feldpolizei has managed to locate and apprehend, were treated more leniently in that they were not put in front of firing squad, but their future life in the army was going to be "a world of sh*t" both metaphorically and literally.

Still, thousands of soldiers were missing. He decided to notify OKH about situation, and to issue a warning to COs of all units to take more precautions to prevent further deterioration of combat ability of troops.

November 18th, 1754, Chartwell Manor

Since he submitted his resignation to the position of the First Lord of Admiralty, Churchill had very little to do. He couldn't believe that Chamberlain would agree to negotiate with Germans. Not being able to go along with the bankrupted policy, he resigned. He knew many of his colleagues that were unhappy with this new policy. Duff and Anthony were the most prominent among them and they decided to use every means possible to point out the dangers of this new appeasement. It was clear that their warnings were falling to deaf ears. Government proclamations presented the peace negotiations as virtual victory. It was widely pointed out that Germans asked for negotiations, that they agreed to the demands of PM. Nobody mentioned the fate of Poland, Czechoslovakia or other countries invaded by Germany or Italy. It was clear that regime in Germany was unchanged. Churchill pointed all this in his recent article he wrote for The Daily Telegraph, but it left no lasting impression. He received some support from his constituency, but that was it. He was deeply disappointed that British public would react is way.

Yesterday he received a letter from Edward Benesh, former President of Czechoslovakia. In the letter he requested a meeting with Churchill. Churchill had no idea why, but he agreed to see mr. Benesh tomorrow. He also decided to invite Eden to the meeting, in order to have better background on foreign policy. There was not much he could do for mr. Benesh, but he hoped that in the future this could change. And it was good to prepare for future. However unlikely it might seem right now. He took glass from the table and poured another shot of his favorite Scottish whiskey.

November 18th, late night, near Leipzig

Manfred Dreiser was on furlough till two days ago. Manfred was saddened by recent events that have befallen his country. First Poles attacked Germany, then war was declared by English and French. When everything seemed to be going smoothly, Fuehrer was killed by terrorists. Manfred was so stricken with grief that he was sent home to recover. During his furlough Manfred met a friend from Hitler Jugend. Tall and blonde, Adolf was immediately recognized as pure Aryan by recruiters. He also had some leverage as his father was high ranking figure in elite SS. Manfred joined Adolf for a beer in a pub. After a talk he had with Adolf he decided not to return to his unit. He was supposed to return to his unit, 1st Infanterie regiment of 76th Infanterie division yesterday. Instead he reported to an SS office in Potsdam, where he lived. He was issued new papers, on different name and sent to Poland. Now he was on his way, in a truck with similarly looking young men apparently like him.

November 19th, near Essen, Germany

Recently built barracks housed the first SS unit formed as a full military formation - Verfügungs Division. Unit suffered high casualties in Poland, drawing anger of Heer commanders it was subordinated to. After transfer to the west division was rejuvenated by new recruits and a serious training regimen instituted. Three regiments of the division Deutchland, Germania and Der Fuehrer were composed of the fittest and most indoctrinated young men, drawn almost exclusively from Hitler Jugend. Enmity of the regular army officers towards this paramilitary formation ensured that only an insignificant number of troops trained in real army were available to the new service.

November 19th, 1132, Warsaw

Reinhard shook hands with Frick and Koch, saying "So, that is the plan. We must be ready for anything. As soon as it starts, Reichsfuehrer will come here and personally take command. Herr Rosenberg will come here tommorow and your task is to prepare political end of this operation. Be careful, Reich depends on us." "Jawohl, herr Gruppenfuehrer!" answered both men in unison.

At the same time, Modlin Poland

Sepp Dietrich stood in front of rows of soldiers. According to the latest count, unit consisted of around 15000 troops. The boys who reported in last two days seemed eager. They were somewhat better trained than troops SS formed on their own, but still left a lot to be desired. At least they were well armed. Orders from Heinrich Himmler left little doubt what was to be expected. He hoped that he will live through this.

1500, near Essen, HQ of recently formed Sonderkommando Hoepner

Hoepner greeted general Stumpff. After saluting, commander of the 3rd Panzer division reported "Compound is surrounded, herr General! We are observing them carefully. My infantry regiments have taken positions and as ordered, they are camouflaged. Panzers are deployed 6 kilometers away, and ready to move 10 minutes upon receiving the order."

Hoepner thanked Stumpf, and dismissed him. He was ready. Orders to prepare Operation Schwarz came from OKH, directly from Halder. Witzleben brought them in sealed envelope during one of the friendly visits. Hoepner and Witzleben were good friends, so the visit was not out of ordinary. When Hoepner read the orders, he was surprised. He managed to arrange movement of two of divisions from his corps, thanks to coverup orders issued by Halder. Notional aim of the Sonderkommando Hoepner was to test cooperation between panzer and infantry divisions in marching conditions. This was clever camouflage, as it allowed Hoepner to move his divisions around without raising alarms of other commanders. Even present blocking of the SS barracks was represented to his subordinates as training.

November 19th, 1752, Reichskanzlei

Goering was very satisfied with the news Halder brought. Everything was ready. The single SS unit was surrounded. SS HQ was under surveillance by battalion from Brandenburg regiment and reinforcements from Berlin garrison were at hand. One infantry division was ready to entrain from western front and return to Berlin if anything went wrong. He ordered Halder to commence operation at 0600. Houses of all senior SS officers were staked out by groups of soldiers from Brandenburg, from it's another battalion, while the rest was kept in reserve. Garrisons in East Prussia and General Government were put on alert. Goering decided that he would follow action from army HQ at Zossen.

At six o'clock Funk came to Goerings office, carrying a piece of paper in his hand. It was the draft of the announcement Goering wanted broadcasted at 0700 in the morning. Funk was a bit amazed by the text, but he supposed that Praesident had his reasons and that allegations in the announcement were true. "Herr Praesident, this is the announcement. I must ask, is it true? Could Himmler commit such a treachery?". Goering looked at Funk and asked "Do you doubt my sources? Do you think I would invent something like that? And consider the following - Heydrich was supposed to take care of security for the meeting. He wasn't there. SS personnel that survived explosion disappeared. They even went so far to arrest some poor guy and make him confess. Herr Canaris didn't get anywhere near investigation and Himmler himself told me that the investigation of Esler never proved anything. I suspect he lied to me. Tomorrow this announcement will uncover full extent of their betrayal to entire world. I will rid Germany of this scum and make peace with our enemies at the same time. Herr Funk, if anything and I mean anything at all of this leak before tomorrow morning, I will hold you personally responsible. That is all herr Funk. And don't forget the announcement." Goering said, handing the paper to Funk. "I read it and I approve the content. Read it personally.". Funk nodded, took the paper and left the office. Next, Goering took the receiver of the hook and said "Call my home.". Few seconds later he heard the voice of his wife. " Emmy, please pack up and get Edda. Driver will pick you up and take you to my train. You will go to Emmyhall and stay there for a few days. I will join you in three days." He heard worried voice of Emmy from the other side "Why Hermann? Is everything all right?" she asked. "Of course it is. I just don't want you near Berlin next few days. I've ordered Koenigsberg garrison to provide a security company for the lodge. Don't worry about anything. See you soon, love."

Meanwhile, in Warsaw

Heydrich decided to stay in Warsaw as the blizzard opened up and it was quite unsafe to travel back to Berlin that night. He telephoned HQ and notified them of his absence tomorrow.

November 20th, 0530, Bismarckstrasse

Captain Herzner stood inside the passage opposite the house the two squads under his direct command had surrounded. Men whose duty it was to follow the target, commander of SS Heinrich Himmler, saw him enter the house around midnight. Lights were on for few more hours and since then everything was quiet. His two squads were urgently sent from Dahlemer Dohnenstieg 12, where they staked out the official residence of their target. Hastily conducted reconnaisance discovered that only one exit from the house was available. The single guard left in front should easily be overwhelmed by experienced soldiers of Brandenburg regiment. The task would be much easier than the capture of the railstation in Poland they mistakenly conducted on the eve of war. The general idea was to capture target alive, but the commander of regiment indicated that no harm would be done even if they didn't manage it. Herzner checked his watch. It was almost time. He signalled to the lieutenant to his left to tell advanced squad to prepare. The unit dispatched here was rather top heavy. Abwehr decided not to leave anything to chance. After series of handwaving, Herzner observed three silhouetes emerge from the darkness and move silently across the street, roughly 30 meters on his left. Nobody who didn't know where to look would have noticed them. They moved like ghosts. He whispered "5 more minutes. Get ready." to the sergeant crouching next to him. The men took his MP38 SMG and chambered it. He saw the men carefully check the safety switch. Next thing he heard was the sound of a cat. It was the signal and the man hiding at the corner of the house silently slid by the wall and approached the tired guard from behind. They saw a flicker of a knife as it reflected street lights, and without a single sound, guard was down. First squad gathered in front of the entrance and sergeant, selected for the mission for his particular skills as locksmith, carefuly opened the door. The house was dark and quiet.

After the ground floor was secured, man left to guard the entrance signalled the second squad to come. Herzner ran across the street and entered the hallway. Two of his men were on top of the stairs. No one in the house has noticed them by now. He climbed the stairs with six soldiers in trail and walked to the door of the bedroom. After taking the position on both sides of the door, men broke into the bedroom. Sudden noise caused their target to jump from the bed. He was naked and looked rather comical as he tried to find his glasses. "Herr Himmler, I place you under arrest under the authority of Reichspraesident." said Herzner, pointing his Luger. Men around him had their SMGs trained and ready to fire. Utterly confused, Himmler just murmored "What? What is happening?". Herzner answered "As I said, you are under arrest." At that moment, another figure jumped from the bed. She quickly pulled sheets around her and screamed. Two of the soldiers quickly shifted their aim. She just continued screaming until Himmler told her to shut up. He collected himself and said "Herr Hauptmann, will you please allow me time to dress?" "Get his gun, sergeant. And let's go outside. Herr Himmler, house is surrounded, there is no escape. You have 5 minutes. Fraulein, you can also get dressed. Herr Himmler is required to come with us. We have no orders concerning you." After that, they exited the room. Few minutes later, woman screamed again. They rushed into room, to find Himmler, lying on the floor. His face was peaceful, and a smeel of almond around him. 'Fool' thought Herzner 'Bloody fool killed himself. To me that proves he was guilty.' "Lieutenant, tell all men to gather in front of the house. Sergeant, run to the truck. We are going back to base. You two" he said addressing two large men from the unit "Pick up the carcass! Let's go men. Aufwiedersehen Fraulein."

0638 Near Essen

"Herr General, it is over. The compound has been overrun. We suffered only six casualties, but only light wounds. After we killed off entire first company, they surrendered. They saw there was no chance. Mortars may have helpt a bit to persuade them of futility of resistance, but it was all over once first panzers appeared." reported General Major Stumpff to Hoepner. "Excellent, Herr General. Secure the perimeter, do the headcount and see if anyone is missing. Offer them full amnesty if they choose to renounce the SS and join the army. Dismissed!" As Stumpff left, Hoepner took the phone. After a few seconds he simply said "It is over, herr General. The SS unit is no more.".

Meanwhile in Berlin

Almost every single senior officer of SS and member of RSHA have been arrested by 0700. Single notable exception was Reinhard Heydrich. Goering, who observed entire operation from OKH, was satisfied. It seemed that greatest obstacle to his absolute power in Reich was removed.

0711 Warsaw

Heydrich couldn't believe the announcement he heard on Berlin radio. And it was read by Funk himself. After first shock passed, he decided to go to Modlin immediately. There they would see who gets the last word.

Voelkischer Beobachter, OpEd piece

This morning the entire Reich was astonished. Yesterday the Praesident of the Reich, upon receiving incontrovertible evidence, decided to bring to justice people responsible for conspiring to end the life of Der Fuehrer Adolf Hitler. The identity of conspirators necessitated secret, quick and decisive action. We now can all see that blind ambition turned men entrusted with the guarding our Reich and our leaders into rabid dogs. And just as rabid dogs, they bit the hand that fed and trusted them. This was only possible due to unlimited power given to those terrorists and subversion of the ideals of National-Socialism in the way only perverted minds are capable of. The aim of those people was to violently overthrow the established order and take over the government. That they were stopped in time we can only thank the vigilance and courage of Reichspraesident, who without hesitation ordered the Armed Forces to take decisive action and apprehend the criminals and putschists. The special Volksgerichtshof has been established in order to process the arrested criminals. Mastermind of this rebellion, SS Reichsfuehrer took his own life in the course of arrest, no doubt for fear of just revenge that would be exacted on him. This act can only be interpreted as confession of guilt. The rest of this lot will be processed according to harshest law - the law of Volk - and there is no doubt of verdict should they be found guilty by Volksgerichtshof. Committing such treacherous act at a time of national emergency is beyond pale for any true German.

Following days will show us the depth of this betrayal. Reichspraesident has demanded of all Volksgenossen to remain calm. The actions he took this morning have alleviated any danger and no doubt remains that continuous march to prosperity will go on. Peace negotiations, expected to open today, will in no way be endangered by the events of this morning. Reichspraesident has invited the remaining members of SS and its related organizations to surrender and cooperate fully with the Armed forces of the Reich. He points out that he is fully aware that only the hotheads at the top of the organization were the ones responsible. Full amnesty is offered to all members of Allgemeine SS and Waffen SS who decide to cooperate with Reich authorities. Responsibility of senior officers and their trustworthiness will be judged individually. However, it has been pointed out from the office of Reichspraesident that any and all resistance to lawful authorities will be severely punished. Let us all learn a lesson from these events. Let everyone be aware that nobody is above the law of the Volks and no body transgressing this law will be spared.

1200 The Hague, Permanent Court of International Arbitration

Dirk Jan de Geer stood at the speakers stand "Ladies and gentlemen. I welcome all of you to The Hague. We have met here again to continue discussions terms of peace agreement that would end the ongoing conflict in Europe. As the representative of the Government of The Netherlands I wish you good luck and pleasant stay in our neutral country. On behalf of entire humanity I would like to express hope that peace can be restored as result of this process. I invite herr Konstantin von Neurath of Germany to stand."

"Ladies and gentlemen, as herr de Geer has already expressed hopes of all of us, I do not feel the need to repeat his words. Let us just say that hopes of people of Greater German Reich and her Government are the same. We have come here in good faith and with intention to agree on lasting peace. For three days the truce between our armed forces has been upheld. After consultations within the Government of the Reich, we have decided to accept preliminary conditions as stated by sir Neville on 17th. We request only these minor changes:

a) That there will be simultaneous withdrawal of all military forces from our common border to no less than 2 km from the administrative border.
b) That all sorties of the air forces of both countries be restricted to their own airspace
c) That illegal naval blockade of German ports by naval units of Royal Navy and French Navy be lifted immediately
d) That truce is maintained during the course of the negotiations and no offensive preparations be executed during this period
e) That guarantees of status-quo regarding certain border changes and agreements achieved bilaterally or multilaterally and prior to September 1939. is issued by all involved powers.

These requests are what Government of Greater German Reich deems minimum acceptable in order to continue these negotiations in good faith. Ladies and gentlemen thank you for your attention. I hope that my esteemed colleagues will consider these requests reasonable." finished Neurath.

Halifax took stand next and started talking in slow, measured words "Herr Neurath, the position of His Majesty's Government is well publicized. We request that sovereignty of nations diminished by aggressions be restored. We cannot accept any border changes not achieved as consequence of multilateral negotiations and made under direct or indirect military pressure. We would prefer that the question of borders be solved in direct negotiations and without any prejudice. On others questions we will agree, except that blockade of imports of arms and dual-purpose items will be prohibited. All ships going to German ports will be inspected for these items and detained to British or French port for unloading and storing goods until such time that they are deliverable to Germany. Other than these and I speak in the name of Entente, we find preliminary conditions acceptable."

"Sir Edward" started Neurath, standing up from his desk "Although my Government considers all treaties between two powers as legal and binding, in order to show our willingness to achieve lasting peace in Europe, we will accept that certain border issues be negotiable. However, we adamantly refuse any corrections of borders achieved as consequence of Munich Treaty. Also, we are not willing to negotiate contiguity of our territory. Reich demands that status of the Polish Corridor remain as is. Conditions to Polish access to sea can be negotiated, but we demand that the land corridor to Eastern Prussia remain within the borders of the Reich."

"His Majesty's Government cannot offer any part of territory not under her sovereignty. When this issue comes under discussion we will request presence of legal Government of Poland now in exile in United Kingdom. I can only offer assurances that special interests of Germany will be taken into account in solving this issue. I must state that my Government is reluctant to accept any changes to the borders as a result of force. Furthermore, His Majesty's Government and Government of Republic of France have agreed to request, pending success of this peace process, establishment of permanent demilitarized area between France and Germany. The parameters of this zone are to be established, but its existence is not negotiable. Mechanism of permanent controls of military readiness must be established as a guarantee of lasting peace and reducing threat of armed aggression between countries of Europe. His Majesty's Government envisions this mechanism as multilateral in nature and applicable to all major powers in Europe. We also hope that mutual guarantees and non-aggression treaties as well as binding agreements of commitment to non-violent arbitrage of all outstanding issues, either present or those that might arise in future, can be agreed upon in this conference. We invite German representatives to state the acceptable armed forces limitations, so that initial discussions can begin. I will once again emphasize the determination of His Majesty's Government and Government of Republic of France to reach just and lasting peace. We hope that Government of Germany will find these conditions acceptable as starting points to these negotiations."

"The Government of Greater German Reich has already negotiated with Government in Poland, prior to the 1st September. We were unable to achieve any headway in the efforts to diplomatically solve our outstanding issues" started Neurath "No doubt, this was consequence of the fact that Entente governments have guaranteed the Polish borders unconditionally. We request that Polish Government be notified that changes to the borders can be negotiated and that we will not back down from the request we made since March 1939. We are willing to guarantee that no further requests toward Poland will be made by Government of Greater German Reich. I would also like to remind Your Excellency and Government of Poland that Germany now controls the territory, but is ready and willing to offer evacuation of parts of Poland if Entente offers guarantee that Reich will keep land connection to its eastern province."

"His Majesty's Government cannot negotiate on this issue without Polish Government. However, we are willing to propose and support any solution that satisfies the interests of both sides. We will recommend Government of Poland to take into consideration your offer and have in mind expressed goodwill of Government of Germany. However, this Government cannot and will not guarantee what it cannot foresee. I hope this answer is acceptable to German delegation, for I cannot offer anything else at this moment. As regards to former Czechoslovakia, this Government is aware that irreversible changes have taken place upon Slovakian declaration of independence. We demand that sovereignty of Czech Republic be restored and Czech people allowed the right of self-determination."

"Sir Edward, the Government of Greater German Reich is convinced that interests of Czech people are best served if they remain under protection of Greater German Reich. Their country borders Reich on almost all sides. The economic life and welfare of the country are wholly depended on Reichs economy. We are willing to offer Czech people some involvement into decision making process on their territory, even full local autonomy and self-governance. However, restoration of full sovereignty is beyond the power of Reich. We will now request that recess of half an hour be granted, in order to formulate precise suggestions on issues presented here."

De Geer said next "We invite all delegations to lunch, organized by Government of Netherlands. The recess will last until 1500."

The Times, evening edition

"The Peace in Europe?"

Once again in this century Europe was entangled in conflict between its major powers. As before, this conflict largely erupted due to unsolved issues in Eastern Europe. This time however there were no large masses of troops clashing in the plains of Europe. After Germany and Soviet Union more or less effortlessly captured and dismembered Poland, question on everyone's mind is "Should we continue this fight?". The answer only a week ago was "Yes, until our requests are met!". The leader of Germany didn't appear disposed to talks or offered peace. His demise allowed more moderate policy to come to forefront. Germany initiated peace negotiations and appears willing to offer reasonable concessions. First round of peace talks, held today offers a lot of promise. It is early to say that peace is imminent, but first steps have been taken. At the end of today’s session, both sides have agreed to prolong the truce established three days ago. According to Lord Halifax, significant progress has been made. Our reporter has interviewed sir Edward upon his return to Croydon airport.

These are the words of Lord Halifax "Today we agreed to immediately stop all offensive preparations by all involved powers. Military forces will retreat along the mutual borders of Germany and France to the distance of 2 miles from the administrative border lines. Only skeleton crew of troops necessary to maintain the fortifications on both sides of the border will remain within this zone. Governments of United Kingdom and Republic of France have agreed to partially lift naval blockade of German ports. However, since the embargo on imports of weapons and war material remains, ships bound to German ports will be inspected for prohibited items. Both sides agreed to limit air force sorties to within their borders."

Lord Halifax also pointed out that German side demanded that, as precondition to any negotiation Entente governments recognize all borders as they existed on outbreak of war, and to guarantee that land connection between German mainland and Eastern Prussia will remain within Reich, as well as all areas formerly part of Poland inhabited by German majority to remain within German borders. Government of United Kingdom, supported by Government of Republic of France has declined to recognize any border changes established by aggression or by threat of force or preclude the result of the peace talks.

However, representatives of both sides agreed to commit to approach the issues of borders with goodwill and involvement of all interested parties. Our government promised to take into account special interests of Germany, and representatives of Germany promised that Poland will retain some modality of access to sea. Germany promised to take into consideration interests and right to self-determination of Czech people, and make it subject of further negotiations. Both Governments promised to establish effective international arms control and arbitration mechanism. Although no commitment to demobilization of military forces by any side has been mentioned, expectations of both sides is that once credible progress has been made towards peace, this step will follow logically.

Next session will take place in two days, by which time concrete suggestions as to the issues of borders will be formulated by both sides. At this time, it is hard to predict how long the process will take, but important thing is that countries are no longer in state of war with each other.

November 21st, 0700, Modlin Warsaw

Heydrich sat in a makeshift office improvised hastily in one of undamaged buildings of NCO Academy. What remained of senior officers of SS was in this room. Attempts to contact HQ building in Berlin ended in demands to identify and give the position. It was clear that no hope of organizing any resistance remained. Although they had unit of 15400 men, mostly army trained conscripts and few hundred enthusiastic, but utterly untrained Hitler Jugend volunteers. Sepp Dietrich was the only one with any military experience of the officers, while other 'senior' officers present were mostly members of Totenkopf and Einsatzgruppen. Though uniformed and nominally having officer rank, their only activity in the war so far was rounding up innocent civilians and killing them. Heydrich knew that in confrontation with real soldiers, this makeshift bunch would crumble despite all eagerness.

"Mene Herren" started Heydrich "We have but three options. We can surrender and hope for amnesty. I am not fooled by offer of amnesty they talk about. I think we will all be shot at first sight, as has happened to the Reichsfuehrer. Don't we all know what fair trial at hands of Volksgerichtshof means? We are as good as dead. Trumped up charges, against which we can have no defense at all, guarantee death sentence to us all. Maybe not the common soldiers, after all it is hard to kill that many people, as you all know, but I am certain that none of us is going to survive capturing. Thus the route of surrender is closed to us.

We can choose to fight here. We might defend ourselves against garrisons of Wehrmacht around us and forces that can be gathered on short notice. However, we do not have neither ammo nor supplies to last us for more than a month, and as soon as sizable force can be deployed here we are done for.

In my opinion best option is to start guerilla resistance. I propose to split our units into 10 groups and march independently toward Reich, where we will further split and organize into small groups able to hit and run. There we can find people sympathetic to our cause and willing to cover us. I am sure that there are people in Reich who can be persuaded of truth. Of course, this course is also the hardest and most dangerous. I do not want to have anyone on my side that is not willing to do his utmost and sacrifice everything. I am sure most of you wouldn't be here if it wasn't so. Is there anyone here unwilling to follow me?" he finished his harangue with question. He didn't have to wait long. Everyone in the room jumped and saluted in Nazi way. They were all willing to die.

November 21st, 1030 Moscow, Kremlin

Paasikivi was ushered into Molotov's office. "Welcome, mr. Paasikivi" Molotov greeted him instantly.

"Good morning, mr. Molotov. I came here to announce those three days ago, my government has agreed to concede to your demands. We were hoping that some amendments to your original demands are still possible. My government requires that Soviet Union and a third party of our choice guarantee the finality of this treatment. We fully agree to territorial concessions, however, our hope is that retention of our defensive works on Karelian Isthmus is not contrary to interests of USSR. Provided these amendments are made, and with provision that Government of Kingdom of Sweden is included as guarantor and present in signing of the treaty between our two countries, I am authorized by my government to sign such a treaty. Government of Kingdom of Sweden, whom we contacted earlier, has expressed her willingness to participate in the treaty in manner I already explained. The Ambassador of Kingdom of Sweden in USSR mr. Assarsson has been notified and authorized to sign the treaty immediately."

Molotov relaxed in his chair and answered "Mr. Paasikivi, Government of Soviet Union has already stated that this agreement can only be signed with provision that your defensive line in Isthmus is dismantled. However, in view of your objections to this and since your Government has shown goodwill, this provision will be modified and Soviet Union will require of Finland only disarmament and neutralization of the fortification, rather than total dismantlement. Government of Soviet Union sees no objection to including Sweden in the process of signing as the guarantor of the treaty. Soviet Union has no further interest in Finland, beyond purely economic cooperation. Our sole goal is to secure all approaches to Leningrad. I can only express my hope that this would mark a new era in Soviet-Finnish relations. I propose that the date for signing ceremony of this beneficial treaty be set for 18th December. On the part of Soviet Union, I will sign the agreement as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and we expect that similarly high ranking official of Finland take part in signatures. Soviet Union proposes that signature ceremony be held in Leningrad."

"Mr. Molotov, my Government agrees with these proposals. We require that Finland be granted two weeks transition period upon signing of treaty in order to properly evacuate the areas ceded to Soviet Union." continued Paasikivi.

He has already gained as much of concessions on part of Soviet Union as his Government expected. Finns hoped that Soviet Union appetite towards their country would be sated by this. If not, at least Swedes agreed to support them. They probably wouldn't be able to do much in case Soviets decide to do something more, but the security of Sweden was tied to Finland. Should Soviets roll over Finland, next country on their menu would undoubtedly be Sweden. Even their seemingly easy acceptance of Swedish guarantee was ominous in itself. He wondered if Soviet plans included this eventuality. He decided not to be paranoid and have at least benefit of a doubt towards Soviet intentions. Even they couldn't totally disregard world opinion.

On the other hand, Molotov was pleased that Finland has agreed to demands and that no war was necessary. Europe has shifted from war to peace, whereas Soviet Union expected Germany to be preoccupied with war on the west for at least two to three years, by which time Soviet Union would be impregnable. Now, however, western front seemed to be quieting. German attention could now be switched entirely to its east. It was clear that, although the main proponent of their violent ideology has disappeared, Nazism was still predominant in Germany. Would they heed the call of their late Leader to east? Whatever the answer to this question, Molotov knew that Soviet Union has decided (which meant that Stalin has decided) to move its borders as far west as possible without risking war.

November 21st, 1211, Downing Street 10, London

Chamberlain, Halifax, Daladier and Wladislaw Sikorski sat in the conference room. "Mr. Sikorski" said Halifax "As you know we have begun the peace talks. Germans proposed the solution for the outstanding issue between your two countries. They insist that city of Danzig and corridor, as well as Upper Silesia be ceded to Germany. We feel these proposals are preposterous and not acceptable. We will support Polish government in negotiations and we will help bring about a sensible agreement, as part of overall peace treaty. This government has entered war in order to protect sovereignty of Poland and has guaranteed Poland in case war has been declared on her by any power. Our opinion is that, in interest of international peace and in order to avoid numerous casualties and suffering that would be required in order to impose our will on Germany Polish government should consider signing the peace treaty. Furthermore, it is clear that East Poland, occupied by Soviet Union will not be subject to this treaty. As it appears now, any possibility of ever regaining these territories can only come about in international circumstances this government cannot foresee. As the second round of peace conference is scheduled tomorrow, our government would appreciate if you name representative of Polish government to the conference."*

Sikorski looked towards Halifax with barely concealed rage "Sir Edward, do you really consider it acceptable for Polish government to cede any part of our territory? The territory we fought for with blood of our sons? We will never accept this. Never." "Mr. Sikorsky, the reality on the ground is that Germany is occupying western half of Poland, Soviet Union occupies eastern half and your government is in London, with no presence in Poland whatsoever. United Kingdom and France entered this war on your side in order to protect your independence." answered Halifax. The way he pronounced word independence left little doubt to what followed next "Mr. Sikorsky, if peace in Europe depends on whether Poland will cede some parts of her territory, as it now certainly appears to be, we can only advice you to enter the negotiations with Germany to that effect. This Government has in the past, is now and will in the future guarantee protection and independence of Poland. There is no doubt that United Kingdom can defeat Germany in battle. However this will require great expense of blood. And neither our country nor Republic of France" at this Daladier politely nodded "can afford to spill blood. Not if we can solve the issues we face in peaceful manner. Rest assured that we will not allow Polish independence to be compromised. The government of Germany has promised to commit to international mechanism of guarantees and arms control upon conclusion of peace treaty. We have all reasons to believe this offer is genuine."*

Sikorsky grew red in the face and his temper almost got better of him. He barely managed not to shout and it was audible in his voice "Sir Henry, the same government solemnly stated it will have no ambitions after Munich, did it not. Yet, not six months later their troops were in Prague. Have you forgotten that? Let me remind you that same country had non-aggression treaty with my country and threw it away at first opportunity. After all this, after the same country virtually dismembered my country in secret treaty with our neighbor, treating our territory as some sort of spare change in their pockets, you come to me with those suggestions? Really, sirs?"

Daladier spoke next "Mr. Sikorsky, my government is fully aware of your concerns and doubt. We undertook the same obligation as our ally, United Kingdom as you kn---" Sikorsky stopped him "And you did what? While our soldiers were dying, yours were hanging clothes on your vaunted Maginot line. Mr. Daladier---" "Please mr. Sikorsky, calm down, please. You must be aware that no attack could be organized to mean anything in time. We tried an offensive towards Saar, but once we approached German fortifications, it was simply not possible to proceed without extensive preparations. Of course, by the time these were complete, bulk of enemy troops was already in place to stop us. My generals assure me that losses to our army would be decisive. Now, Germans offer us peace. In my opinion and of most of my colleagues and our common ally, as you can see, the German offer is real. They are no longer under control of that revolting madman. Common sense has prevailed. And let's face it, the border situation between Germany and your country hasn't exactly made Poland too popular in Germany. At least some part of international public believes you can make some adjustments and still keep your honor." finished Daladier. Chamberlain continued "Mr. Sikorsky, believe me, if Germany didn't offer honorable peace terms, I, personally, would be the first to fight on. Situation being as it is, we have no other option but to ask you to come to terms with Germans. The peace will end suffering of your nation. It will be freed of its shackles and in cooperation with us, you will continue proudly as an independent and strong country. If we solve those issues now, you will have nothing to fear from Germany any more. All we want of you is to consider joining negotiations and try to come to just and fair terms with Germany. My government and government of France will stand by you during negotiations. If we feel your independence and sovereignty is endangered we will pull out of negotiations. All we require of you is to try." pleaded Chamberlain to Polish general.*

"Gentlemen, you are asking me to do something that is against my very nature. My opinion is that you are being conned on a grand scale and that this is appeasement again. Since you insist, and since you seem determined to force Poland the same way you forced Czechs---" "Mr. Sikorsky, there is no comparison between this situation and Czech. You will be invited to take direct part in negotiations. No solution will be forced on you without your consent. We will not tolerate any unreasonable demands by Germany. Our sole ambition and goal is to, for once solve the discontents in Eastern Europe, and allow unimpeded progress. I will emphasize once again that credible and efficient mechanism of international arms control and mutual guarantees will be part of the peace treaty. Is small territorial adjustment really worth war and suffering?" asked Halifax. "Gentlemen, despite my better judgment, I will personally take part in negotiations tomorrow. I will not promise you I will accept anything short of restoration of prewar borders and I have no mandate to do anything else. Do not think I do not want peace as much as you do. I am simply not willing to betray my nation by, submitting to the force of arms."

1300, Kremlin, Moscow

"Comrades, our demands to Finland have been accepted. Official signing of the treaty is set on December 18th, so we will have double celebration. War in the Western Europe is drawing to a close. Since our Baltic policy has met fruitful conclusion, only final stage of actual territorial unification of our breakaway provinces remains. Since the Mutual assistance treaties we have concluded with all three Baltic states allow us unhindered access to those countries we can complete the reunification at any moment. We must consider further steps towards fortification of our borders. As you know Romania occupies province of Bessarabia, which according to our treaty with Germany has been assigned to us. Liberation of this province would put our border on the rivers Prut and Lower Danube, thus significantly improving defensive position on Odessa front. We can expect German support for our demands, which will force Romania to give up the provinces peacefully. For this we will require a credible military threat on the border, so comrade Kliment, you will arrange for transfer of bulk of our forces facing Finland to our southern flank. When do you expect this movement to complete?" asked Stalin after his monologue.*

"Comrade Chairman, transfer of forces and concentration can be completed within two months. Logistics would be much easier in the south, since our infrastructure is much denser there and there are more great population centers."

"Comrade Molotov, you will make necessary diplomatic preparations. Did you receive any answer to our commercial proposal from German ambassador?" directed the question to his Foreign minister and nominal chief of government.

"Not yet Comrade Chairman, at least not official answer. Ambassador Schulenburg has unofficially notified me that German government is interested in trade agreement, but due to current situation, the meeting can be organized in Berlin." answered Molotov.

"Comrade Molotov, what about the peace talks? Is there any chance they succeed?" "According to what we were able to find out so far, no concrete progress has been achieved yet. Although public announcements from all parties claim major brake troughs, we know that only truce has been established. Real issues have hardly been tackled so far and it appears a large gap remains to be bridged with regards to Poland and arms control. On the other hand, all participants appear determined to end war, no doubt fearing the casualties prolonged war would bring about. I am also of opinion that both side feel that they would be weakened in relation to us."

"Could this mean that capitalist are preparing to gang up on us, comrade?" asked Stalin. "No, I don't think so. Not yet at least. One of prominent provisions Entente insists on so far is arms control and armed forces limitation treaty. French government is most vocal on this and has made public statements that this condition will be indispensable to successful peace treaty. If the peace treaty include this it will significantly lower the danger to us. Also new opportunities will open up." finished Molotov. "These are interesting news, comrade Molotov. Interesting, indeed. And what about Poland?" was next question of the feared dictator. "It seems unquestionable that Poland will be restored in some form. Entente will no doubt insist on it, Germans have offered it without even being asked, so it is certain that Polish state will reemerge on our western border. However, this will not present significant threat to us. This country will be extremely weak and vulnerable both to subversion and to outright invasion." answered Molotov.

"Thank you for your comprehensive briefing comrade Molotov. Comrade Voroshilov, I presume our forces are at satisfactory readiness?" "Yes comrade Chairman. We had a organized a few war games during our mobilization agains Finland, and all went excellent. Our forces are trained and our commanders do not have any problems following our doctrine. Our new equipment appears excellent. I have personally observed trials in Kubinka proving grounds. Comrade Koshkin claims first models will be available in few months. It will replace both BT-7 and T-26 in our units. Best of all, design is fairly simple, yet effective, which allows us to produce them in massive quantities. Comrade Chairman, you will see it on next May Day parade, no doubt and you will be delighted."

"Excellent comrade Marshal. This means we can provide a bit more tanks to our Chinese friends, once your pride gets into service. With better equipment and a few more our instructors, they should be able to teach those Japanese bastards the same lesson we taught them in Mongolia. Give better equipment to comrade Mao, though. We want to have friendly China on our borders when this is all over."

November 21st, Manchester, home of Brown family

It was time for dinner and Brian and Margaret sat around the table. They were elderly couple, living alone. Their single daughter was married and visited them regularly, but otherwise they were used to spending evenings alone, listening to the radio. Since war begun it occupied most of their conversation. In the beginning there was widespread fear of air attacks and terrifying images were publicized by papers. They also remembered restrictions of food during previous war. Although war lasted for a few months, no restrictions of food were felt yet and only blankets on windows to hush the lights in fear of air strikes reminded them of war. No air strikes have happened, so all thing appeared a bit silly. "Sometimes, my dear, I think there is no war at all." said Margaret "It all seems so ordinary. I just hope that once those peace talks finish, so we can take the blankets off the windows. It is all really pointless."*

Brian opined "Yes, love. But we had to show them some teeth, or they would just go on with this. Well they finally seem to get the point. Lord Halifax has said that they asked for terms after that Hitler guy got all blown up. And jolly good thing if you ask me. I always told you that guy was up to no good. But Prime minister read him after they took over Prague. Well we showed them, didn't we. Uncle Trevor went to Germany after the Great war. He said they almost starved by the end. No doubt our boys from the navy did it again. And they come, tails between legs."

"I guess that is so. Lucky for Elizabeth. Henry will return from France right after the peace is signed. She read me his letter yesterday. Not much has survived military censorship, but he says that it is better there than few weeks ago. They work much less and it is just as it were when they were at home. She was so happy."

November 21st, late afternoon, Posen (Poznan), Poland

As the dusk fell upon the barracks occupied by Wehrmacht garrison, Brigadefuehrer Bruno Streckenbach observed the compound with his field glasses. Around 1000 SS troops were concealed in sparsely wooded area to the east and north of the compound. They were on the march since the unit formed in Modlin divided to infiltrate the Reich. They were now within nominal Reich border, as Reichsgau Posen was annexed to Reich after Fall Weis. Since the unit under his command lacked food and additional ammunition would be useful, they decided to attack the garrison he was now observing. To ensure success of the attack, they decided to do it at night and the time was rapidly approaching. Sun has already gone from the horizon, and first stars twinkled overhead. Since it was period of new Moon, there was no sources of light that would reveal their attack prematurely. He ordered Rottenfuehrer Max Shultz to take three men of his section and to quietly approach guard post on the nearest corner of compound and eliminate guards silently. The men set off. They crawled through the low bushes, but 500 meters from the fence, engineers of the Polish army that previously occupied the barracks, cleared everything in order to have better coverage of the approaches. Fortunately for SS men, it was almost pitch dark already and they managed to crawl near the fence. Though not well trained for conventional combat, troopers had some basic infantry skills and managed to sneak to the guards.

Just as it seemed that everything would go well and SS troopers would disable the guards silently, five soldiers appeared behind the corner of the building, heading towards guards post. The troopers were just about done with the killing the guards, but the others noticed them. Then the shot was heard and two of the approaching soldiers turned and started shouting and running towards the building, while other three dropped to the ground and aimed towards the SS men, of which one was already wounded. As firefight ensued, wails of alarm were heard all over compound and signal rounds lit up the dark. The unit located here was reasonably well armed and numbered around 800 soldiers. Fully armed and dressed soldiers started emerging from the barracks within minutes, heading towards the sounds of fighting. At that moment, SS troops concealed in the woods emerged and ran towards the compound. The fighting that broke out was chaotic and out of control. Most of it happened at almost point-blank range. However, soldiers were better trained than SS troops that charged them and it started showing. Wehrmacht soldiers started taking cover, used hand grenades expertly and quickly managed to set up two machinegun positions on the far end of training grounds. Dozens of troopers were mowed subsequently as they charged the machineguns with utter fanaticism. Rifle and SMG fire from the windows of the barracks randomly took out SS troops as they advanced from the eastern edge and towards the center of the fenced off area. Although the SS had numerical superiority, the margin was much smaller than what was required for the successful attack of the semi-fortified position. Once the machinegun was set up on the flat roof of the mess-hall, it was all over for the SS. 200 troopers that were left after fierce fighting scattered over entire area, some trying to get away from fighting, others trying to organize attacks on the various points within barracks. In the end, only 50 troopers managed to brake off fighting and disappear in the darkness from whence they came. Hundreds bodies were left dead or wounded all over the compound.

In the morning the work on collecting the dead has started, and it was determined that over 500 SS troopers were killed, while the garrison lost over 200 of their numbers. Identification of the bodies showed that Bruno Streckenbach was among the dead, as well as over 150 members of SS, identified by a blood group tattoo. Others were later established to have belonged to Wehrmacht and many were wanted deserters. Garrison commander immediately sent written report of the event to General-oberst Blaskowitz, with details of encounter. As the day passed, the full details of SS plan were revealed, since some of the men captured were interrogated by Feldspolizei. The commander of the garrison requested personal audience with Blaskowitz to report everything he found out.

Meanwhile, Potsdam fortress near Berlin

Mueller has been in custody of the army for almost two days already. He has been interrogated twice and then left alone in his cell. A few salvos were heard in the courtyard, without doubt shootings carried out of other people who were in custody. Momentarily, doors of his cell opened and two soldiers entered. They buckled him and pushed him out of his cell. After a long walk, they reached an office, with Volksgeristhof sign in print letters on the door. He was ordered to go into the room and sit. "Herr Mueller started Roland Freisler, "This court has considered your plea of not guilty to the charges presented. We also reviewed all the documentary evidence seized from the building in Albrechtstrasse. This Court has found no evidence whatsoever of your involvement in the planning and attempting a coup d’état and murder of Adolf Hitler, Fuehrer of Greater German Reich. Having in mind your outstanding service record and having no reason to doubt your commitment to our common cause, this court finds you not guilty of the charge conspiracy to undermine established order of the state. On the second charge failing to prevent or report on the potentially dangerous conspiracy, this court has not found any evidence of your knowledge of the existence of conspiracy. However it is the opinion of this court that you could and should have known of such a conspiracy, given your position. In view of this, court finds you guilty. We recommend your removal from the position you presently occupy and placing you at the Reichsprasidents disposal. Should he fail to find an appropriate position, you will be provided with early retirement at conditions applicable to your position. Does the accused have anything to say?" Freisler concluded. "I deny any knowledge of the affair whatsoever. I feel the charges leveled against me are unfair. I request a proper trial." answered Mueller. Irony of the request didn't pass unnoticed by anyone involved, yet nobody pointed it out. "Herr Mueller, you may consider yourself lucky that neither evidence nor testimony has been produced to implicate you. Otherwise, we probably wouldn't be having this conversation right now."

November 22nd, early morning, on the special Berlin - The Hague flight, carrying v. Neurath and other diplomats

"I propose we submit this proposal" said v. Neurath holding the bunch of papers in his hand. It was marked Option A in large block print. "I am confident that, in order to receive most of our demands we should start with maximum. We have strong position, we already hold those areas under occupation, so anything we offer is concesion. I am sure that Polish independence would be required by the Allies. Herr Goering has told me that we are willing to abandon Posen Gau, while retention of the West Preussen Gau is our preferred outcome. Our minimum request, without which we will not accept any agreement, is retention of Regierungsbezirks Danzig and Marienwerder. I foresee that Allies will insist on the Poland retaining sea port on Baltic. I am authorised to offer an extrateritorial port and guarantee free acces to it through the territory of the Reich. I hope Allies will not insist on the Poland having full territorial access to the sea. This request would prove impossible to reconcile with our minimum request. If such a situation arises, we would accept abandoning part of Sclesien joined to the Reich after the German-Polish war. If they find these request unreasonable, than it is safe to conclude that Allies do not want peace, but only humiliation of our country and we will not be part of such negotiations. You can see our proposal for Prussian corridor on map. Does anyone have anything to add?" concluded Neurath.

"No? Thank you, gentleman. As for arms limitation and control. On this issue we can compromise only up to the limit that does not put our country to danger of communist takeover. We will request forces sufficiently strong to repel any invasion by the bordering countries. Also, limitations on the types of weapons and stockpile are unacceptable, so if such proposal comes up, we will reject it of hand. Demilitarized zone is acceptable only on principle of reciprocity. Germany will not be the sole country denied the right to use its sole as it sees fit. We are to strive to include all neighboring countries in such an agreement if it comes up. We have no reservations as to the mutual guarantees and other such multilateral agreements. We are willing to accept anything that does not limit sovereignty of Germany in this aspect. Should our enemies request any financial compensation or reparations we are to adamantly refute such claims. We shall not accept any guilt for this war. Any comments?" asked Neurath again. "My opinion is that Allies will certainly require of us to continue reparations Reich owes them from the previous war", said Pappen. "Although we agreed to rescind those payments in negotiations, the agreement was never ratified by either party to the Laussane conference. The enemy might try to reinstate them." "If it comes up in negotiation, we will deal with it then."


November 22nd, 1008, Reichskanzlei, Berlin

"Gentlemen, we gathered here in order to reconstruct the Reichsgovernment after dramatic events of previous two weeks." Goering told to the people gathered in the conference room. The depth of betrayal of certain individuals has stunned us all. Nonetheless, we must carry on. Our enemies will not allow us to reflect too deeply on the causes of such heinous acts. What we learned from this is never to allow single individual grab too much power. Therefore, I have decided to dismantle RSHA. This service will be divided on the Gestapo, OrPo and KriPo. SD will be disbanded, with intelligence parts to be transferred to Abwehr and counterintelligence to Gestapo. Waffen SS will be disbanded and all its members transferred to army units. Herr Arthur Nebe will be appointed as new chief of Gestapo, while KriPo will be commanded by Herr Heinrich Daubel. Herr Achim Goercke will be appointed head of OrPo for the time being. Gestapo, KriPo and OrPo will be directly responsible to minister of interior. Does anybody here have some suggestions?"

"Herr Praesident, I must point out that, as Herr Frick appears to have taken part in the conspiracy, we will need a new Minister of Interior." said Franz Guertner, Minister of Justice.

"Thank you, Herr Guertner. I was just about to come to that. I will appoint herr Rudolf Diels as Minister of Interior. As soon as Herr Neurath finishes with his current assignment, I plan to appoint him as Foreign Minister. Also, in order to improve coordination between ministries, currently empty position of Reichkanzler, which as you know, I have taken as acting Kanzler, will be filled by appointment of Herr Paul Pleiger. He has experience in managing large organizations and possesses sufficient skills to efficiently coordinate such complex body, as our government. Now, we have to consider serious reports coming from our eastern provinces. Herr Blaskowitz has reported that late last night group of former SS has assaulted an army garrison near city of Posen. Assault has been repulsed successfully, with moderate losses. Interrogation of survivors has revealed that 12 more groups of up 1000 SS troops have intention of infiltrating Reich. Their aim is unclear, but Herr Blaskowitz has ordered his troops to increase alert."*

"Herr Praesident, I recommend we establish blockades and checkpoints on the Odre crossing. Also, I recommend we order Herr Hoepners group to the east. The group consists of one infantry and one panzer division. The transfer from Essen to Berlin should not take more than week and half. The only issue is whether diplomatic situation warrants this transfer?" Brauchitsch opined.

"Herr Brauchitsch, the truce has been maintained so far, there is no reason to expect any surprises on the West. You have my permission to do this. Is ‘Schwarz’ complete?"

"Herr Praesident, we have arrested all senior leadership of SS, down to Abschnitte level. We eliminated all senior SS personnel, as well as Martin Bormann, Alfred Rosenberg and Frick. It appears Gauleiter Koch has been involved in political aspect of conspiracy. He has been arrested and shot in Koenigsberg."

"Well, that is all, gentlemen. Herr Nebe, your service will establish surveillance of surviving suspects. If they detect any indication of misbehavior, they are to report immediately. You have free hands in this aspect. Also, all appointments of section chiefs and selection of senior personnel are up to you. Just keep me informed."

"Thank you Herr Praesident."

November 22nd, Le Figaro, "Daily report from The Hague"

As peace negotiations enter the second round, the demands of both sides crystallized. Germans, as is expected demand to retain full control over so called Polish Corridor to their province of East Prussia. The representatives of Polish Government headed by Prime Minister General Sikorski have refuted those claims and demand that western borders of Poland be restored as they were before war. As no compromise could be reached in open session, representatives of Germany threatened to pull out of negotiations. The breakdown of the process was avoided only after representatives of governments of United Kingdom and France offered to sponsor direct negotiations between two sides. German and Polish representatives agreed to present their proposals for solutions in one week.

The talks continued on the theme of demilitarized zone. Germany and France agreed to establish military exclusion zone 10 kilometers wide on both sides of frontier. The Government of Belgium has been invited to join this agreement. Both governments agreed that joint patrols of two nations will be responsible for control and enforcement of the zone. According to the statement of Monsieur Daladier, negotiations were hard and Government of France had to drop their request that entire Rhineland be demilitarized, faced with stubborn refusal of German delegation. Monsieur Daladier and General Maurice Gamelin have agreed that demilitarized zone of 3 km allows sufficient warning time and that does not endanger defenses Army of France has set up along the border and accepted German counter-proposal. Issue of arms control and disarmament have been briefly mentioned, but since extensive discussion on this issue was judged too long, both sides agreed to leave it for next session, expected in four days.

Upon their return, representatives of the Government expressed optimism and satisfaction with the talks so far. However, according to our sources there is a less than consensus on the issue of peace talks within the Government of Republic. Some members, among them Monsieur Reynauld, Mandel and Ribes have disagreed with peace talks. Our source speculates that Monsieur Mandel has even handed his resignation to Monsieur Daladier. Public opinion is also widely divided although on the whole peace proponents prevail by small margin. Especially vocal are the members of proscribed PCF, who view the peace proposal as great victory for workers. The Paris Prefecture has arrested around fifty members of PCF after breaking up demonstrations organized on Place de Bastille yesterday.

November 22nd, evening, Kremlin, Moscow

Kliment Voroshilov was ending his long day in the office. Only one thing remained to be taken care of. Stalin had decided to intensify his support to China, since there was no prospect of major war in Europe in foreseeable time. The order Voroshilov held in his hand was assignment of General Vasily Chuikov to China as a military advisor. Late working hours in the Kremlin have become common as Stalin, for some reason, preferred to work at night. The door to his office opened and General Chuikov stepped in. After saluting smartly he greeted Marshal with "Good evening, comrade Marshal. General Vasily Ivanovich reporting as ordered." Voroshilov replied "Good evening. Sit down, comrade. Would like tea?" Chuikov answered "Thank you comrade Marshal. If you will have tea, I will join you, of course." Voroshilov buzzed his secretary and ordered two cups and samovar to be brought. "Vasily, I have new order for you. Since we will not be attacking Finland, Comrade Chairman has found a new assignment for you. I am afraid it will require you some travel, but I promise you it will be interesting. The written order is here." he said, as he handed Chuikov piece of paper he had just signed "Vasily Ivanovich, you are going to China. You will be stationed with our friend Chiang as his military advisor as part of 'Operation Zet'. We will provide help to both our ideological counterparts in China and so called Nationalist government headed by Chiang. Comrade, you will estimate reliability and fighting ability of both and assist them in fighting Japanese. Comrade Stalin is more inclined to support Communists, but it appears that Chiang is fighting with more effect in this and thus more popular." Chuikov was taken back a bit by this. However, military officers, and especially military officers of Soviet Union, didn't get to refuse too many orders. "Thank you for this opportunity comrade Marshal. I will do my utmost on this task."

Voroshilov smiled "I have no doubt you will. You will be stationed in Chongqing, which is currently provisional capital of Chinese government. I am afraid that getting there requires some travel, but arrangements for it are already being pushed through. Please, understand that this task is not a punishment but reward. Japan remains the biggest threat to Soviet Union, since the death of Hitler and our policy toward China is the way of ensuring that Japan remains weak on our frontier. Currently, Chinese forces are suffering defeats as the Japanese forces are driving them deeper into Chinese Hinterland. Large scale offensive operations with Chinese forces are near impossible, due to lack of organization and officers capable of maintaining control of large formations. We can improve their equipment situation easily, but you and your staff will have to teach them to handle our equipment. If they continue this way, it would be much easier we send those arms to Japanese directly instead of waiting for them to capture it." explained Voroshilov "I understand comrade Marshal. I will do as ordered. When do I leave?" asked Chuikov. "You will leave from Khodynka on Friday, 24th. Your flight will take you to Urumqi, where you will meet your Chinese assistant and translator and take another plane to Chongqing. The arrival there is expected by Monday or Tuesday, depending on the weather. Should weather prohibit flying, you will be taken to your destination with our military convoy by road. This will take around two weeks, so let’s hope it will be airplane." answered Voroshilov. "I will leave you then Comrade Marshal. I must start packing immediately, as most of my stuff is still in Brest-Litovsk." Chuikov said as he stood up. "I was at liberty to order your stuff be sent to Moscow, comrade Chuikov. Your staff was a bit terrified I must add. Comrade General Khorobkov was surprised when he was handed over command of 4th Army." Voroshilov stated. "Well Comrade Marshal, you know how these things happened last year. They thought I was relieved." Chuikov offered explanation. "No need to apologize Comrade. I am perfectly aware what they might have thought. Anyway, have a nice trip. Try to enjoy China comrade." Voroshilov tried to calm him. "Thank you comrade Marshal. The tea was excellent, by the way. Goodbye, Comrade Marshal."

Meanwhile, Washington DC, vicinity of State Department

FBI Special agent Donald Murray sat in his favorite restaurant, having breakfast. He was employed in small and long neglected counter-intelligence service of the FBI. Only recently did this service receive any attention from the higher-ups. Up to now all the glamour went to the crime investigation division which fought against prohibition and crime rampant throughout the country as depression drove people towards crime. As international situation grew increasingly threatening and foreign espionage on US soil could no longer be ignored, his office received more attention. Not nearly enough, but it was felt. As FBI agent ate his bacon and eggs, he observed a strange looking woman, eating her breakfast in the booth opposite to his. Something in the behavior of the woman attracted his attention. She seemed to look around more carefully than what people normally do. As Don was trained counterintelligence officer, he diverted his look but tried to observe her with peripheral vision. Suddenly, the she leaned as if to tie a shoelace. Having apparently finished it, she got up and left. FBI agent noticed that she didn't wear laced shoes and that she left something under the table. Donald's first instinct was to follow her, but he thought better and instead looked under. He found a folder taped under the table top. When he opened the folder, inside were a few documents marked 'Secret' originating from State Department. He frowned, and carefully replaced the folder to where he found it. He assumed that it was left there for someone to find it. Approaching the telephone, he reached in his pocket for spare change. "Operator, extension 1140 please. Thank you." Donald said in the receiver. "Hi. This is Donald. Please send two men to 'Joe's' right away. We may have something here."

Replacing the phone, he sat to his table and finished his breakfast. It was already cold, but he didn't mind it. This might be his first case in the career. He waved the waitress to bring some coffee, and as she was pouring it, an inconspicuous man appeared. He looked around and proceeded to sit at the table the woman used. Donald watched intently.
 
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Link to the discussion.

About the same time, Chartwell Manor, Britain

Vansittart, Chruchill, Eden and Cooper sat in the Churchill's living room. Their conversation was rather subdued. "Gentlemen, it appears we are heading to even greater depths of shame and dishonor. Halifax and Chamberlain appear hell bent on appeasing Germany." said Eden. "They hope that after Hitler left, Germans have suddenly changed and will give up on the world mastery." said Churchill "I tried to point out in the Daily Telegraph, but nobody seems to read those papers anymore. And The Times has politely refused my articles." he remarked. After he drank the remaining whiskey from his glass, he promptly reached for the bottle and poured another one. Although the others got used to Winston's drinking, it appeared to have increased lately. Next remark came from Vansittart "In my opinion all Germans are alike. I think we should make war against them, defeat them and reeducate them for a few decades. This aggressiveness can no longer be tolerated. In past 60 years they caused three great wars and spent much of the time between preparing for one. They cannot be trusted ever." "I have been trying to tell this to anyone who would listen. South Africans and New Zealanders agree with me, but Canadians, Australians and Irish are with the Government. Those in UK I talked to are more worried for their positions than the country to voice their opinion. And the people are convinced we won. Frankly, I do not see a way out of this."

Churchill reacted to this "Gentlemen, we cannot just give up. Something must be done to show people the Germans cannot be trusted. As it happens, mr. Benesh has provided me with some hope. When I met him couple of days ago he indicated he might receive in his possession fresh evidence of German atrocities in Czech Republic. He heard reports that hundreds of people were murdered and thousands taken to prison after a demonstration in Prague a week ago. If we present those evidences to the public, it might steer them and the government to refuse German terms for peace. Yesterday, mr. Reynaud has contacted me. He considers leaving French government too, along with two more members. He says that in France public is much more against the peace treaty than in UK. There is possibility that Poland and France can still choose to continue the war taking us with them."

November 23rd, 1005, Budapest, French consulate

Renault, French Consul in Hungary didn't have much job for last few months. Although number of people wanting to go to France has not dropped, the number of those requesting visa has. After first few thousand were rejected, people simply gave up. However, occasionally some naive soul appeared on his door. Requesting visa for France. Like this lad who was standing in front of him. His name was Viktor Laszlo and he has requested student visa for France. In order to amuse himself and make something of his otherwise boring day, Louis asked "So, monsieur Laszlo, you want to visit Republic of France for study?". Trying to keep straight face almost choked Louis, but he kept up the appearance. "Yes, sir. I study photography, so I hoped to continue it in Paris." answered Viktor.
"I see you resided in Prague?"
"That is correct."
"Why did you leave?"
"Well, German authorities closed down the University, you see."
"So, you intend to continue your studies in Paris?"
"Yes."
"And how do you plan to support yourself there?"
"Well, I was hoping to find some work and support myself. I have other talents, beside photography."
"You are aware of international situation?"
"Well, yes, of course I am."
"Then, you will understand why I cannot issue a visa to you at this moment. But, if you wait a bit, I believe the problem will be solved by itself in few weeks."
"But, s---"
"Come, come young man, do not make me call security. Move along."

November 23rd, Late night, Odre River

The series of small scale encounters along the Odre river erupted as SS groups encountered garrisons and blocking points of Wehrmacht. In most cases superior fire power and training was enough to defeat SS troopers. Two of the groups surrendered en masse, hoping for amnesty. Although leaders were executed, men were granted clemency and allowed to serve in Wehrmacht. Special punishment regiments were formed with intention of giving those men worst possible assignments. However, in two cases, SS units were so expertly led that they managed to entirely avoid combat and slip over the Odre river on unguarded points. The fact that they broke through was discovered only after patrols from the areas of Lunow and Lebus failed to report in the morning. Among the leaders of SS captured, Heydrich was nowhere to be found.

Somewhere near Frankfurt am Oder

"Theo, I think we will split our column now. Form units of up to 50 people each. You will select loyal people to lead them. Our aim will be to saw terror and undermine Reich authority. Formations must be ready before morning." Eicke just saluted to Heydrich and went about to organize units. 'I wonder how Sepp's unit fared' thought Heydrich for himself. Maintaining communication between SS groups proved impossible. He hoped at least few groups got over the river. Wondering how to maintain communications between widely dispersed groups worried him additionally. Momentarily he decided to wait until tomorrow and sort it out then. Having reached the decision, he relaxed and went about hastily set up camp to check his troopers. They lost 100 people on the way, almost entirely through desertions. The unit numbered barely a thousand troops. The food supply was spent and the unit will need to start living off the land if it remained undivided.

November 24th, late morning, Paris

"Gentlemen, we have gathered here to discuss and establish position of Polish Government in relation to ongoing peace negotiations. We are all aware that Germans put forward impossible demands. If we were to accept their demands we would be in their mercy both in terms of economic life of our country and strategic situation. Such situation could hardly be regarded as independence and freedom. As mister Sikorski can confirm, we have been subjected to intense pressure by our Allies to accept the agreement with Germany. The negotiations all but broke down when we demanded to retain full territorial access to sea and allow Germany extra-territorial corridor to East Prussia. More on this from mr. Sikorski and Zaleski." Raczkiewicz opened the meeting of Polish Government-in-Exile.

"Thank you mr. President. Gentlemen, Three days ago, in London, I had conversation with sir Neville, sir Edward and monsieur Daladier. They pleaded on me to accept the outrageous demands of German aggressors and give up vital areas of our country. It seems that politicians in France and England have no spine left to fight. They got hooked on Germans 'guarantees' and 'expressions of goodwill' the true value of which is familiar to us. As mr. President said, acceptance of those terms will prostrate our country to the mercy of Germany. In response to the appeals of our Allies I agreed to attend the session of peace talks in The Hague two days ago. Both mr. Zaleski and I are of opinion that no agreement between Germany and Poland can be reached on the terms we presented. Although Allied governments have professed their support to us, we are afraid that they might waver in face of prolonged war and seemingly reasonable German offers to end it. After all, it would only be our country that would bear consequences if they accept. What is worse, I fear that they are right in thinking Germans have no further ambitions towards west. But if they have or develop ambitions towards the east, I fear Poland will become battleground between them and Russians. Such a situation would develop into national catastrophe for us." Sikorski elaborated.

"So what are we to do? Mr. Raczynski, what is the situation in London?" asked Raczkiewicz their ambassador to London.

"Gentlemen, the government of the United Kingdom is almost unanimous in support of peace treaty. The lone voice against it within war Cabinet, that of Winston Churchill, is gone now after he submitted his resignation. Group of opponents to government exist, but their influence on the decision making is virtually non-existent. Barring the German blunder or some aggressive move, I think we cannot count on the support of England in our demands. I gather that situation in France is much more ambiguous?" answered Edward Raczkiewicz.

"Well it is. We have information that at least three ministers are against the government. Monsieur Reynaud has even contacted me, unofficially of course, and conveyed his full support. However, it seems that government of France is under strong influence of Britain. At least Daladier is. Reynaud claims that majority of French people is against war, but also against any concessions to Germany. The tide of opinion however is rapidly changing. The 'drole de guerre' has draining effects both on population and the army, so if peace proposals seem acceptable, the French will not support us." Sikorski said.

"Mr. Strasburger, what is the state of our financial means?" asked president.

"As can be expected it is, well... Tough is the right word I guess. We can maintain basic functions of government, finance some travel. Luckily our army personnel is being integrated into allied forces, so no problems there, it goes against our credit. Some donations are arriving from USA, as you know we have sizeable diaspora there. We have no major problems there, but how long can we count on support from the allies is an unknown. I heard Chamberlain publicly expressing worry on the ability of England to finance war. The same can be heard from some circles in France." answered Minister of Finance.

"Gentlemen, we must come to some conclusion here. Do we avow to continue the fight, even without support of the Allies? I admit I cannot see how can we continue our fight. Do we go around and beg anyone willing to listen to set us free?" asked the president.

Sikorski had prepared answer to this "I guess you are all familiar with history. You are aware of plight of people of Ireland?"

"Mr. Sikorski that is... Well a bit extreme isn't it?" frowned Raczkiewicz.

"Gentlemen, if no other alternative is open to us, what can we do? We still retain some communication to homeland. We know that situation there is desperate. If nobody will help us we will help ourselves. Perhaps then they will take us more seriously." persisted Sikorski.

"But, that would brand us terrorists. We would be outlawed by all civilized nations. Our people will be taken hostage in homeland. This is unthinkable."

"On the contrary mr. President. It is entirely conceivable. I can form military wing and sacrifice myself, while you will head political wing and handle diplomacy in normal way. If we persist long enough, maybe occupation of Poland will get expensive enough or atrocities committed to distasteful to the world and situation will change. Until then we will fight. Of course, this will happen should the negotiation be concluded without our consent. In the meantime I will start preparations for this eventuality. I intend to name it PLO - Polish Liberation Organization." declared Sikorski. The rest of people present just listened and watched the conversation incredulously with mixed feelings. Zaleski agreed with Sikorski in principle, as he believed that situation in Poland could scarcely be worse than it is now. Yet he feared the consequences this course of action could have on international opinion. If Poles where denounced as terrorists it would make their cause harder to accomplish. However he looked at the example of Ireland and saw the hope there. The rest were just too stunned to develop opinion on the proposal. They all hoped it will not come to this.

November 24th, early afternoon, Zossen, OKH

Preparing for the meeting with Goering, Halder was reading through the report from Oberbefehlshaber Ost General-Oberst Blaskowitz. The report consisted of compilation of complaints by many medium rank officers of Wehrmacht on discipline problems and widespread brutalities towards Polish and Jewish inhabitants of eastern territories. Such reports have reached Halder in previous months and he tried to reestablish military discipline. Hitler has dismissed his warnings that such behavior undermined the discipline of the army and increased hostility of indigenous population and reversed all Halder's attempts to punish the most outrageous crimes. Brauchitsch was not concerned by those reports, and also played down their significance as isolated incidents and unsubstantiated rumors. Nonetheless, Walther shared Franz's concerns over undermining of military discipline, so Halder decided to bring the report to attention of the President. He personally felt no particular fondness towards Poles and Jews and would rather see the occupied provinces rid of them, but he shared distaste to outright brutality and mass murder of innocent civilians felt by many senior officers of Wehrmacht. On his request Goering has scheduled a meeting on the subject and invited ministers of Justice, Interior and chiefs of security services. Since the minister of interior and chiefs of security services were rather new at their jobs not much could have been expected from them. Halder hoped to be able to get them to rein in more 'enthusiastic' followers of Nazi ideology. He checked the watch and saw he had less than ten minutes to depart if he had any hope of making to Wilhelmstrasse in time for meeting, scheduled in 1530. He looked through the window and saw his car waiting in the courtyard. Picking the papers hastily and packing it in his briefcase he got out of the building and into the car.

An hour later he was in front of Reichskanzlei with 15 minutes to spare. Satisfied he arrived in time, he proceeded to climb the stairs to reach the office of Reichspraesident. He met Brauchitsch on the way up. "Have you read the reports, herr General? Some of the brutalities are simply outrageous. I can understand the burning of houses during the fight. But what necessity has driven the men responsible for incidents in Waver, Obluze and numerous other places to such barbarity?" Halder inquired rhetorically. "I read it and I scarcely believe it. I've noticed most of the really appalling incidents were the acts of the thugs of SS troops. I mean, not that I care for Poles and Jews one way or the other, some of them deserved all they got, but this public indiscriminate mass murder must stop. It is dragging our men down to the bestial level and it cannot be tolerated." answered Brauchitsch. As they reached the doors to the conference room they met Diels and Nebe engaged in lively conversation. After exchanging greetings, they entered the room and sat on the chairs. Others started arriving momentarily and by 1528 all invited have gathered in the room, among them the young Kanzler Pleiger.

Goering started "As we are all here, we can start the discussion. The reason we gathered here is to discuss the reports that reached my office lately. Reports reveal that massive violent campaign was initiated in our eastern provinces by previous government of the Reich. I must state my shock... yes SHOCK on the behavior of certain individuals and entire units in interaction with native population of those territories. There is simply no excuse for such treatment of civilians as exhibited by the, say" he shuffled the papers "here... The report of General Kuehler. It is no secret that Jews and Slavs are unwanted within our borders. But the policy of germanisation and resettlement of unwanted races is still far cry from total extermination. Not only does such behavior tarnish the image of our Vaterland abroad, it undermines the moral foundations of our Army. From now on, any killing of civilians without proper justification such as taking part in active resistance and harboring of known criminals will be severely punished. Military units will be responsible for maintaining strict discipline. Soldiers of Wehrmacht will be restricted to their barracks and their interaction with native population will be kept to minimum. All other military and paramilitary formations in the eastern territories will be disbanded or integrated to the structure of Wehrmacht. Herr Halder, you will order Oberbefehlshaber Ost to implement these measures in shortest time possible. We cannot risk further escalation of atrocities at this moment. Military courts will be responsible for punishment of individual offenders. However, any senior personnel of the SS and other proscribed organizations will be apprehended and delivered here to be tried by Volksgerichtshof."

"Herr Preasident, among the operations being run by RSHA we found out there is certain operation Tannenberg. It appears to be aimed to extermination of entire higher strata of Polish society. According to meticulous documentation we uncovered, they managed to execute more than 10000 people, mainly priests, officers, civil servants and educated persons. The scale of the operation is truly horrifying." Arthur Nebe exclaimed "I cannot believe this operation was officially sanctioned by the Reich authorities."

"I heard of this operation. I was notified of it by criminal Himmler before the war. The way it was presented to me was to 'rein in Polish people'. I thought it was meant to coerce Polish leaders to cooperate with Reich, but using less extreme methods." said Goering. The truth of his statement was not verifiable and men present here took it to face value. New Minister of Interior, Rudolf Diels, was opposed to indiscriminate killings and executions and stated "Gentlemen, the horrors uncovered to us can doom us all if we do not take immediate steps to disassociate us from those who perpetrated it. As most of them are executed or in jail, we must organize a public process to present their inhuman policy to the world." "Well it seems we stopped the extremists in time, before larger horror was unleashed. Who knows what these people were capable of? We must be careful and not haste with public disclosure of what we found out. I do not want to cause loss of faith in entire cause due to extremities of certain individuals. Herr Diels, you will collect all the evidence and prove beyond doubt that everything was the act of madman, perverted minds. Blame must never be transferred to the state or party or we are doomed." proclaimed Goering. Franz Guertner, long 'infamous' in Nazi establishment for his public denouncement of brutality and blatant disregard of law was the next speaker. "I have many times warn authorities, especially late Fuehrer, that actions of Gestapo and SA will cause outrage in the civilized world. My warnings were brushed off and disregarded. I hope now we will be able to establish the rule of law befitting civilized country such as our Reich."

"Herr Nebe, your task is to bring about the end of atrocities in Gestapo. While nothing should stop you in pursue of justice, see to it that lawless 'enthusiasm' of individuals in your organization is curbed. Individual excesses will no longer be tolerated or shrugged off. SS units have largely been defeated and leaders eliminated so there so no need to specifically address that issue. Gentlemen, you will do your utmost to uphold and enforce law and order in our Reich. Of course, there is no question of enforcing The Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor and Reich Citizenship law. They will be enforced vigorously and any offenses severely punished, but within the boundaries of said laws. No individual, non-official sanctioned initiative will be tolerated. The chaos of Working towards Fuehrer is unbefitting our cause. If we are to be respected nation, we cannot allow disorder to persist in our society. With this I conclude this unpleasant meeting. Herr Pleiger will draft an executive decree sanctioning the measures being taken from now on. If there are no other comments, you are free to go." After moment of waiting, Goering said "That is all then. Aufwiedersehen, meine Herren. Herr Diels, herr Nebe please remain with me for a moment."

After they were left alone, Goering said "Meine Herren, the Reich is almost cleaned of the Jews. Few who remain are either cowed or in some capacity useful to our country and war effort. Estimates are that there are 300000 individuals of Jewish race within the borders. I do not care one way or the other for their fate, but in order to enhance our standing internationally I entrust you two with the responsibility for the remaining Jews. I trust you will refrain from excesses we discussed here, however, they are to be convinced to leave the Reich. The territories we expect to keep in the east are also to be populated by the Germans from the rest of Poland. These actions must be administered without too much noise and official records. You will have full cooperation of local Reich authorities. Select the people you can trust. This task must be completed by the years end. Also, find someone to take care of Greiser. If you can find some evidence, arrest him and make him responsible for bulk of atrocities. It should not be that hard I think. With Koch dead, him and Schwede are the only who can object the peace treaty. I already control herr Frank, as he knows I can charge him with corruption and theft for his behavior in General government. If there are still Jews remaining in West Preussen, though I doubt, transfer them to either Posen or General Government and entrust them to our Polish friends. Take care that this is done as quietly and discreetly as possible." ordered Goering.

November 26th, Paris, Elysee Palace

Prime Minister Daladier sat at the head of the table, as various ministers began to arrive. The meeting was supposed to start in 20 minutes. He ran into serious problems few days ago, as two of his ministers offered their resignations, unhappy with the negotiations with Germany. He scrambled to find replacements and consulted the President Lebrun, representatives of major parties in National assembly and Senate. In the end he narrowed the list of names, but then some of the people he invited refused. In the end Lemery and Baudouin accepted his invitations and he named them ministers of Finance (Baudouin) and Colonies (Lemery). Assignments were rather rushed since he needed full cabinet at this critical moment. This was the first session of the Ministers council after this reshuffling.

In the past few days he maintained intensive contacts with Chamberlain and Halifax. The common attitude of both parties was that German peace offer was genuine. Intelligence reports he received from Ministry of National Defense and War showed that German navy has almost entirely retreated from the world oceans, with only one major unit (Admiral Graff Spee) still out of port but sailing towards Germany. No German reconnaissance planes have been spotted over France in days and skirmishes along the border have died out since both sides retreated as per agreement. Observation crews remained on the forward positions, but they didn't spot anything since the 20th. In the meantime according to intelligence, Germans retreated few divisions arrayed in the vicinity of the border. Units just disappeared from the net. According to Deuxieme Bureau German units were used to quell internal disturbances. It couldn't be anything serious though, as only three divisions were involved and only news from Germany spoke of conspiracy by German security services. Taken in isolation all events were not significant, but regarded as a whole, French intelligence analysts estimated it indicated genuine German readiness to make a peace deal. Daladier together with Halifax was disposed to accept German terms. Polish Government in exile was adamantly opposed to it and Chamberlain was indecisive. Prime Minister of UK was not ready to make peace on expense of another East European country. In a way Daladier agreed with him. He too was prepared to fight against Germany in order to stop recurring crisis every once in a while. But things have changed. Hitler was dead and Germany, under the control of military clique, was unwilling to commit to wholesale slaughter in a rerun of August 1914. He knew that French Army was prepared. Even better, Germans knew that also. The short offensive towards Saar in the first two weeks of war showed that firepower of modern army has made attack next to impossible, so any attack by anyone was doomed to failure. Gamelin assured him that Maginot line was impenetrable, Ardennes were impassable to modern mechanized armies and the single route open to Germans was through Belgium.

Daladier thought that the peace proposal on the table now was much better deal than Poland could ever expect to get through war. He even tried to find somebody within Polish government willing to negotiate, but with no luck. Poles were stubbornly against any deal with Germany. Lunatics there tried to get Allies to issue ultimatum to Russia to return occupied territories and concocted some mad scheme to land troops in Romania in order to start war against Germany. To do this would deliver Russia to the hands of Germany and guarantee a defeat to Entente and entail much bigger loss than Danzig and West Prussia for the Poles. He noticed everyone has arrived, so he opened the meeting "Monsieurs, welcome. I'd like to welcome the newest members of this cabinet - Baudouin and Lemery. Gentlemen, I hope you had enough time to consider the single issue we will discuss today. As I have spent previous days in consultation with our allies and reviewed the reports of our armed forces and intelligence, I have come to the conclusion that failure to accept this peace offer now would be act of supreme arrogance on our part. We have joined this war for two reasons gentlemen. First and foremost is to defend security and integrity of our Glorious Republic. Second is to defend the rights of our allied nations and peoples in general for independent and free life. Our army is the guarantee of our safety from any foreign enemy. While it exists our security cannot and will not be endangered. However, we were not able to neither defend nor help our ally Poland. We avowed to return to them the freedom that was taken from them by force of arms. You all know we wouldn't shy away from any challenge. We were and we are willing to fight for this cause. Only, in this case we can achieve this goal without ultimate sacrifice. Without spilling blood of French youth once more. World knows that France is honorable and it doesn't shy away from shedding blood in just and fair cause. I as Prime minister of the Republic of France and Minister of National defense am unwilling to send our boys to death for something that can be achieved at the negotiating table. Let us make known that France is not a fool. France is brave and proud, but she is nobody's fool. In order to secure the peace and integrity of France we will demand that Germany agrees to mutual arms limitation treaty and to limit research and deployment of new weapons. The control mechanism for this will be established through mutual reciprocal inspections and international observers. On the previous sessions, German representatives have indicated their willingness to accept this. Entire proposal is in the materials. My opinion and opinion of the Foreign ministry staff is that peace treaty will be concluded with those clauses in integral text."

Daladier's speech was something expected by people in the room. Few of them frowned on this. Paul Ramadier remarked "Monsieur Prime minister, I must oppose you. What you are suggesting amounts to betrayal. We cannot abandon our Polish allies in this way. French people will be branded cowards in the eyes of the world. If we have undertaken something let us see it through." Before Daladier had time to respond, Bonnet, Minister of Justice spoke "Monsieur Ramadier, is it better to be prudent but alive, than brave and dead? Are you aware of the fact that country is divided? My Ministry has reports that general strike is being prepared. Would you like we go the path of Russia?" Baudouin joined his colleague with "Messiurs, our finances are critical. If our expenditure continues growing with this rate we can expect inflation by middle of 1940. We will then be truly dire condition. If we can make peace now with honor, is it not better than peace later without one million of our sons?" Lemery, the only non-white member of the government was germanophobe. He offered his opinion "Monsieur Prime minister, I think we can make peace only if the security of France is guaranteed. I am against war for the sake of war itself. But we must enforce the principles of basic integrity and respect of civilized behavior among the nations of the world. You are aware that leadership of Germany openly expresses racial prejudices. This cannot be tolerated by our glorious Republic, founded on sacred principles of 'Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite'." "This country has tried to impose those ideals on Europe a century ago. We lost millions of our sons then. If they are not ready, we must wait. Nation can be liberated only from within. I am not ready to repeat mistakes of the First Republic. I must also tell you that United Kingdom is viewing this deal favorably and if we agree to accept it, they will too." answered Daladier. Chautemps added "And beside, only 20 years ago we sacrificed our bravest on the field of battle. I do not think our people is ready to do it again." Daladier concluded "Gentlemen, let us put the issue to vote. Who is for accepting the peace deal?" He waited for a few seconds. Of 11 people present, seven voted in favor of Daladier proposal. The rest were against. "Messiurs, I declare that Government has decided to continue with negotiations with the aim of concluding peace.

November 26th, Pravda, "Policy of Central Committee justified"

Events of the last few months have shown that foreign policy of Soviet Union is absolutely correct. Thanks to wisdom of comrade General Secretary Josef Visarionovich and our central committee, our socialist country managed to avoid being drawn into war for the interests of criminal imperialist military junta from Poland. Their attempt to play German Reich and USSR against each other in order to secure their position has clearly backfired. Despite our ideological differences, leaders of both countries realized that conflict between our great countries that share many mutual interests could only serve the interests of imperialist and capitalist slavers and not the working people.

Despite the fact that conclusion of Non-aggression treaty between German Reich and USSR has clearly shown new realities, the militarist clique in Warsaw has persisted on the course to self-destruction. In the final days they even intensified their campaign of terrorism against our brethren in Western Ukraine and Byelorussia, areas they illegally occupied in the moment of our weakness and exploited for two decades. When they refused to realize and accept this, USSR has been forced to reclaim our rightful possessions through military force. The complete collapse of terrorist Polish regime that ensued has shown the world that artificial state they built on foundation of criminal disregard of their neighbors was not sustainable.

Now, when they are offered just peace and even reestablishment of their sovereignty thanks to magnanimity of German Reich, do they accept it? No! The madmen criminals insist on the return of their entire territory. Their stubbornness has even made their western sponsors reconsider their policy, faced with reality. Our leadership is in possession of information that France is ready to accept the peace proposal. This signifies complete breakdown of the so called "system of mutual security", a policy bankrupt since Munich agreement. Our leadership is on the position that true security of any country lies in cooperation with their neighbors. The success of this course is visible through increasing economic and cultural cooperation with other countries we share borders with. This is especially true of our cooperation with German Reich.

The regrettable death of German Fuehrer Adolf Hitler has not derailed this cooperation, to the disappointment of certain circles on the West. To their even greater disappointment, this cooperation has strengthened and is about to bring new era of Soviet-German relations. It now remains to be seen if the capitalist imperialist powers of the west accept new realities or continue to work against the wishes of their people.

November 26th, morning, Berlin, side street near center

Although officially forbidden from public practice, astrology and fortune telling remained popular as ever, only removed from public eye. Much like brothels, they enjoyed regular customers and some were even under unofficial protection of high Reich officials. One such was Fatima's Fortune. A figure dressed in black suit opened the door to the shop. As he entered, Madame Fatima greeted him "Welcome back Herr Hess." Hess just nodded and sat at the table. "Can we try again?" he asked, desperately. "Of course we can. It will cost you the same. And I can't promise anything." "I am aware of that. But I will keep trying until he speaks to me." said Rudolf. "It's your money. Let me prepare the session." answered Madame, as she lighted the scented candles. Impatiently, Hess stirred in his chair. Madame sat opposite to him. She closed her eyes and took both his hands. "Ghost of Adolf Hitler, please respond to the pleadings of your humble servants. You who are now in radiant plain join us on this side." she whispered. She continued incantations for a few moments.

Just as Hess thought it was another unsuccessful session Madame suddenly tensed her grip on Hess's hand. She opened her eyes, but her retinas were nowhere to be seen. She started saying in deep, spooky voice "I am speaking from the other side. Who dares summon me back?" was heard. "Mein Fuehrer is that you?" asked Hess with awe. "You summoned me. Who are you?" inquired the ghost through the voice of Madam. "Meine fuehrer it is I. Your faithful deputy. Hess!"

Just as Hess wanted to ask something, Madame started twitching, and as suddenly as she fell into trance, she now fell out of it. "What happened? Where am I?" she asked, confused. "But you managed to establish connection, Madame." said Hess. "Oh, I remember. But this is so exhausting. I must rest now. You must come tomorrow, my son." she said. "Oh I will. No doubt I will. Here is double the amount we agreed. You have earned it. Rest now, Madame. You must do this again. See you tomorrow." said Hess as he rushed out of shop. Madame Fatima just thought 'Sucker. One born every minute. Thank God for them!'

November 26th, Cabaret "Rick's", Budapest

Viktor was sitting at the bar, sipping wine. All his attempts to acquire travel permission to Allied nations have failed. Despite Hungary being neutral in conflict she rated hostile neutral, so travel was severely restricted, as he found out in French Embassy. Although Renault had reputation of being easily bribed, Viktor did not have what it took to bribe French official. Only women stood any chance of being granted visa, and Viktor was not one. Mailing his photographs was absolutely out of question, so he reluctantly turned toward illegal means of obtaining a visa. This place had the reputation of being a center of all illegal activity in Budapest and a place where law-abiding citizens could enlist the help of less conscious types. In the first half an hour in here, Viktor was already offered various illegal transactions, among it one diamond ring, obviously fake American passport, a pistol and recruitment attempt by self-proclaimed communist spy. He spurred all attempts, searching instead the owner of the place, one mysterious Richard Blaine. Nobody knew if this was his real name. Some speculated he fled America since he was a big-shot in the mob underworld. All Viktor gathered in past few days was that mr. Blaine was an American, who for some reason came to Hungary and opened a cabaret. He was also told that Blaine had best connections and could secure forged papers indistinguishable from the real thing. Viktor heard stories of American mob and it seemed to him that America was no place to live, with all those shootings in the streets. At that moment he noticed Blaine walking by the bar, escorted by rather large negro. He got up and walked toward him. As he opened his mouth to speak and extended his arm to greet him, negro rushed toward him. "Sam, leave the man alone. He cannot harm me, look at him." said Blaine immediately. "OK, boss.", Sam faded in background. Terrified, Viktor stuttered "He... Good evening Mr. Blaine. I am sorry---" he said, taking his hat off. "Hi, fellow! Better be careful how you approach people. You may get in trouble. What do you want?" asked Richard. "Well, I was hoping you can help me." started Viktor carefully. "You and your brother and entire bloody country. I do not have time for this." Richard told him. "But, Mr. Blaine you must help me. All I need is the travel permission for France." persisted Viktor "Oh, is that all? No cake with cherry on top? Listen, kid. Thousands of people come every day to this place. They all sell travel papers of all kinds. Go to them. Or go to the mr. Ferrara's 'La Trattoria'. I am not going to stick my neck out for you. Or anybody you know. Or anybody people you know may know. So, please enjoy your stay here. Drink wine or gin or beer or absinth for all I care. Talk to the girls. Gamble. But don't bother me with your troubles. If you bother me again, I will not stop Sam!".

Disappointed, Viktor returned to his seat. As he ordered his second glass of wine, he overheard the conversation between two men sitting next to him. "Listen, Al has ordered him dead. Salvatore, we must do it now or never. When have you seen him last time walking around the tables." said one of them. "OK, Fredo, OK. Just let me finish my drink. Then we will go to men's room to prepare and then BANG" he said as he simulated a gun with his palm and shot "Blaine is dead. Everyone will learn not to play tricks on Capone. Just give me five more minutes." Viktor hurriedly got up and looked for Richard. Few minutes later, he saw him near the roulette table. As he got near him, Sam turned around. Moments later Viktor's hand was behind his back, and pain he felt was excruciating. "Kid, haven't I told you not to talk to me! Sam, throw him out." Rick ordered his escort. "Mr. Blaine, you need to listen to me. Please. Someone wants to kill you." said Viktor hurriedly. "Oh, this is new approach. Quite original, kid. Take the trash out Sam." repeated Richard. "Come, boy." Sam started dragging him. "Mr. Richard. They said Al has sent them. To take his revenge on you. They went to the toilet to prepare. Please listen to me." Viktor desperately pleaded. As he heard the name of Al, Richard turned. Looking puzzled, he said. "Look, Sam, no harm done in listening to the kid. Put two boys in front of the toilet and grab the two men who come out. Listen, kid. If it turns out you are speaking the truth, you can ask anything of me. But if this is some kind of joke, you will be very sorry."

November 27th, 1200, The Hague, Permanent Court of International Arbitration

Negotiations on peaceful settlement of European conflict, now officially referred to as The Hague Peace convention entered the second week. Head of German delegation, von Neurath addressed the assembly "Ladies and Gentlemen, Government of Greater German Reich has so far shown magnanimity and goodwill towards all involved in ongoing conflict. Despite clearly defeating Poland and occupying entirety of its territory and facing no force capable of overturning this result, we nonetheless offered the peace deal to Poland. My Government has offered restoration of Polish sovereignty, of restoring the national Polish territory albeit, somewhat reduced. We even offered an extraterritorial port. We regard this as an extraordinarily fair deal. What have we been offered in return by the so called Polish government-in-exile? Stubborn insolence. Despite the fact that Poland in the borders of 1939 was not a sustainable entity, as we can see from the fact Poland occupied territory claimed by Lithuania, Slovakia, Soviet Union and Germany. Clearly, something was wrong if all the neighbors of Poland objected the borders established twenty years ago. Undeterred by this, Polish government-in-exile still demands return of entire territory. We have already stated our conditions for peace settlement. Position of my government is that without land corridor to Prussia, no peace treaty is acceptable. In spirit of this, German Government makes following offer to reestablish Poland in the borders as depicted by this map."

poland_1939.jpg


"As you can see on this map, the Greater German Reich demands annexation of areas of West Preussen and upper Schlesien, known as Pomorz and Slask by Polish. We are still willing to compensate Poland for the loss of sea access by establishing extraterritorial port at Gdynia, as well as allowing undisturbed access to port by the railway line Torun-Danzig-Gdynia. Of course, no military units or personnel will be allowed to be stationed in this territory. Transport of military equipment or goods imported from third countries will be subject to control by Reich officials and only items usable for defensive purposes will be allowed. Polish navy such as it is will be taken over by Reich and fair compensation will be paid to Poland or, as an alternative, sold to the third country. We consider this offer a fair basis for survival of Polish state, as you can see from the map majority of Polish heavy industry remains within their borders. Although these conditions are not final and we are still willing to compromise, we expect that Poland offer alternative settlement. We remind Polish government-in-exile that Germany controls their entire territory. We expect the Polish Government-in-exile to make credible contribution to the peace process within seven days. If on Monday, December 4th no response is received from their representatives, German government will consider whether to continue these negotiations as further refusal by Polish Government-in-exile to propose any alternative short of return of entire territory, will mean that we can come to no terms." stated von Neurath. This announcement left other representatives speechless and amazed silence prevailed in the room. As people gathered their senses, Whispers of conversation was heard all around the tables. After few minutes Lord Halifax got up and walked to the stand "Mr. von Neurath I must state my utter disapproval of such a language. We gathered here to conclude peace. Your words and allegations are more suited to war ultimatums. I want to remind your Excellency that everyone here wants peace. We all came here bearing hopes of all peoples of our great countries that suffering and death on scale not seen since last war and possibly even greater will be stopped and avoided. However, do not mistake our willingness to make peace with weakness. We will not tolerate ultimatums and language of force at this conference. We have agreed to take into account special interests of Germany in regards to polish borders. We still stand by this promise, but we demand that borders be agreed mutually and through discussion, not by threats and ultimatums." Halifax retorted.

He truly wanted this peace conference to succeed. However Halifax feared that if Germans and Poles do not come to some compromise solution, conference will fall apart. As much as he publicly blamed Germans, he blamed Poles for not even considering the offer. He was sure that unrealistic stand of Polish government was arrogant and bloody stupid. Sir Neville was unwilling to expose himself to the public scorn of second Munich treaty bypassing the Poland government in the same way as Benesh government. Powerful forces in House of Commons were against this. Everyone was aware that some concessions will be necessary but nobody wanted to do arbitrarily. French government was more indifferent to the fate of Poland. They were in favor of real-politick and appeared willing to come to agreement with Germans without regard to Poland. Halifax decided to prolong decision on the issue of Poland and discuss other terms of the eventual treaty. He was sure that no terms would be as difficult to agree upon as Polish borders, but once other things were smoothed out, perhaps everyone will have much clearer perspective and approach the issue less passionately. "In order to avoid further confrontation and uselessly discuss the matter we cannot hope to agree upon today, I propose we pass on to other clauses of treaty as agreed in provisional truce. We already agreed on establishing demilitarized zone. I propose we now discuss the arms limitation and control treaty. The view of His Majesty's Government is that all parties should agree to limit their standing armies and arsenals to the level that is mutually acceptable. I open this for discussion. First to speak will be representative of France, monsieur Chautemps." Chautemps started "As experience have shown, limiting arms of one side does not bear fruits of peace. France and Germany, as major powers on European continent must both endeavor to establish balance of forces that would make any potential aggression impossible. I know France is not alone in this stand. In the spirit of compromise and peaceful coexistence, we believe possible between strong France and strong Germany, we have the following proposal". Aide circled the room, giving a piece of paper to all representatives.

Article 3. Arms control and limitation

Land forces

Land forces of all signatories will be limited to the 500.000 soldiers each. No limit on quality of the forces will be set. However, all signatories declare they will refrain from raising paramilitary forces as a way of circumventing this limitation. In order to enforce this treaty all signatories will allow multilateral international inspections on their territory. Republic of France and United Kingdom of Great Britain reserve the right to maintain colonial forces, numbering 200.000 troops (up to 350.000 in case of unforeseen circumstances). Should the aforementioned Governments decide to use special circumstances clause, German government will be notified. Government of Republic of France and Government of United Kingdom of Great Britan undertake the obligation not to transfer colonial troops to respective Metropolitan areas unless provoked by imminent threat of war with other signatories. Signatories will be forbidden to deploy of certain classes of weapons in excess of following numbers:

a) 3500 tanks or other similar armored vehicles, (tanks, self-propelled guns, reconnaissance vehicles, excluding personnel carriers, armored trucks and artillery trailers)
b) artillery of a caliber larger than to 200 mm or equivalent and more than 6 batteries per regiment (excluding mortars and recoilless infantry weapons)
c) 4 heavy machineguns or other antipersonnel, crew-served weapons per every 40 soldiers (platoon or equivalent)

Furthermore, all signatories sides agree to prohibit and dismantle all chemical and biological weapons and their development thereof. Signatories pledge not to create stockpiles of spare parts in excess of 20% of existing arsenal. Signatories agree to international control of compliance to this treaty and pledge to open all barracks and arsenals to international inspections announced and unannounced.

Airforces

Both sides will limit their forces up to 2.000 airplanes each. Of this 1.000 will be single-engine fighter or their equivalents and 1.000 multiengine airplanes (excluding transports). Both sides aim to limit the capabilities of their bomber forces in the future. Both sides agree not to base battle ready bomber forces within 100 miles radius from the borders. Bases within this radius will be subject to mutual control. Both sides pledge to allow announced and escorted airborne reconnaissance flights of the airbases. Both sides pledge to refrain from creating stockpiles of airplane spare parts in excess of 20% of existing forces. Compliance of the treaty will be subject to international control. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Republic of France will refrain from basing major air force formations within their non-metropolitan areas.

Naval forces

Naval forces of all signatories will be subject to the London treaty of 1936, and Anglo-German Naval agreement of 1935 for German naval forces. All signatories pledge to abide to these treaties in all new naval construction. All naval bases of all signatories will be subject to unannounced international control, and all signatories pledge to accept.

Special clauses and elaborations

International control refers to representatives of other signatories (up to three persons of relevant expertise for all signatories) and neutral parties, as agreed by all involved.

Dominions of United Kingdom of Great Britain will not be subject to the treaty.

Colonial territories of France outside of Africa will not be subject to air force limitation clauses.

"German delegation requires time to consider this sweeping proposal." said von Neurath after cursory glancing at the paper. "We do not object it in principle, although we may have to adjust certain numbers. In any case to give the answer now, I consider premature. I request a recess for two hours."

November 30th, Westminster Palace, House of Commons session

The chamber was filled to the last stop. All seats were taken, and around 200 MPs were left standing. Today's agenda made the meeting very interesting.

"Ladies and Gentlemen, I open this session of The Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled. I invite Honourable Member for Birmingham Edgbaston, Sir Neville Chamberlain to address the Assembly." said Edward Algernon FitzRoy, Speaker of the House of Commons.

"Thank you mr. Speaker. We have gathered here mr. Speaker and ladies and gentlemen, to decide on serious issue. But before I call this Assembly to decide, I feel it necessarry to elaborate policy of His Majesty Government so far. You know this Government has lead peaceful policy in previous years, in hopes of coming to terms with discontent Germany rightfully felt. We established a series of direct dealings with Adolf Hitler, then Head of State of Germany. Alas, former head of state of Germany proved to be deceiver without precedence in modern history. After this Government agreed to 'the last demand we will have in Europe' posed by Germany, German leaders commited most serious breach of faith imaginable. Barely half a year passed between our agreement, and they occupied Prague, after internecine disturbance, undoubtedly provoked by Germany. In order to deter further such acts, this Government issued guarantees to German neghbors. Yet, despite this, Germany attacked Poland. After this tracherous act, House authorized His Majesty's Government to wage war against Germany until its successful conclusion on September the 2nd. Executing this decision, Government has so far pursued the war against Germany by all means available. I must say that war has not proceeded satisfactorily so far. Our ally Poland has been defeated and conquered by superior forces of the enemy before full mobilization of our forces and forces of Republic of France was possible. This was possible only thanks to the agreement between Germany and USSR which led to country being overrun from east and west virtually simultaneously. All my honourable friends here now that my Government has done everything that were in our power to prevent such course of events, but we simply were not prepared for such gross violations of international law by our enemy. Fortunately, the terrorist act of November the 8th has removed Adolf Hitler from leadership of Germany. Following this, series of events lead to establishment of successor government in Germany. All information we gathered so far, as well as actions of this new government, lead us to believe that it has taken more moderate course than previous one. Most of you know that we have received a peace offer from the new German Leader, Hermann Goering. The peace offer consisted of promise of reestablishing the sovereignty of Poland and agreement on array of international mechanisms designed to make new war impossible. Both His Majesty's Government and Government of Republic of France evaluated this offer as genuine wish to establish peace. We agreed to start the negotiations on peace terms in The Hague. Mr. Speaker, we have now reached the stage where the decision of this House is necessary to proceed. Although the Government of Germany has agreed to reestablish Poland, they have declined to do so in its pre-war borders. The demand of German Government is to retain control of certain portions of Polish territory which allows contiguous land access to German province of East Prussia, as well as part of historic German province of Silesia, that remained in Poland upon conclusion of previous war. I must admit that these demands are more moderate than what Government has expected. This opportunity for peace is without precedence. I am confident that we would have been prepared to accept such an offer before this war has started, had it been framed in this way. We still have opportunity to back down from the abyss of full on war we face now. It is certain that despite the blockade enforced on Germany by our Navy, the result will still be years away due to help Germany receives from USSR. Assault on German forces deployed on French border has been dismissed by our ally France as too costly in terms of blood. The only problem that remains is the stance of government of Poland, which has chosen unrealistic course of total confrontation. Normally, I would support them in this, but being aware of sacrifice it demands and uncertainty it creates, I am against war if we can reach our goal without it. I know some mistakes were made by me and my government in the past. However, are we willing to cast away future of who knows how many lives to fight in war that has already been won?" concluded Chamberlain.

"Thank you, Honourable Member for Birmingham Edgbaston I invite Honourable Member for Epping."

"Mr. Speaker, how many promises have been broken by the same country in previous years? Government assures us that now they mea---" Churchill was interrupted by whistles from the right bench, which were quieted by Speaker "Now we are supposed to accept their peace overtures at face value? Now when they are aware that they have bitten more than they can swallow? I say 'NO! A thousand times NO!' Mr. Speaker, I think we must show that this country will no longer tolerate aggression by those Nazi thugs. Their criminal methods have plagued Europe long enough and we will not quit until their crimes are brought to justice. Or our entire civilization will dissolve in chaos and anarchy, which will usher a new dark age. If we betray another country the same way we betrayed Czechoslovakia this country will lose what little credibility it has left. Without credibility no one will come to help you in your hour of need. And if we do this, this hour will come sooner, rather than later. All members are aware that I was against the attempts to appease Germany from the day one. Mr. Speaker, I must warn this assembly that, if the policy of the Government is approved, this shameful act will mark us in history worse than Judas. We still have friends in the great USA, but if we commit this treason---" he was interrupted yet again by whistles "yes treasonous act, we will forfeit their friendship. Do not be so quick to judge the USSR. I will be the last man to defend actions of the Bolsheviks, but they appear only prudent in view of the decisions of our Government. Honourable member from Birmingham Edgbaston speaks of loss of lives and future. But alternative he offers only forfeits any future for this country. This country fought against tyranny almost her entire existence. Through moderating influence we managed to save the continent from falling under dominion of single power. We did it against Spain, against France twice and against Germany once. Today we are called upon once again by danger greater than any of those I just listed. If we are found wanting, darkness will fall upon Europe and engulf our Island. Mr. Speaker let us not write the darkest chapter yet written in the history of our Island, Empire and the world by approving the policy submitted by Government. Greatest threat to our civilization hangs upon us. Let us fight it instead of crawling to hideout hoping it leaves us be. For it will not ignore us nor let us be, for as long as we are the lighthouse of democracy and freedom. Let us remain this lighthouse. Do not turn it off by decision you might bring today, although it may appear the easy way out. That is all from me mr. Speaker."

"Thank you, Honourable member for Epping. I now give word to Honourable member for Peebles and South Midlothian."

As Archibald Ramsay stepped upon the stand, he was booed by almost all present members. Only 20 of them tried to cheer him on, but where unheard due to all the noise. He was unpopular for his pro-German stance and racial prejudices. He frequently talked about danger of Jews and the need to cooperate with Germany.

"Mr. Speaker, Honourable member for Epping speaks of danger to civilization. I must agree with this. However, it comes from different direction. Greatest threat to western civilization comes not from those who fight to protect it, but from those who have taken over one of the strongest and most populous countries. From those who have proven their intention to corrupt and subvert entire countries to their inhuman system. There is only one country in the world today that has openly made her primary goal so called 'World Revolution'! Mr. Speaker that country is not Germany. I am amazed to hear Honourable member from Epping defend USSR, since he was one of the leading opponents of that regime at the time of its inception. Had he been listened then, we might not be in situation we find ourselves in today. I for one am happy to approve the policy of the Government. The decision we must bring today is to right the wrong that has been done three months ago. And we should not stop there, mr. Speaker. We should go further and suggest an alliance with Germany. It is not too late for us to make amends with our brothers and work toget---" he was interrupted by boos and whistling from all sides until Speaker brought order and enabled him to continue, but warning him to finish, because it was doubtful that order could be maintained for long. "As I said, work together to stop Bolshevik menace that threatens Europe. Thank you mr. Speaker."

"After hearing this controversial speech, I give word to Honourable member for Limehouse."

"Mr. Speaker I will be short. Labour party is absolutely against the acceptance of peace proposal. We will vote against it. Reasons are all too clear, and Honourable Member for Epping has elaborated them well enough. Thank you mr. Speaker."

"Thank you, Honourable member for Limehouse. Next to have word is Honourable member for Fife West."

"Mr. Speaker we heard many things today in the course of this debate. Some were calling upon us to make peace with Germany, others to reject peace and continue the fight and still others to join Germany in some imaginary final showdown with USSR. However, both Germany and USSR, the two countries against which we are being edged on, today live in peace and cooperate. We should look upon this and learn from it. If those two countries can bring about peaceful cooperation despite all their difference---" shouts of "Liar!!" interrupted him, but he continued "So my party will support the Government."

"Since nobody else registered for debate, I call for a vote on the motion!"

After a few minutes, he declared "Motion to approve policy of the government has been accepted, with 356 votes aye, 177 nay and 24 abstained. Thank you, ladies and gentlemen." Fitzroy concluded the meeting.
December 1st, early morning, Over Cottbus Air Base

Hans Sander observed the world from the cockpit of his brand new Focke-Wulf Fw 190 V-1. The morning over Cottbus was peaceful and he enjoyed himself as he guided his airplane through twists and turns. Nimble aircraft responded to his hand very smoothly and he could tell it was much better than already aging Bf-109. He was thankful for being the test pilot. As he started his turn toward the airbase that lay 4 km to his east in order initiate landing procedure he noticed fireball expanding the place were an entrance to the base was. His first association was that some sort of accident with fuel truck was in question. These occurrences were rare, but always a possibility on airbases. He reached for his radio transmitter and called "Eagle One to base, Eagle one to base, is everything all right there? There seems to have been an explosion at the gate?" "Eagle One, Base. Alert 1 has been initiated in the base. Recommend you proceed to Alternate A. Repeat proceed to Alternate A immediately." came excited reply. Hans thought 'This cannot be good. Why am I being sent to alternate landing location? That could only mean base is under attack. But by whom?!?' He decided to make low pass over the base to establish situation. 30 seconds later he was flying at 300 m, ground passing below him. At speed of 300 km/h which was all he dared risk due to extremely high stall speed of his airplane, he didn't notice much. He could swear he saw few flashes from fire arms, but couldn't be certain of it. He turned away and pointed nose of his airplane toward west to land in Luftwaffe base Leipzig-Mockau. This base was his pre-selected alternate landing position and they were prepared to hide his airplane once it landed. Fw 190 was one of the secret Luftwaffe projects and they wanted no chances taken that somebody might observe it.

Twenty minutes later, he landed, and as his canvas covered airplane was towed into hangar, Hans set about to find out what happened to the airbase in Cottbus. The news he gathered hour and a half later astounded him. Group of men in civilian attire attacked the airport, detonated a hand grenade under a fuel truck that was entering the airbase and tried to overwhelm Luftwaffe security detachment there. Had it been regular airbase, instead of one selected for testing newest technological marvel coming out of Focke-Wulf factory, they would certainly have made it. Luckily, augmented security managed to fight off the assault and save airport from being overtaken. By the time Wehrmacht reinforcements arrived to the scene, Luftwaffe security personnel had situation under control. They captured 3 men who took part in attack and handed them to Feldspolizei officers. That was the last thing rattled land control officer, Hans talked to, was able to tell. Hans wondered 'Who the men were? Where they were taken and how did they get the weapons? Surely it was no coincidence that they attacked Cottbus airbase of all the bases there were.'. He was still pondering this question, when he had become aware of radio transmission. He heard that announcer was speaking of a series of explosions in eastern part of the Reich. He turned his attention to it. After few minutes it became apparent that three police stations, one barracks and a fuerwehr station were attacked in some suburbs of Berlin and wider area of Frankfurt (Oder). All attacks were perpetrated by armed groups, but no further details were provided. Announcer urged people to remain calm and inside their homes or workplaces in areas hit. Stunned by the news, Hans got up and went to the base commander to arrange for some transport back to his home base.

December 1st, about noon, Albrechtstrasse 9

"Herr Diels to see you, herr Nebe" announced the guard as he opened the door to the office of Arthur Nebe, head of Gestapo. As Rudolf Diels appeared, Nebe got up from behind his desk and greeted him. "Good day, herr Minister. Please have a seat. Can I order a coffee or something else for you? I have a good brandy in my bar if you'd like a glass?" he offered to his superior. "Coffee will be nice, save brandy for some other occasion." answered recently appointed Interior Minister of the Reich. "Very well, herr Minister." Nebe arranged over interphone to have coffee brought to his office, and inquired "You wanted to see me in my office herr Minister?" "Yes, herr Nebe. As I reviewed the documentation we captured from the former RSHA, I couldn't find any file on the alleged assassin that took the life of the Fuehrer. Is it lost or displaced? Have you not recovered it?" asked Rudolf. "If it is not in the documents delivered to your office in the last batch, then there is no such file. The guy who claims to be Elser was imprisoned here in the cellar. We interrogated him but he was so beaten up that his ramblings made no sense whatsoever. Nevertheless, no sign that any investigation into the assassination of the Fuehrer was ever conducted from this building could be found. According to survivors we captured, only Himmler, Heydrich and Mueller had any knowledge of details of investigation. Herr Mueller, my predecessor in Gestapo has told me that Elser was passed over to RSHA directly and that he had no idea of his whereabouts until recently. Investigation was taken away from him and lead directly by Reinhard. Personnel of Gestapo from Munich and the officer who arrested Elser managed to get a 'confession' from him but using severe torture. That is all we were able to uncover." concluded Nebe. "So, you never found any documents of investigation? Nor signs that it was conducted?" asked Diels incredulously. "No herr Minister. None whatsoever."

December 2nd, near Kunlan Pass

General Chuikov observed columns of 5th Corps of National Revolutionary Army as they passed by, their T-26 and CV-33 tanks rumbling. Tai An-lan, diminutive Chinese general, stood by him. He said something to the translator, and Chuikov heard the question "So, General, what do you think of my unit? Are we ready to take on Japanese?" Having seen many formations of the Chinese army, Soviet general had to admit that corps was certainly one of the best. Not that it meant a lot, since some others were just a rabble dressed in roughly the same uniform and nominally obeying commands of one person. He answered "Well they seem impressive enough. If the previous experience is anything to go by, I think you will manage well against the Japanese. I have seen the Zhukov's reports from the battle in Mongolia. If you manage to coordinate your regiments, you should be able to encircle Japanese brigade without problems." "General, that is exactly what I plan." was the answer. 'If any Chinese unit could pull this off, this one could.'

Chinese envisioned grand offensive for the winter, and first step was to remove Japanese danger for their vital supply route to French Indochina and simultaneously threatening the capital. The front here was held by elite Japanese 5th division and the attack will severely test the Chinese army. No doubt they were brave and well-motivated as any soldier he ever seen. The individual soldiers were proud for being selected to the best unit in Chinese Army. Organization and training of the unit could serve as compliment to its CO. Their equipment was best the China could get.

However this unit was exception, rather than rule. Generally, units of National Revolutionary Army were so badly trained that some of them just broke apart at the sight of the enemy. The army bragged 200 divisions and more than 3 million men. Had these figures been their true strength, Japanese would have had no hope to invade China at all. After talking to some of his colleagues who were already in China and surveying some units stationed in the provisional capital, Chuikov felt that he was given futile task. It will take years if not decades to whip this army into shape. Some units were stuck with arms from previous century. This could be remedied of course, but senior officers being still stuck in 19th century was much more serious drawback and would require complete shakedown of the command. Political aspect was something Chuikov dreaded the most. Leadership of the Nationalist was so corrupt and inefficient that it took days if not weeks to manage even simplest of tasks. Power struggles within the leadership structure lead to deceptions and lies on every corner. Although declaratively on the same side, Communist Party of China and Nationalists regularly clashed with each other in rhetoric and as often as not with armed warfare. It was difficult to establish which side was more to blame. One thing was certain though - without direct outside assistance, China will never be able to defeat Japanese. Chuikov decided to stay at the front until the attack. Once it was complete, he would arrange to visit Communist Party of China capital in Yannan or whatever the place was called. Only after that he will send his first report to Voroshilov and Stalin. He already could tell that it would not be flattering.

December 2nd, Early afternoon, Paris, Elysee Palace

'Talking to those Poles feels like talking to the brick wall, while banging your head on it. They are as likely to move' Daladier thought wondering how long will it take. He argued with them for two hours already, and he pleaded to Sikorski once more to consider the offer Germans gave. "Mr. Sikorski, you must understand what it would take to reverse the current position in Poland. You talked to mr. Gamelin and he told you we will be ready for major offensive only in 1941. Even if it is successful, we expect heavy casualties. In the end we will probably have to negotiate with Germany. You must look at this realistically - the borders of Poland are fait accompli. What good is it to have thousands of Polish people die in two years and millions of French soldiers to die and achieve the same or slightly better result afterwards?" Daladier appealed to Sikorski. "Mr. Daladier, as a prime minister of Polish government I am not authorized to negotiate any of our territory away. My country has been subjected to aggression. Brutal, unprovoked aggression. We do not bow to force." answered Sikorski.

"Mr. Raczkiewicz, do you share mr. Sikorski's view as well?" Daladier asked Polish President. "Fully, mr. Daladier. Polish government will not recognize any peace treaty as valid if territories taken away from us are not returned." Daladier frowned and through his hands in the air. "Gentlemen, your stand is utterly unrealistic. Republic of France is no longer able to give you support, given the alternative. We have carefully considered the peace agreement Germans offer us and came to conclusion that it is acceptable. Republic of France, as well as United Kingdom, is intent on making peace with Germany. Unless you revise your stance, Poland will lose its only chance to reestablish its independence with consent of neighboring powers. Please, gentlemen do not let this slip through your hands due to some misbegotten pride." "Can I assume that France and Britain are going to sign the peace treaty without Poland then?" asked Sikorski "If no other suitable alternative is presented by your government mr. Sikorski, you have only yourself to blame if your government is left out of the negotiation." answered Daladier flatly.

Polish President and Prime Minister exchanged glances. "If that is so, I must reluctantly and with grave reservations, state intention of Polish government to accept this deal. It is obvious that our struggle cannot be continued without support." announced Raczkiewicz. "Mr. President," Sikorski said immediately "I will not bear responsibility for this. I resign my post of Prime Minister, effective today." "Very well, mr. Sikorski. Your resignation is accepted." Entire exchange seemed somehow canned, but it escaped Daladier's notice, as he turned around to locate the telephone. Next session of negotiations was scheduled for Monday and he hoped it would be the last serious negotiations session in preparation of final signature. Sikorski and Raczkiewicz stood up and left the office. During the ride in the car which took them to the Polish embassy at Rue de Talleyrand, Raczkiewicz told Sikorski "You are now free to plan the campaign. As soon as peace treaty is signed we will establish the government in Poland. I will protest at the meeting and register our dissatisfaction with borders." "What about our eastern borders?" asked Sikorski "We will demand that Russians return our provinces they illegally occupied. We will never accept the status quo. If we keep up the struggle long enough, perhaps our occupiers will grow tired." Raczkiewicz answered. "My operatives will work on the principle of plausible deniability. You will arrange for some token operations and we will allow you to break a cell or two every once in a while. It must look as though we are fighting against the will of official government. We will work further details out later on." Sikorski said.

December 2nd, 1008, White House

"Gentlemen, good morning. I invited you here in order to discuss the events in Europe." President Roosevelt greeted 5 men who sat around the spacious conference desk in unofficially called 'the fish room'. "We were all astounded by the opening of peace conference in The Hague. Personally, I was even more astounded when the conference approached successful conclusion. Frankly, I haven't expected this course of events. Cordell, can you please fill us in?" POTUS asked his trusted associate.

"Mr. President, upon the initiative of the new German government, belligerent powers in Europe agreed to start peace negotiations in The Hague. As mr. President has said, to astonishment of entire world, negotiations have reached the final phase. According to the reports State Department received Government of Republic of France and His Majesty's Government has virtually decided to sign the peace agreement. Few days ago, British parliament has authorized the government to conclude the peace treaty, which indicates that hostilities in Europe could end before the New Year." Hull finished his summary. "Do we have any indication what terms to this treaty will be?" asked Franklin. "Previously stated Entente position was that peace between them and Germany can only be established if they retreated from Poland. Although German peace offer consisted of retreat from Poland, they request to retain certain areas - so called Polish Corridor, which links German mainland to East Prussia. Germans requested this even before the war, but Polish Government felt this compromises strategic position of their country. Also upon insistence of Allies it is apparent that clauses limiting armed forces will be part of the treaty. We were asked by the British to take part in the conference as a co-signatory and neutral guarantor of the enforcement of the treaty." Hull concluded.

"Mr. Dexler, what is the opinion of Polish government in regards to peace propositions?" asked Roosevelt. "Mr. President, Poles are embittered. They blame the British and French for betrayal, claiming that Germany will strangle Poland economically if the territorial amends Germany demand are acceded to. They also claim that during the occupation of Poland German authorities and armed forces committed numerous atrocities, killing up to 50.000 Polish citizens, according to sources from Poland. Those claims are impossible to verify, though stated policy of German government can be construed to leading to such actions being pardoned or even tacitly approved. As you know, I have spent the last days in Warsaw and German attack was ferocious. Siege of Warsaw was certainly conducted with little if any regard to well-being of civilians. I was witness to indiscriminate air and ground attack on city itself, so it is not hard to believe that Germans could be capable of even worse crimes. Despite of that, I find the figure of 50.000 casualties cited by Polish government hard to believe without an orchestrated effort to exterminate Polish population. Such action would be without any precedent in history, and I personally cannot imagine such self-defeating course would deliberately be taken by Government of Germany, or any rational government for that matter." "On the other hand, we have an example of Japan in China." Hull pointedly said.

"Mr. Dexler, in some aspects German government can hardly be considered rational. During my stay in Berlin and Austria, I witnessed gradual increase in hostility towards Slavs. Government propaganda had some influence, but people hated Slavs and Jews to begin with. Most of the people both in Austria and Germany I came into contact with didn't seem to mind the terror policies and discrimination of said minorities. What average German citizen would do in outright war and deployed in foreign country is not hard to imagine." George Messersmith, formerly US ambassador in Wien and consul to Germany opined.

"Report that came from mr. Kirk two days ago, sheds some new light on the subject. He indicates certain moderation is visible within Reich. Rhetoric and propaganda attacks against Jews are still there, but outright violence against individual Jews has subsided, at least within the Germany proper. This is probably the result of internal struggle within security apparatus. It appears that after Hitler's death what appears to be moderate faction in comparison, has taken over. I will quote the evaluation of Georing's character 'Ruthless and brutal, he does not shy from violence to advance his cause. Displays the intelligence and cunning that enable him to maintain his position in the Reich hierarchy.' Report also includes the following 'Hermann Goering, while member of Nazi party, has purged the more extreme elements of the party recently, charging them of plotting conspiracy against the government of the Reich. He even linked senior security personnel to the assassination. Although he is the controlling the government, he maintains the control only through alliance with the military.'

According to dispatches of mr. Shirer, Goering is truly interested in peace at this moment. He is rumored to have tried to avert war through informal diplomacy, but his efforts failed since Hitler was unwilling to wait and was advised by former foreign Minister Ribbentrop that Britain and France would not declare war. This event is probably what caused the split between those two." Cordell recited from the report his staff prepared for this meeting.

"So, Information we possess lead us to believe that Goering's desire for peace is genuine, while opportunistic. Well if he is less reckless than the previous gang, we can live with that. The less happens in Europe, better it is for us. Maybe we will no longer have to confront Japan by ourselves. Europeans have much more to lose there than we do, anyway." remarked President.

"It certainly looks like that. Mr. President, my recommendation is that we try to push the proposal to act as one of guarantors of European peace treaty to the Congress. It would make everyone feel much safer and make further conflicts less likely." suggested Hull.

"Mr. President I concur with mister Secretary. I volunteer to visit Europe and establish what they expect of US. Mr. Secretary and I have discussed this and agreed that high level visit to Europe at this point would show that we are interested in the events. In order to placate isolationsts in Congress, we will act neutrally and contact all parties in the conflict." asked Sumner Welles.

December 3rd, Command bridge of HMS Ajax, 200 miles west off Scotland

Commodore Henry Harwood stood beside the captain Woodhouse as they watched the German ship sailing 3000 yards off their starboard. The three ships in his squadron - HMS Ajax, HMS Achiles and HMS Exeter - were tasked with following the ship as she sailed back to the home port. Germans tried to shake them off 500 miles earlier, but after a short chase, they decided to settle down to stable speed of around 15 knots. Admiral Graf Spee was such a magnificent ship, commodore thought. Harwood doubted his little squadron would be able to beat her in an outright battle. Her 11" rifled guns protruded ominously, as she bobbed on the uneasy sea that supported her 15.000 BRTs. Through binoculars Commodore could see German sailors going about their business or idly observing British ships. "Such a marvelous piece of engineering isn't she?" he remarked to Woodhouse. "Under armed if you ask me, sir. Her guns are big, I give you that, but only six of them." answered Woodhouse. "Plenty good for what she is built for. She can escape any of our vessels that are better armed than her, and outgun anything faster. I shudder to think that we were hunting her just few weeks earlier. Wouldn't that be an epic battle had we managed to catch her before the truce?" commodore mused "Certainly would be, sir. But we would whip her, no problem. She could not damage all three of our ships with her 6 guns, I'll wager." captain said. "You are right, Charles. Signal admiralty, report our position and ask for instructions." he ordered. "I hope we get permission to sail to Scapa. We really don't need to shadow her all the way to North Sea." "Aye, aye sir." was the prompt answer.

Captain Langsdorff on the bridge of Admiral Graf Spee observed the English squadron. If his ship didn't have the troubles with engines, he would lose those hound dogs that were deliberately sailing only 3 km away. He couldn't engage them of course, and he considered putting out the smoke screen, but decided against it due to sheer pointlessness of the gesture. After first few tense hours, things settled in comfortable routine, and enemy (well rival now) ships became normal sight for the past 24 hours they shadowed them. They exchanged signals, but nobody dared fire salvo of the main guns as a traditional salute. As a gesture of peace and in attempt to show superior discipline, both sides lined up the crews on the decks. Less than 5 days remained before they reached the port, and Admiral Graf Spee was the last German ship remaining outside territorial waters. Altmark has departed after refueling him two weeks ago leaving him to sail at half normal cruise speed, due to the damage to the engines.

December 4th, Morning, The Hague

Jan de Geer approached the speaker stand "On behalf of Queen Wilhelmina and Government of Kingdom of Netherlands, I welcome you one more to The Hague. I open this session of The Hague Peace convention. I invite representative of Germany to approach the stand."

"Your excellences, ladies and gentlemen, good morning. Last week my government has laid out a proposals for Polish government to consider in order to conclude hostilities between the two countries and consequently between Republic of France and United Kingdom of Great Britain. Two days ago Government of Poland has agreed to accept our peace offer, offering to cede northern part of Pomerania to Germany. Government of Poland has also demanded of Germany to drop the demand for Upper Silesia. Other specifics of the offer, as proposed by Germany, were duly accepted. In the interest of peace, German government has agreed to sacrifice the historic province of Upper Silesia. In return we demand that we are compensated by enlarging the territory ceded in Pomerania to include city of Thorn or Torun as it is known in Poland. Our new proposal is delineated on the map as you can see. Germany does not seek territorial aggrandizement and the territories we seek to be adjoined to German Reich, besides being of historical significance to German people, necessary to maintain contiguous territory. Since Poland has objected to our wish, we will yield to their demand in the interest of peace." He pointed to the large map of Poland, hanging on the wall.

"We hope that Governments of allied powers will accept this modest compensation. Also, in view of this Germany proposes that population transfers from the territories of Posen, Upper Silesia and Pomerania be arranged in order to diminish potential for future disputes. Germany will finance repopulation of German nationals from Poland, if Poland takes the obligation to accept the cost of resettlement of Polish population from Pomerania. Government of Germany will evacuate all German nationals from Poznan and Upper Silesia in stages to be determined in the final text of the treaty. We anticipate a staged evacuation of the territories during the period of four to six weeks. In order to facilitate orderly transition, certain elements of German armed forces and police services will remain within nominal Polish territories until such time as maintenance of order can be transferred to Polish forces. I consulted with our military leaders and they stated that certain provisions of the clauses presented by French government pertaining to military limitations are hard to control and implement. Modified proposals have already been presented to involved powers. We further request that provisions of the treaty be equally applied on dominions of British crown. We concede that controlling their compliance will be difficult, so as an alternative my government is ready to agree that no forces from the dominions or similar territories can be deployed within metropolitan area of Britain and France without notification and consent of Government of Germany. This is all German government has to say at this time."

"Thank you mr. von Neurath. I now invite the representative of Government of Poland, mr. Zaleski to the stand." sad de Geer.

"Thank your excellency. After consideration of alternatives presented to us, my Government has decided to accept the end of hostilities and reestablishment of Polish state. We want everyone to remember that Polish nation signed this peace for sake of the European peace. Polish people have many times before helpt Europe to stand against the forces arrayed against it. I must remind certain nations that it was our cavalry that saved them from the Turks and from Bolsheviks 20 years ago. Once again, Polish nation will bear sacrifice for the interests of peace in Europe, this time through signing of the peace. Rest assured we will not forget this. It is obvious that without support, Poland cannot withstand the will of stronger powers. In view of this, we will lay our arms now, but remain on vigil forever more and never trust our fate to the hands of anyone outside Poland. The demand of German Government for compensation and ceding of Torun is hard to swallow, but Poland will accept it, as well as all other conditions as laid out by German government. Presence of German security and armed forces on Polish territory will not be necessary, as Government of Poland is and always has been perfectly capable of maintaining peace and order within its territory. We will expect Germany to evacuate its armed forces and other officials at the time of Polish reestablishment of sovereignty of the territories. We also will use this opportunity to, although Soviet government choose not to attend this convention, call on them to return the territories they illegally occupied to their rightful owner. That is all."

"Sir Edward, representative of United Kingdom, will speak next."

"Ladies and Gentlemen," started Halifax, "as we can see, negotiations between our countries have so far proceeded smoothly. So far we were able to come to terms on most issues and the only critical point remained to be solved - the issue of borders between Poland and Germany. Neither Poland nor Germany has been willing to compromise on this issue. My Government is relieved that mutually acceptable solution has been found. His Majesty's Government does not view other amendments proposed by German Government unfavorably. I propose that all parties compile their version of the final draft of the peace treaty, and present it in a week time. Once we agree on the content, we will schedule a formal signing ceremony, no later than December 24th, as symbolic gesture which I am sure will inspire hope within hearts of people of all nations. On a side note, I am happy to report that the Government of United States of America has offered to take part in the treaty and dispatched a special envoy to Europe in person of mr. Sumner Welles, Undersecretary of State. His intention is to determine the ways in which Government of United States of America can facilitate the peace process. Government of Great Britain and I am sure all other governments whose representatives are present here, welcomes the involvement of United States of America and our hope is that other parties will feel this way as well."

"As no one else has requested to speak, I can only conclude this session."

December 4th, Morning, Washington DC, FBI HQ, Office of General Intelligence Division

Chief of the division, William Shaw read the report submitted by Special agent Donald Murray. He authorized Murray to conduct field investigation and determine the identity of suspected foreign agents within the State Department. After two weeks, Murray was able to report that certain Elizabeth Bentley, Victor Perlo and Alger Hiss, along with 5 other individuals identified so far have been passing state secrets to intelligence services of Soviet Union. According to preliminary investigation, the information gathered by this spy ring was passed through the person of one Jacob Golos. Agent Murray requested additional manpower and priority tasking in this investigation, as number of involved person already stretched the limits of his 4 assigned agents. Shaw was sure this was important enough to merit attention of the director so he decided to push this one to director Hoover with favorable recommendation. In any case it will take months of careful effort to unravel entire ring and arrest those responsible. If this turns out to be as important as it seemed, his division might increase in importance.

December 5th, 0958, Berlin, Reichskanzlei

Goering heard door open and looked up. His secretary was on the door. "Herr Diels to see you, herr Praesident." she said. "Show him in, Helga and please have coffee brought in." Goering ordered. "Certainly herr Praesident." answered woman and disappeared. "You can come in!" Goering heard her, and seconds later Minister of Interior entered the office. "Good morning herr Praesident." he greeted Goering. "Good morning to you too, Rudolf. What have you done about those explosions? We almost lost one of the most important Luftwaffe research projects. I expect and demand answers." Goering told the interior minister. "Herr Praesident we managed to capture about a dozen attackers. Two of them appear to be former members of SS, while others are from Hitler Jugend and Wehrmacht. We interogatted them and while they confessed there are more terrorist groups, they are unaware of the whereabouts or plans of them. They do not know where the leader is." Rudolf reported. "That is not enough herr minister. And we know who the leader is. We must cut this terror plans at once." Goering raged. 'Luckily, the attacks were mostly on military objects. We were able to disguise it as accidents and training. But before long, news will leak. This must be over before that.' thought Goering uneasily. "Herr minister, you are to dedicate all your available manpower on this. Every service will curtail all other activities for now and dedicate all resources to contain this campaign of terror. I will order herr Brauchitsch to provide you with mobile military units. Do you have any plans that I can help with or need any additional resources?" Goering asked. "Herr Praesident, Wehrmacht units will help of course, but we need to inform the public of the possibility that terrorist hide in their midst. I will require herr Funk to arrange that nationwide warning is broadcasted by radio. People must be included and the best way to fight this menace is to have every eye in the Reich on lookout." was the answer. Goering frowned "Herr Diels, that is impossible. Worse than that, such a step is unthinkable. If we were to request that, our people would not feel safe. The objective is to stop the attacks entirely right now and without involving ordinary people. If we ask public to help, it will be perceived as weakness of Reich authorities. We will be seen as powerless to stop few terrorists. It is out of question." Goering persisted.

Diels tried again "Herr Praesident, we are facing something that is entirely different from anything we've seen. The perpatrators are masked within general population. There is no way we can sift them out easily either before the attack or after they disperse. Those we captured so far were either wounded or surrounded by defensive troops. None of those who attacked police station were apprehended, and they killed 14 OrPo officers and devastated police station. There is no way we can cover all potential targets. We need the cooperation of citizens." Minister emphasized. "No herr Minister. We will not admit weakness nor alert public threat exists that police and security services are unable to contain." was the resolute answer. Rudolf thought 'If they start attacking civilian targets, he will remember this conversation. Well, it seems I must accept what is offered.' and said "Herr Praesident, I will try to do what I can. Just remember I warned you. In any case, thank you for your help." 'For nothing!' he thought to himself. "Very well, herr Minister. I trust you will be able to overcome the danger we face." Diels began to turn away, when Goering remembered "Herr Minister, I am satisfied with your proposal to reorganize our 14 KZs. You are granted the permission to transfer the management of the camps to Gestapo. I trust herr Nebe will form special unit for this purpose. Contact herr Speer of the Organisation Todt and see how much manpower he needs." ordered Goering "It is better to give those prisoners something to do. I hate to see unemployed people." he added ironically. "Jawohl herr Praesident!" answered Diels and left.

Goering finished his coffee, squished the remnants of his cigar in the ashtray and pressed the button on his interphone. "Helga, call herr Neurath. Tell him I will see him and his delegation now. Also, call Pleiger, Brauchitsch and Hess. Tell them to come" he thought for a moment "Well, talk to herr von Neurath first and see when he can come. Then inform the others to show up here at that time." ordered Goering. "By your order, herr Praesident." was the prompt answer. "Thank you, Helga." Goering said. Next he picked up the paper containing the transcripts of peace negotiations and started reading. 'So, the final proposal. I didn't hope for this much. Herr Greiser and Schwede will lose their feuds. They might try to object, but I have them by their balls. Nebe has obtained sufficient evidence against them to have them tried. Frank is very upset about losing his loots, but that cannot be helpt.' At that moment, interphone sounded. "Yes, Helga?" "Herr Praesident, the appointment is scheduled in half an hour." came the voice from the speaker. "Very well. Call Emmy and patch her through."

About the same time, in Paris, Elysee Palace

The table in the conference room was surrounded by chairs. Sitting in them were members of governments of France, Poland and United Kingdom with assorted personnel of foreign services. "We gathered here gentlemen to draft proposal for peace terms. The most important part, of course is demarcation of borders between Germany and Poland. Mr. Rackiewich I understand that you have accepted to give up Thorun in order Katowice." said Daladier.

"Indeed. We are in situation of parents having to choose whether we sacrifice younger or older daughter. My position is impossible, alas, I and my nation must bear this burden alone. Other conditions of peace terms are of no concern for Poland. We require entire apparatus of German rule within our territory be dismantled and all forces under German flag be evacuated before Poland takes over the territory. As for other terms, we accept whatever is required of us. Excuse me, gentlemen, but I will leave you now. Further presence of Polish representatives is not necessary and I have important meeting. Goodbye."

"Mr. Raczkiewicz, we are glad that your government has recognized the reality of the present situation. French government will never allow Polish independence to be compromised. Rest assured that we will allow neither Germany, nor Soviet Union to further encroach your country. Your independence is of vital importance to our nation." Daladier stated.

"Certainly, mr. Daladier. Poland will never forget your support! Goodbye!" answered Raczkiewicz despondently, as he picked up his briefcase and left, followed by Zaleski and Raczynski.

"Poles are not very happy with this deal, mr. Daladier." remarked Chamberlain after doors closed. "But that was certainly the best deal we could ever get, war or no war. I cannot imagine that we would be in situation to dictate peace to Germany ever again. That country is simply too strong and it is impossible to hold down. However, it seems we must be ready to face them with equal force at any moment in the future."

"It is my opinion exactly. Besides, it is obvious that, having secured cooperation of Soviet Union, Germany would certainly be able to dedicate their entire might to us. We would suffer terrible loses in an attempt to stop them. According to Gamelin's projections, more than million French soldiers would be casualties in the first year. Even if we stop them, we would never be able to drive them back. Some kind of peace treaty would be unavoidable. That we are able to achieve this without ever fighting war is miracle we should all be thankful for." Daladier added. "Since Poles agreed to the border amendments, we must compile the proposals for arms limitation and control. We stand by the proposal to limit standing army to 55 divisions. We estimate that 55 divisions are all we are able to manage on permanent basis without excessive drain of our economy. We could of course strain to raise ten more divisions if need be." Daladier said.

"United Kingdom will never be able to raise and maintain such huge force. Mandatory military service is impossible burden on our society. However, we will retain and modernize our fleet. I expect that budgetary constraints will be eased after this experience and we will improve our means on the sea and in the air. I am of opinion that Germany should be closely supervised. If they decide to try for round two, we must be ready." Chamberlain said. He then turned towards Under-secretary for foreign affairs "Sir Alexander, have the Belgians accepted to our proposition to join demilitarized zone agreement?"

"Sir Neville, they accepted the proposal and promised to send the delegation to The Hague to sign the protocol. They also proposed to take part in mutual control forces." answered Cadogan.

"Splendid. That adds another security feature. Sir Anthony has contacted the governments of dominions. They will also send their representatives. Germans have objected to the clause not including the dominions in peace treaty. We shall see what they want in their version of the treaty. Anyway, final draft is here. Sir Alex?" said Chamberlain.

"Gentlemen, I have drafted the peace treaty and here it is."

Agreement to restore peace in Europe said:
Governments of Republic of France, German Reich, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Republic of Poland have agreed to sign this treaty and end the hostilities. All aforementioned governments sign this document of their own free will and without coercion. Peace treaty is established on following terms:

Article 1.

All sides will cease all hostile activities at 1159 pm the day this treaty is signed. Hostile activities include, but are not limited to, military activities, military offensive preparation, ariforce sorties beyond own territory, naval sorties in force beyond territorial waters, training for or rehearsing offensive operations, deployment of offensive weapons within 50 miles of borders with any power signatory to this treaty and other activities not mentioned, but construing credible threat.

Article 2.

Poland will be restored within borders as agreed. Germany retains province of Pomorz - Pomerania. Poland retains extraterritorial port of Gdynia and railway connection to the port Warsaw - Torun - Danzig - Gdynia. Terms for using this railway are established as follows:

a) Poland will not station military formations beyond those necessary to keep internal order in territory. All transports of military material must be reported and inspected by German officials in Danzig. Poland will not station any naval units in Gdynia. All remaining naval units of Poland are to be sold at fair price to United Kingdom.

Article 3.

Germany will dismantle the apparatus of government within borders of Republic of Poland as established in Article 2 this treaty. German nationals within Poland unwilling to remain in Poland will be resettled within Germany. Their transfer will be financed by German government. Polish nationals inhabitting areas ceded to Germany and unwilling to remain in Germany will be transferred to Poland, financed by Polish government.

Article 4.

All signatories agree to limit their military strength as follows.

Land forces

Land forces of German Reich and Republic of France will be limited to the 500.000 soldiers each. No limit on quality of the forces will be set. However, both signatories declare they will refrain from raising paramilitary forces as a way of circumventing this limitation. In order to enforce this treaty all signatories will allow multilateral international inspections on their territory. Both signatories agree not to deploy more than:

a) 3500 tanks or other similar armored vehicles, (tanks, self-propelled guns, reconnaissance vehicles, excluding personnel carriers, armored trucks and artillery trailers)
b) artillery of a caliber larger than 200 mm or equivalent and more than 6 batteries per regiment (excluding mortars and recoilless infantry weapons)

United Kingdom of Great Britain retains the right to keep number of regular troops at this level. Government of United Kingdom will notify all signatories in case they decide to bring their forces to maximum level.

Republic of Poland armed forces are limited to 200.000 in total. Republic of Poland is forbidden to station foreign troops within her territory or establishing foreign military bases. Republic of Poland is allowed to retain air force consistent with the needs to defend her airspace. Air force of Poland will be limited to one wing of fighters, while no bombers or multiengine airplanes (heavy fighters or transports is allowed).

Republic of France and United Kingdom of Great Britain reserve the right to maintain colonial forces, numbering 200.000 troops (up to 350.000 in case of unforeseen circumstances). Should the aforementioned Governments decide to use special circumstances clause, German government will be notified. Government of Republic of France and Government of United Kingdom of Great Britain undertake the obligation not to transfer colonial troops to respective Metropolitan areas unless provoked by imminent threat of war.

German Reich undertakes obligation to disarm the paramilitary formations and refrain from training them as army replacements.

Furthermore, all the signatory sides agree to prohibit and dismantle all chemical and biological weapons and their development thereof.

Signatories pledge not to create stockpiles of spare parts in excess of 20% of existing arsenal. Signatories agree to international control of compliance to this treaty and pledge to open all barracks and arsenals to international inspections announced and unannounced.

Air forces

United Kingdom of Great Britain, Republic of France and German Reich will limit their air forces to 2.000 airplanes each. Of this 1.000 will be single engine fighter or their equivalents and 1.000 multiengine airplanes (excluding transports). Both sides aim to limit the capabilities of their bomber forces in the future. Both sides agree not to base battle ready bomber forces within 100 miles radius from the borders. Bases within this radius will be subject to mutual control. Both sides pledge to allow announced and escorted airborne reconnaissance flights of the airbases. Both sides pledge to refrain from creating stockpiles of airplane spare parts in excess of 20% of existing forces. Compliance of the treaty will be subject to international control. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Republic of France will refrain from basing major air force formations within their non-metropolitan areas.

Naval forces

Naval forces of all signatories will be subject to the London treaty of 1936, and Anglo-German Naval agreement of 1935 for German naval forces. All signatories pledge to abide to these treaties in all new naval construction. All naval bases of all signatories will be subject to unannounced international control, and all signatories pledge to accept.

Special clauses and elaborations

International control refers to representatives of other signatories (up to three persons of relevant expertise for all signatories) and neutral parties, as agreed by all involved.

Dominions of United Kingdom of Great Britain will be bound by this treaty as they are considered under sovereign rule of His Majesty George VI.

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Republic of France agree to allow international inspections of air, land or naval bases within the territories under their rule.

Article 5.

All signatories pledge to establish international compliance verification body, with authority to inspect and notify of individual nations compliance to this treaty. Chairman of this body should be appointed by a neutral power, preferably United States or Sweden. Body will include naval, air and army officers from signatory powers and neutral powers.

Article 6.

All signatory powers denounce the use of force as method of solving outstanding issues or furthering national interests and pledge to seek diplomatic and peaceful solutions. In order to facilitate this, all signatories pledge to sign Non-aggression treaties with each other and interested neighboring countries.

Article 7.

All violations of this treaty will be considered as act of war by other party and dealt with accordingly.

After having read the text, there were few immediate comments.

"Gentlemen, please read this draft carefully and if you find anything you think needs correction, notify Sir Alex. This is all." Chamberlain concluded the meeting

December 5th, 1323 Bismarckstrasse, Wilhelmshaven

Klaus Jaeger sat in the café in Wilhelmsahfen, sipping his coffee and reading Volkischer Beobachter. He was astonished at the changes in Germany and sudden rush to peace. As shipyard worker, he saw that piers in Bremen were crowded by U-boats and all sorts of navy vessels. The last to put in was Admiral Graff Spee. People cheered the elegant ship, as she approached the dock, crew lining up the deck, saluting smartly. Herr Roeder himself came to greet captain Langsdorff back to Vaterland. Spees cruise was already becoming stuff of legend. Sudden commotion in the street caught his eye. Next thing he heard was sound of shots being fired by policemen guarding nearby police station. The street erupted in panic, and people ran around. Klaus dropped to the floor, peeking carefully through the window to see what was happening. He saw that a group of around 20 men advanced toward the police station shooting wildly towards it. One policeman was already down, while the other kept firing, hidden behind the pillar on the entrance of the station. Two attackers were also down, while ten people were cowering in various shelters they could find. Building of police station suddenly erupted with automatic weapons fire, and two more attackers dropped to the ground. Remaining ones dispersed and while one group was shooting towards the building, the other ran, attempting to storm it. Then, two of the men threw potato mashers and managed to put them through the windows of the ground floor. Muffled explosion was heard and smoke erupted through the windows and doors, while people started running out of the building. Horrified, Klaus observed them being mowed down by attackers as the ruffled police officers emerged through the door. Somebody was still shooting from the second floor, although imprecisely as small fountains of snow that covered the streets indicated. Within 10 minutes all resistance from within the building stopped and it was occupied by two dozens of attackers. Shakingly, Klaus stood up and started walking the street, trying to look inconspicuous.

He reached the corner and turned into a side street. Finding a safe position he stopped to observe what was happening. It reminded him of the revolutions from the 20s and he shuddered at the thought. Sirens were already heard throughout the town, as police responded to reports of disturbance. The street was virtually empty now, as people hid inside the shops, cafes and other convenient shelters. One man appeared on the window of Police station and started shouting: "People of German Reich! You have been betrayed by the clique of power hungry and ambitious dogs. They killed our Fuehrer Adolf Hitler, eliminated SS, the only force that could expose their betrayal and proceeded to humiliate German Reich. People of German Reich, citizens of Wilhelmshaven, do not allow those power hungry mad dogs to get away with this. Join us and Reichsfuehrer SS Reinhard Heydrich. Join us if you do not want to return to the time of suffering and humiliation. Join us to save the achievements of our great Leader won by the blood of our sons." Klaus noticed the man read it from the paper. He considered the words he heard, but the meaning was too confusing for the moment he was in. The man was still reading the proclamation and two others appeared at the entrance to police station nailing one of those to the doors. Few terrified people emerged from the surrounding buildings and run away, using the quietness to get away as far as possible. It was clear that firefight will ensue again as soon as enough forces were prepared to reclaim the building. Already five vehicles packed with police blocked both ends of the street, but no one dared do anything lacking serious weapons. Some of the people trying to get away were intercepted by the attackers and given the paper. Only one or two stopped to take it, others avoided it as best they could, not wanting to get involved. People who reached the checkpoints of the police were checked and searched, but nobody was detained.

Suddenly, Klaus observed large group of soldiers marching down the avenue in double column formation. They were fully armed and armored car was bringing up the rear. As they approached the police station they split, allowed armored car to pass and police moved their vehicle blocking the street. Armored car sped up, opened fire on the station from its machine gun and soldiers formed groups in typical infantry attack. Rifle fire echoed the street, but the station was quiet. However, as soldiers approached to approximately 50 meters distance, windows of the building erupted with flames of automatic weapons fire. Soldiers scattered, dropped to the ground and started crawling. Armored car stopped, its’ turret traversing and showering the windows with hail of bullets. Explosion rattled the windows as hand grenade exploded inside the building, no doubt as someone attempted to lob it on the attackers. Ten minutes into the fight it was clear who the losers were. Fewer and fewer shots came from the building and suddenly, all was quiet. Two men appeared, bleeding from the ears, carrying white cloth. Soldiers got up, and carefully approached them, aiming their rifles, ready to mow the men down at first hint of trouble. A single shot was heard from the building and soldiers instinctively shot both men attempting to surrender. The confrontation was over but 43 bodies were collected in the aftermath. 16 were bodies of police officers, 3 civilians shot accidentally in the initial crossfire and the rest belonged to the attackers. 17 were later identified and determined to have belonged to Wehrmacht, but deserted their units earlier. Seven were identified as members of SS. The group leader committed suicide, rather than be captured.

Klaus was shocked by the event. He heard rumors that there were few attacks around Berlin, but the official news mentioned no attacks or disturbances. He heard of few accidents, but it was nothing serious. Klaus stuttered home, not stopping nor looking around. He was so shocked, that he couldn't even speak to his wife about what he saw that day. He just waved his head when she worriedly asked what happened. It took him two hours to recollect himself enough to convey what he witnessed in Bismarckstrasse. Radio remained quiet and the incident was not mentioned.

December 5th, afternoon, forest east of Berlin

Heydrich paced the room of the cottage he occupied with his closest staff. Although SS had a number of safe houses, they did not dare to use any of those for fear the list might have been captured by the government. Showdown with Goering happened rather unexpectedly and not everything could have been destroyed or misplaced. It was pure stroke of luck that their chief counterfeiter Bernhard Krueger was able to produce a number of forged papers indistinguishable from the real thing. Using those, they were able to move around the Reich and stay inconspicuous. Even Reinhard himself has managed to sneak into nearby towns in his naval uniform and get away with it. So far, they managed to escape the notice of the police and Gestapo, but Heydrich knew it was impossible to count on this being the case forever. Although he never hoped to instigate large scale rebellion with his forces, the lack of sympathy and level of judgment of average Germans was astonishing. Where they hoped to find shelter more often than not they were faced with threat of exposing them. What few people were willing to provide the SS with temporary shelter or provisions did so only because of family ties or friendship. The communication among the groups was very precarious and irregular. Additional problem was the fact that people actually believed the lies the authorities served them that the SS was responsible for the death of Fuehrer. Heydrich didn't dare contact his baby brother Heinz for fear of bringing the trouble to his family.

The first major attack after the initial ones included the political statement in order to present the people the alternative. If this attempt failed, he would have to consider change of strategy. It was expensive to attack military targets as they tended to shoot back. They lost more than 200 troopers so far. Morale in the force was surprisingly good. They even managed to get a few new recruits, most of them former members of SS who escaped the attention of authorities, bringing numbers back up above 1000.

About the same time in OKW offices

Keitel and Jodl sat in the room. Though nominally in command of Wehrmacht, they have not been consulted nor called upon since November. Most activities of the OKW in the period consisted of overseeing the military production in Germany. Even in this area they frequently clashed and quarreled with RWM and Office of Four Year Plan. The unity of effort that pervaded Germany waned as prospect of peace became more and more concrete. "We must do something. This situation is impossible. We do not command troops, we do not have any authority and the Praesident has barely ever contacted us at all." Jodl said. "On the other hand, in spite of the fact we were forgotten entirely, we still receive pay. And if do not have to do anything, well, all the better." answered Keitel to him. He was afraid that attracting the attention to them would result in ending this happy state of affairs and they would be relegated to insignificant department in the OKH or given command in the field.

Meanwhile, in Dresden

Viktor Klemperer was sitting in his house, writing a diary. His writings became a bit more optimistic of late, as oppression he faced in 1939 was subsiding. He was living with Eva, his wife of German descend. Although he considered himself as German, after 1935 he and Eva faced growing restrictions and oppressions. By 1939 many of their Jewish friends emigrated, and those that have not gorew increasingly isolated. A few were even violently attacked, and one of his friends was beaten almost to a pulp during Reichskristalnacht. He considered himself lucky to own the house, since Jews who did not were forcibly evicted from their dwellings and packed into Jewish houses. He heard rumors that even Jewish owners would be forced to rent their houses to Germans, and be transferred to "Jewish houses" but this did not come to pass yet. He now hoped it never will. He was not eager to emigrate Germany if didn't have to.
Meanwhile, Berlin, Reichskanzlei

"Gentlemen this is simply outrageous. Those fanatics have raided a police station in the center of the town. Not only did they managed to capture it, they held it for half an hour. They issued the proclamation spreading lies about our government. How is this possible?" raged Goering. "Herr Praesident, I already told you. It is impossible to guard all potential targets. We do have neither manpower nor effective intelligence to stop them." answered Diels. "WHY? I gave you authorization to do everything you can to stop it. Did you employ Wehrmacht?" Goering asked "Herr Praesident, I have. But to use army units in this kind of situation is inviting a disaster. Soldiers are singularly unsuited for this. Too crude. We are forming special Gestapo units to deal with this threat. Until this unit is operational we will use Geheime Feldspolizei as stopgap measure. I also propose that we offer blanket amnesty to the rebels. Such an offer could impel some of them to surrender and cooperate with us." Diels proposed. "Herr Praesident, the unit will be ready in two weeks. I invited some of the former SS members to help us with training and doctrine. Not one refused. Of course I made an alternative less than attractive." Nebe interjected. "I believe these steps will result in favorable outcomes very fast. One more thing herr Praesident. We arrested certain people in Austria and Munich headed by one Adolf Eichmann. He and his thugs were caught terrorizing remaining Jewish population, contrary to your orders. Besides we suspect them of instigating dissent and insubordination in local population. I need your signature on this paper to transfer them to Dachau. They will join other criminals." Diels added.

After hearing their proposals Goering answered "You will continue to use Wehrmacht units wherever practicable. I will see with von Brauchitsch that army personnel act with care without causing too much damage. You will form not one but three units herr Nebe. I approve of the amnesty, but only applicable to lower ranks. One more thing - this situation will be downplayed in official reports. Police officials will deliver information to Ministry of propaganda mentioning only minor incidents or accidents where possible. My order stands. Avoid involving civilians whenever you can. Dismissed, gentlemen."

Having taken care of this, Goering considered whether to read the draft of the peace treaty once more. Von Neurath submitted it earlier today, and Goering managed only to glance over it. Deciding that he was too tired, he left it at his desk for tomorrow. After all, Goering was pretty pleased Western powers did in fact consider making peace and thought von Neurath entirely capable of dealing with any problems that come up. He then remembered that von Schulenburg sent the Russian proposal for further economic cooperation and request for a meeting to establish concrete terms of the cooperation. He took the pen and made a note on the paper in front of him to contact von Schulenburg about it. He also decided to notify Pleiger, Todt and General Thomas about it and put them in charge of these negotiations. He also made note to direct von Mackensen to schedule a meeting with Mussolini somewhere, preferably in Germany or Austria. After he sent the reply to message of condolescences from Italy, confirming the friendship and alliance between the two countries, there was no opportunity for face to face meeting between the two heads of state. He now intended to change that. Having done all this, he decided to call it a day and go home.


December 5th, late night, Budapest, Cabaret "Rick's"

Having saved Rick's life, Laszlo asked for a reward and his request was entirely predictable. Blaine held his part of bargain and finaly, Laszlo received his papers. They were on the name of one Stanislaw Mikolajczyk. He didn't ask who the man was or what happened to him, only thing that was important was that the man was Polish soldiers. Blaine has assured him he died attempting to cross border with Yugoslavia a week earlier and but how the papers ended up in Blaines hands remained secret for Viktor. Black market for forged papers was very efficient in Hungary. Whatever the case may be, and since it was unknown how long would Polish soldiers be sent to France Laszlo had to act fast. Peace was just about to be signed and most probably all of the soldiers would be repatriated to Poland in due course. He needed to avoid that.

December 6th, morning, Imperial palace, Tokyo

"Hata-san, you are saying our offensive in China has been stalled?" Abe Nobuyuki the general in charge of Army ministry. "No, sir. We have faced some difficulties, but situation is deemed excellent. Our troops are on the verge of a brakethrough in the South China." answered Hata. "Then why do I see the reports in foreign press that our forces were pushed off the Kunlun pass? I have friends in the Army you know. I hear things you do not bother to tell me. For example, where is our 5th Division? I have heard reports that small part of it has returned to Japan. Some even say the division is shattered. Is this true?" insisted the Prime Minister, pressing the general further. "Abe san, you cannot expect to lead war without losses. Those problems we encountered are purely tactical issues. Army will handle it, take no heed to foreign propaganda and defeatists at home who try to convince you otherwise." retorted Hata. "General, we are running out of time. International situation is no longer favorable. Chinese Incident must" he paused for effect "MUST be concluded soon. Yesterday would be even better. I hear proposals from some quarters to initiate negotiations with Chinese Nationalists. I am seriously considering taking this course. If you are unable to complete military victory by the end of three months you requested, we will be forced to consider other solutions instead of purely military ones." Abe said. "There can be no negotiation with Chinese scum. Army will not stand for it." Hata said in carefully controlled tone, which only made him sound more ominous. "We will fight till the last drop of our blood. Leaving China now will mean we abandon the country to the communists. There is no telling the consequences and dangers that could ensue from this." he continued.

"Hata-san, I am not proposing we just abandon China to its fate. My opinion and that of Nomura-san is that we ought to consider the problem from different angle. With calming down in Europe, potential price of confrontation becomes too great. If France and Britain can turn toward Japan with their full strength, we will never be able to overcome them. We must try to defeat communists, but come to a deal with Nationalists." replied Abe to the Army minister. "Abe-san, we tried to negotiate with Nationalists already. They will not talk at all unless we retreat to pre-1937 borders. That is impossible. Army agrees to the spirit of your proposal, but we in the Army are virtually certain that it cannot be achieved in such a way to allow us to keep bulk of the territory we occupy now. I warn you Abe-san, if you try to force this onto us we will have a new prime minister pretty soon. One much more amiable to the needs of the Army." Hata announced. "I am perfectly aware of this Hata-san. That is why we have this conversation in private. The Government will not do anything without obtaining your blessing. As I said in the beginning you have two more months to complete your objectives in China. After that period and if there are no changes that would require we act sooner, we will meet again and consider the remaining options. Until then you have free hand." concluded Abe. "Very well then, Abe-san. Goodbye." said Hata as he got up and left.

December 6th, around 10 o'clock, Koenigsberg

Pleiger, Thomas and Von Schulenberg waited for imminent arrival of Soviet delegation headed by Molotov and including several notable members of Soviet government, such as Lazer Kaganovich and Anastas Mikoyan. Their task was to establish a commercial deal with Soviet Union that would negate blockade of Germany established by Allied powers. Pleiger was aware that even should the blockade end this instant, German foreign reserve was depleted and obtaining foreign goods will remain impossible. They now faced two choices. They could curtail production of war material and concentrate on 'tradable' goods. Germany was not able to reorient itself from war production in the short to medium term. Besides, prolonged investments in military and heavy industry have made most of the other industries so uncompetitive, that it would take some time to reach quality of production that would enable Germany to market them anywhere abroad. But the greatest problem was that curtailing military production now would result in massive layouts of workers employed in giant military plants producing airplanes, tanks, guns and other material. How to employ those workers when other industries had much lower manpower demands was not obvious. Previous public projects turned out to be mild to massive disasters and nobody was eager to attempt them again.

Alternative to this was to find a trade partner which possessed all the necessary goods and was willing to accept barter payments or extend a credit. The only such partner was Soviet Union. They possessed virtually all raw materials within their borders and, more importantly, needed precisely the things Germany could offer. Nobody wanted to consider the third alternative, which they would have been forced to take if either of negotiations broken down. German economy was unable to keep up current tempo of production for more than 6 months more, and to avoid total collapse, something will have to be done by that time.

Pleiger asked General Thomas of the OKW "Herr Thomas, does the OKW find this proposal acceptable?" After few seconds of introspection, Thomas answered "Herr Kanzler, given the alternatives, OKW cannot be against the proposal. It will be unpleasant to share some of those things with the Soviets. I am sure our Navy comrades will be particularly unhappy, but that cannot be helped. Although 'three' remains our most modern vehicle, Soviets have already seen it. Our intelligence staff believes they have equivalent vehicles, so they will not be able to derive any new knowledge from the specimen they will get from us. Greater problem to me is the delivery of industrial equipment, machine tools and machinery to Soviet Union. Should we ever get in conflict with them, their industrial capacity will be decisive factor in the conflict. Enlarging it further will make it more difficult of us. But I guess it cannot be helped either. We must try to avoid getting into conflict with them. But that is up to herr Praesident to decide, not us." concluded Thomas. "Herr Kanzler," Schulenburg spoke "I just want to say that the Government of Soviet Union appears to be friendly towards us so far. I am of opinion that nobody in Soviet Union desires conflict with us. Their industry, though strong, is still incomplete and their people have not fully recovered from various adversities that have befallen the country in previous decades. As long as Stalin is in power, they will not act aggressively towards us." "Thank you gentlemen. I appreciate your opinions and they coincide with my own." At that moment the doors opened and people start coming in. They got up to greet their visitors.

December 7th, somewhere in China

As dawn broke out, Chinese soldiers got up from the trenches and started crawling towards the opposing lines. 5.500 men of the New 75th NRA division were recently recruited and the division was reconstituted after being shattered last summer. Their training was short, but intensive. Equipment promised by Soviets just started to arrive, but 75th was not among the units to receive it yet. They had to manage with what they had at hand. 67th corps they belonged to had some artillery, but mostly obsolete guns dating before The Great War. Anyway, corps artillery was quiet. They gambled on surprise attack on Japanese position, held by their 29th Infantry division. Twenty meters from the Japanese positions Chinese advance troops started preparing hand grenades. There was no sign that Japanese noticed anything. It was a cold morning and Japanese sentries tried to keep warm, gathered around the fires, which ruined their night vision. When first hand grenades went off, entire area erupted with sounds of gunfire. It was the signal awaited by Chinese. Entire division got up and charged, firing wildly. Momentum of massive charge was irresistible. Despite discipline and sense of honor, startled Japanese soldiers offered short resistance and then broke off. Panic erupted and it seemed breakthrough was certain. Then Japanese mixed brigade held in reserve tried to intervene. They charged into the fight blindly and rifle fire that seemed to die out intensified again. Confused hand to hand combat developed and in these conditions numerically superior Chinese prevailed. Japanese, who suffered losses up to a quarter of the unit retreated to regroup and establish a new defensive position on the ridge two kilometers further to the east.

During the following week big Chinese winter offensive developed across the entire front. Some divisions, such as the New 75th proved lucky or skillful or both and managed to overwhelm their enemies. Others suffered heavy casualties. The first phase, however showed that Chinese were very far from being defeated. Despite the corruption, inefficiency and lack of training, they mounted the operation stretching the entire front. Lack of coordination hampered their efforts and most objectives remained elusive. Nonetheless, they inflicted serious losses to Japanese, exceeding 30.000. Miraculously, they even captured around 2.500 Japanese as they enveloped one brigade of Japanese infantry. It wasn't cheap though and Chinese losses were around double the Japanese body count. Japanese high command in China was deeply humiliated and the finger pointing was starting.

December 7th, 1000, Oberkommando der Luftwaffe, Berlin

The largest office building in the world housed RLM and headquarters of arguably the most advanced and certainly the largest air force in the world. German Luftwaffe grew from nothing in 1933 to the formidable organization it was today. Its’ creation was motivated by many factors, but most importantly by the need to get potent threat in the shortest amount of time possible. Although some in German Armed forces had their doubts, Condor legion proved them wrong. By the end of Polish campaign Luftwaffe confirmed what was known to its officers from beggining - aircraft was premiere weapon in today's battlefield. After September of 1939, even the staunchest opponents have recognized that air force had decisive impact on the battlefield. Commanders of all four Luftflottes were present, as well as the members of General staff of the Luftwaffe. All of them were smartly dressed in clean, crisp uniforms and emanated pride and confidence. The man they eagerly awaited came from their ranks and has risen to the highest position in the land. Many of them were pioneers in air war since 1917. The meeting called for today had dual purpose. Formally it was to name the Goering's successor in the position of RLM and head of Luftwaffe. Second purpose was to consider the future development of the service. Since the war was about to end, it was possible to plan for the longer term, beyond immediate pressures of tactical operations. As the door opened and familiar figure entered the room, all of the officers stood up and saluted him. Saluting back, Goering threw off his heavy leather coat into waiting arms of the junior officer in his trail. Another one passed him the notes for the meeting, neatly assembled in manila folder. He proceeded to the head of the table, looked around and nodded to his Chief of Staff, general Hans Jeschonnek. Hans moved to sit down, and so did the rest of the officers present.

"Gentlemen, it gives me special pleasure to visit this building after so long a time." Goering started "I have not forgotten about you all, although I was occupied by pressing tasks as a head of state. Luftwaffe will always have special place in my heart. I would like nothing more than running air force, but it was not destined to be. Ever since I took over the government, I wanted to meet with all of you and name my successor as the head of Luftwaffe. Most of you are qualified for this position. Almost every one of you has been under enemy fire. You have been in this service since its inception, six years ago. Officers, you have proven yourselves both in peace and in combat. More importantly, you have created service that has proven decisive in battle. Had Luftwaffe not been as effective as it was, our campaign in Poland would look entirely different. The decisive influence of airplane has been recognized by friends and foes alike. We knew it before the war thanks to Condor Legion" Goering looked towards Hugo Sperrle and Richthofen "but now our ideas are known to the rest of the world. Fortunately, we are now spared the ruinous war against western powers and we will get chance to further enhance our ideas, while others will be forced to start from scratch. Thanks to our success in Poland, we can look forward to a period of peace. Our enemies fear us. When I say us, I mean it literally. They fear US, that is you who have gathered here. The Luftwaffe is the weapon that strikes terror directly into the hearts of our enemy. I am under no illusion that our Army, formidable as it may seem, will be the factor that would have decided the outcome of war. Is Heer capable to destroy enemy industry within hours of giving order to do so? Are their vaunted tanks capable of destroying units hundred kilometers beyond the battle lines in the same period? Disrupt enemy supplies, rail communications and strike fear into population? We know that it is not. There is only one force capable of such feats. Only one and we command it. We have even seen what our enemies are capable of. Their machines can be defined with two words - obsolete junk. Their men have no experience in air warfare. The games we played in previous war were just that - games. Today, Germany is the only power on Earth that wields the ultimate weapon. How long will that remain so, depends only on us. We are the leaders now and if we decide so we can remain leaders forever." Goering paused and officers broke into spontaneous applause.

"Gentlemen," he continued, "make no mistake, decision we make here, today, will shape the future of our country and possibly the world for years to come. Well, so much for introduction. Now you know what is at stake here. I will now tell you my opinion and I will give all of you a chance to voice your opinion. I have no doubt we will have the same basic ideas. I do not expect that any of you would be here if you thought differently. Number one, the position of Reichsluftfahrtminister. This position requires a person with organizational skills, energy and technical knowledge. There is one person I can think of that is ideal for this spot. Herr Milch, are you willing to take this position?"

"Of course herr Praesident. It will be my pleasure." answered Milch.

"General-oberst Sperrle will take over the position of Commander in Chief of Luftwaffe, as he is the officer with the most combat experience. You must agree with me that combat experience is the ultimate prerequisite for this position. General-major Stumpff will take over his position as commander of Luftflotte 3. I believe this takes care of all Luftwaffe positions for the time being. Gentlemen, let's discuss some more substantial matters. War is effectively over and the peace treaty will contain some limitations. Those that apply to our Luftwaffe will require we give up around 700 airplanes. Complete breakdown is in the table you should have on papers in front of you."

"Herr Praesid--" started Milch, only to be interrupted by Goering "Please, dispense of formalities. We all know each other and we can use our first names here Erhard. But remember to use it in some more formal occasions." He chuckled.

"Thank you, Hermann." Milch answered "I am honored by this privilege. Looking at this table, it seems to me we have around 200 fighters and 500 bombers above the proposed limitation. We can dispense of enough fighters, but bombers will be more of a problem. They are the most important part of our force mix. Campaign in Poland has proven this, as you yourself have pointed out. We must keep our entire dive bomber force."

"Erhard is right, sir." Udet joined in. "Fortunately, as our dive bombers are single engine airplanes. We could pass them off as fighters? That way we cheat a bit and increase number of bombers on account of few fighters. It is better to have bombers than fighters, is it not?"

"Without any doubt! You all know what they have been trying to attack us with." Goering laughed. He was referring to feeble attacks by British twin engined Wellington bombers. "They have the range, but that is the only bad news about them."

"Hermann, if I may?" asked Richthofen.

"Sure, Wolfram. Go on."

"Gentlemen, we must examine our force carefully. There are many overlapping segments within our force mix. This should be avoided if we want to simplify production, logistics and training. We have the Ju 88, He 111 and Do 17 - three aircraft with virtually the same purpose. My proposal is to phase Dorniers out, followed with Heinkels and maintain only the Junkers 88 for the long term. Situation with fighters is much better and Bf 109 is certainly adequate for the foreseeable future. Focke-Wulf 190 seems very good and we should aim that it takes over as the first line fighter as soon as its’ toothing problems are sorted out. We lack the long range bomber that would be able to reach entire British Isles from our bases. I believe that He 177 deserves more attention. We must have that aircraft. Now we are given the chance to develop it.

December 10th, 2115, Paris, Gare de Lyon

The locomotive pulled in the train into the station, and stopped, releasing clouds of steam. The doors of the cars opened and people started coming out. Many were met with hugs and kisses of relatives, while still more looked on with a slightly lost and slightly inquisitive look on their faces. They were common sight on this train for a long time now. They usually were the refugees from Eastern European countries that have in one form or another fallen under German dominance.

This night among them was a tall man, unremarkable by anything except his height. Viktor never expected anyone awaiting him and once he picked up his luggage he turned to leave. He had to find a place to stay in Paris. He also had to find a way to publish the evidence he carried. He realized that it will not be that easy to get anyone to listen to him, but he knew if he could get anyone to look at his photos it would be enough. Any competent reporter would immediately jump on this story. But for the moment he had to find a place to stay for the night and rest.

December 11th, Berlin, Chinese Embassy

Dai-Li entered the ambassadors office and without any preamble said "Mr. Ambassador, I will need your office today. You will vacate it immediately and remain out until further notice. The meeting that is about to take place here has never happened."

"Yes, I understand. You will not be disturbed mr. Li." replied ambassador and left.

A few minutes later, Wilhelm Canaris, dressed in civilian outfit, entered the office. "Good morning, mr. Li." he said. "I am glad we could arrange for this meeting. Welcome to Berlin. I initiated this contact with you with the authority of Reichsgovernment. My government has in the past few months reconsidered the relationship with your government. We have concluded to establish the relationship with your country on a new basis. Undoubtedly previous government has committed grave errors that have been costly to both of us. We hope, however that this can be put behind us and we can cooperate with you."

"Mr. Canaris, I must admit I am pleasantly surprised by desire of your government to reconsider the foreign policy as regards to China. We were under impression that you favor Japan over us." Li said. 'So this is what this meeting is about. I surmised as much.' he thought.

"That may have been so under previous regime. We however have realized the basic mistake made in assuming that Japan is more beneficial to Germany than your great nation. I hope the following few days you are going to spend in Berlin will result in favorable agreement and a new Sino-German friendship. I have the things we can offer to you on this paper. Anything listed there is available for sale to China. We are also willing to extend HAPRO for four more years. You are meeting with me because we felt that secrecy is paramount in this phase of the reconciliation process." Canaris said.

"What about the Japanese? You understand that this question is of the foremost importance to China. We must have your assurance that you will no longer extend diplomatic support to Japanese." Dai-Li asked.

"Ever since we concluded the pact with Soviet Union, our relationship with Japan has cooled off considerably. So far their friendship has not benefited us as much as yours. I must, however, stress the desire of our leaders to attempt some sort of reconciliation between China and Japan. Rest assured that we will not be unfair to China. Should that fail, we will then consider other options. You will have an opportunity to meet some of the most prominent German business men. Should you desire such a meeting, we can also arrange for you to meet somebody from the Army. Our task is to come up with framework of cooperation, a proposal if you want, which could be presented to the higher-ups." Canaris finished summing up the essence of the idea. The idea of Sino-German rapprochement was born out a week ago. After the first contact with Soviets and once they presented their demands, someone from the foreign ministry proposed the alternative be considered. After all, Soviet demands were preposterous in any case. How could they demand that fully armed vessel be surrendered to them? As an admiral, Canaris had a soft spot for the navy and giving a ship to godless communists was not acceptable in his mind. The presence of Dai-Li in Europe was purely a lucky coincidence.

"I am grateful for such an offer. Kuomintang has long admired German people and our cooperation in previous years has enabled us to withstand unprovoked and unwarranted Japanese aggression. Germany was the only world power that has ever substantially helpt China. I can only say that Chairman Chang looks forward to the report from this trip. I understand the reasons behind your request for secrecy. The sole rumor of our talking would upset at least two of the world's powers. As long as this depends on me, I will guarantee the secrecy of our meeting." Chinese intelligence chief said. He took the paper and after reading it, beamed a wide smile. "All this equipment will certainly be useful in our fight. I think we will be able to come up with some deal." "Will you be able to ensure cooperation of the Soviets in delivering the items to China?" inquired Canaris.

"I believe we will. They are already providing us with some help." Li said.

"Should they refuse to allow this, what alternatives are there?" Canaris asked.

"It depends on the stance Western powers will take. I believe we could arrange something with the British. They are willing to go a long way to ensure the defense of Singapore and Malaya. Anyway, I think we will come up with something when and if such an eventuality comes to pass."

Same day, Around 10 o'clock, Munich, NSDAP Headquarters

Rudolf Hess opened the drawer in his desk. He took out 10 personal expenses forms and written an amount of 10.000 reichmarks on each of them. Next he took calendar and selected ten random dates, taking care that they coincide with working days of week and entered them in the appropriate field in the forms. Twenty minutes later he had completely filled forms ready to be submitted for reimbursements. Thinking out loud he said "This should be enough for three more sessions. I will get the message from the Fuehrer." He exited the office and deposited the forms to the clerk. "Herr Wechsler, please prepare 100.000 marks for tomorrow. I seem to have forgotten these in my desk." Hess said, as he handed the forms to the clerk. The clerk took the forms matter of factly, not looking away from his present job, putting them in the ‘to do’ basket. "Certainly, herr Hess. I will see to it as soon as I finish this." Wechsler said. "Thank you. If anybody asks, I just popped out for breakfast."

Meanwhile, London, Downing street 10

Chamberlain called the cabinet this morning to allow Halifax to brief everyone on the final draft of the treaty. As everyone settled in he said "Sir Edward, please outline the German requests for us." Halifax started "Gentlemen, we received the draft two weeks ago. I assume you all read it and are familiar with the content. Germans find the general terms acceptable, however they requested a few changes. First of all, they demand that the exact number of airplanes permitted to the Poland be specified within the treaty and they suggested that it be set to 100 airplanes. We will have to discuss this with our Polish friends, but I do not see any problem there. They also requested to be allowed to maintain an air force 50% above the limit specified in the treaty, as the combined strength of French and British air forces would be double their own." Halifax said in introduction.
"I would like to hear comments from you sir Kingsley, since this is your area of expertise." Prime minister said. Kingsley, who spent the previous week with his staff studying the proposal, responded "Mr. Prime minister, our primary concerns are German long and medium range bombers. Although all German bomber aircraft are capable reaching Isles from their bases in Germany, we have been spared direct attack on our soil so far. I can guarantee successful defense of British Isles from any form of daylight attacks as long as our Fighter command is intact. Alas, if the enemy chooses night terror bombings of major population centers as his strategy, there is not much we can do to prevent it. We can alleviate massive civilian losses by recommending our citizens to hunker down and ride it over. Horrors of Warsaw and Guernica, however, set milestones we cannot ignore and applied to London indicate horrors almost beyond comprehension. Luckily we have not been tested in this way, and with some more luck we will not be at all. German proposal superficially makes sense. Should RAF and the French Armee de l'Air manage to deploy 4.000 airplanes as stipulated by the treaty, Germans would be at disadvantage. I must emphasize that majority of our fighters will have to remain in home basis to prevent enemy attacks on our industrial facilities, naval and air bases. In regards to our erstwhile ally I must admit that, although French high command has tried hard to hide the fact, their preparation is woefully inadequate. War has caught French air force in the moment of transition. Given a year or so they will create the most potent air force on the continent. On paper, at least. German Luftwaffe has combat experience on their side and in any confrontation with the French they will probably come out on top, all things being equal. Our bombers will surely be able to pound the Germans and tie up bulk of their fighters in defense of Germany. If Germans are given 50% margin over the limitation, this strategy would not be practicable. Air war, unlike ground war, is fought in hours, not weeks or months. If Germans take out French air force in surprise attack, before we can make our presence felt, they will have the advantage. Consensus within RAF high command is that our strategy requires we outnumber German air force by at least 70% margin. We cannot successfully execute our strategy if the German Air force is three quarters of RAF and French combined. We have studied the problem of Poland air defense. We came to the conclusion that virtually any number of aircraft would be insufficient to defend Poland. Most they could hope to achieve is put up a token resistance. I do not know about their financial abilities after war, but I doubt they will be able to field more than 100 airplanes in any case. My recommendation is to offer Germans 20% limitation increase, but not to go beyond that and to pass German proposal to Polish with recommendation they accept it."
Later that night, Munich

Group of men moved through the streets of quiet German city like shadows. As they approached center of the city, groups of three man broke off the main group numbering 72 men. As dawn approached, every important building having anything to do with government was staked out. Three teams took positions around Headquarters of NSDAP, while five three men groups roamed the city searching for known Jewish houses. Head of Munich SS office managed to obtain the SS official list of Jews which they intended to use now. Two teams had an altogether different assignment. Their task was to attempt to contact possible SS sympathizes in Munich and recruit them to help. The rest of the teams had orders to find targets of opportunity and create mayhem in the city. The operation was thoroughly planned and teams received very specific instructions. Munich was, after all, the 'Naziest' city of them all, so if there was ever any chance to receive public support, it was here.

First part of the night action begun around three o'clock, as the five teams tasked with finding Jews started their bloody work. Around 5.000 Jews were still living in Munich, many of them in 'Jewish houses'. SS teams figured these the easiest targets for destruction. They set on of the buildings on fire and waited outside as panicked inhabitants started racing out to save their lives. Silenced weapons killed everyone emerging from the doors, and as the fire consumed more of the building, screams were heard from the inside. Few kilometers away garage doors on the fire station started opening and fire engines started pulling out on the street. They didn't get very far out when a sudden explosion followed by automatic weapons fire broke out. One of the trucks caught fir immediately, while the other swerved and stopped, blocking the rest of vehicles behind.

OrPo fared much better than the firefighters. Ever since the SS terror campaign started, Ordnung Polizei force has been reinforced by Feldspolizei and Wehrmacht officers. They managed to overcome attempted ambush near police station and subdued the team staked out there. They captured one of the terrorists and using not very subtle methods extracted the plan from him. All through the night mayhem ensued. In the morning charred remains of a "Jewish house", half burned building neighboring it and broken windows on the NSDAP headquarters betrayed the night’s events. Four prisoners were taken and awaited their transfer to Berlin. The only part of plan that sort of worked for the SS was two teams that went about recruiting new members they slipped out of town with 12 new recruits, all former SS men.

December 12, early morning, Berlin

Goering furiously stomped around the room, shouting at the four men present. Not daring to contradict him or speak at all, they just listened to the monologue that lasted for half an hour. The order they received was to clean up the whole Munich mess. Exasperated, they got up and left after being dismissed. They started the discussion only after they left the building. "Herr Diels, there was absolutely nothing we could have done about the attack. That our police officers managed to defeat the attackers near police station was only thanks to the Wehrmacht officers presence." said chief of Munich Gestapo office. "I know, Johann. Fortunately there is no more talk of keeping the things secret. He demanded the previous attacks go unreported. We can now at least inform the public of existence of the terrorist threat. We are going to downplay it of course, but the fact that real danger exist will be known." "Herr Minister, I think we should reissue personal ID documents. Terrorists we managed to capture had fake documents virtually indistinguishable from originals. We must change the documents so that faked ones would show. Army has by now weeded out real deserters and we have received the complete list of AWOL unaccounted for. We matched around 300 of them to the dead and captured, however whereabouts of over 3000 remain unknown. Of course, we are just now starting the surveillance of their families, relatives and friends if any. All known addresses have been checked and the close friends from the units those people belonged to have been questioned for any information. So far we uncovered nothing of importance, but Gestapo personnel are sifting everything on daily basis. These things take time herr Minister, but eventually we will have a lucky break. It is inevitable in any criminal investigation." Nebe reported enthusiastically. "Herr director, the time is one luxury I am not allowed for. You heard him!" Diels indicated towards the building with a turn of his head "'The terrorist threat must be eliminated in two weeks’ time'" he said, emulating Goerings speech and gestures, doing quite a good job of it. Nebe chuckled and said "Well, we can hope. In the meantime we are doing what we can. Rest assured." Diels turned toward Deubel, chief of KriPo "Heinrich, your men will be issued army grade weapons, rifles at least, SMGs as available from the SS stocks. Besides, every station will receive a machinegun. The weapon will be manned at all times, ready to fire. See to it." instructed Diels. After sharp "Jawohl!" Deubel turned, approached a waiting vehicle and dissapeared into the last seat.

Nebe and station chief Munich saluted Diels, approached their vehicle, and leaft. Alone, Diels nervously looked around, murmuring "They are not following me. I lost them for now!" He waved to his driver, who switched the Mercedes on and few seconds later stopped the car so the minister could enter. As he drove, he curiously observed his boss frequently looking through back window.

Meanwhile, Goering's office, Berlin

Goering's bad mood continued for the rest of the day and receiving the news that Allies have denied the German request to maintain air force 50% larger than proposed 2.000 airplanes didn't help improve it. He dismissed the messenger angrily. Alone in his office, he came upon the idea. He would need services of Dahlerus once more and he would go around official channels but perhaps it was worth it. He pressed the button on his speaker and ordered "Helga, call Abwehr and instruct herr Canaris to compile all intelligence data on Ivan and deliver it tomorrow. Next, you will call herr Dahlerus and connect me.". Afterwards, Goering took out a leaf of paper and started writing. 'Dear Prime minister' it read, continuing on in a note intended for Dahlerus to deliver on his next mission.

Around noon, Potsdam

Manfred Dreiser walked the street of Potsdam. He knew the street very well and it hasn't changed all that much in the months he was absent. He was assigned a task of getting some food for his group, hiding in the forest camp well outside of the city. This was the third time he took on such a trip and it has become a routine. As much as his present situation was tough, he did not regret joining SS in the least. It was apparent that current government has betrayed the cause and they needed to be punished for it. He was so near his family house and although he was warned not to try even approaching the house, the urge was irresistible. He missed his father, his mother and his baby brother. He decided to at least pass by the house and take a look, hoping he might catch a glimpse of his family. 'After all, what could possibly happen?' he thought.

Later that afternoon

Manfred returned to the camp outside Potsdam, carrying food. Their connection in the city was a black marketer who accepted foreign currency and gold in exchange for goods. Manfred passed by his house and saw his family, but didn't dare to reveal himself. He now regretted it, as nobody was around the house. However, he will have next opportunity in a week or so, as they planned staying around Potsdam for next month. At least, he heard 'Sepp' himself say so when he passed by commanders tent.

Galeazzo Ciano Diary said:
After discussion with Mussolini, I informed Mackensen that we are willing to meet with Goering and his staff in Linz. Mussolini wanted to take this opportunity to visit the grave of Adolf Hitler. Mackensen called me later and said the meeting was scheduled for next Monday. Goering, Brauchitsch, Rintelen and Weizsaecker would be present and we were expected to show up with similar staff. When I informed Mussolini, he raged how Germans order us around but nonetheless he accepted to attend the meeting. We could ill afford to alienate Germans now, with our schemes in Balkans afoot. Having informed him of the meeting, I decided to reread all the information on the negotiations in The Hague.

Late afternoon, Paris

Viktor has finally received the phone call he has been waiting all these days. Reporter from Paris-Soir called him and they agreed to meet on the morning of 16th. He promised that the newspaper will pay some money to Viktor and agreed to send a guarantee to the hotel, so that he could stay few more days.

December 14th, mid-day, Tokyo, Imperial General Headquarters

Chief of Imperial Japanese Army General staff, Chief of Imperial Japanese Navy General staff and Ministers of Army and Navy, as well as assorted other lower rank officers listened to the briefing by general Nishio Toshizo, CinC of China Expeditionary Army. He pointed areas on the large wall map of China, indicating the reverses suffered by Japanese in the latest week. As incredible as it was, Chinese mounted huge, coordinated offensive. Crisis developed on Central China front, where Chinese forces threatened to breakthrough toward Wuhan, a major city captured after bloody battles last year. Just a week ago no body of the men gathered in the room would have deemed Chinese capable of mounting more than a raid. Nishio arrived visibly subdued and fully expected to be relieved from his position. He had little to offer in way of solution of the crisis without further reinforcements to his army. He knew very well that cupboard was bare and that only available troops were in Manchuria, guarding against Soviet threat looming in the North. When he finished his briefing, he bowed to Prince Kan'in and sat down. Discussion that followed was heated.

Navy personnel and especially Zengo Yoshida, Minister of Navy tried to point out the futility of the Army policy. Yoshida pointed out that Japanese intransigence in China would lead to national catastrophe. "Navy" he said "requests that China adventure be concluded in order to reduce the threat of total isolation Japan faced as a consequence of her aggressive policy in China". Navy's position was supported by the fact that their only lukewarm ally was on the other side of the world and, quite literally had no means of helping Japan in any effective way. Japan herself had little to offer to Germany either in resources or goods. Their 'marriage' was the case of having mutual opponents, rather than mutual interests. Army on the other hand, adamantly held the position of subduing China through brute force. The meeting, like most other meetings was heading to impasse. Since Army knew that Navy had little to do with China, they agreed to disagree.

Kan'in requested that the Navy do her duty and keep the flow of resources to China uninterrupted. "Army will see to the rest!" he was heard to say. Imperial General Staff decided to transfer a division from each of the Kwantung Army sub-units to overwhelm the crisis. Army general staff anticipated that they would be able to make good for these units either by new recruitment or returning the units once the crisis has passed.

December, 15th, early morning Shoreham Airport

FW 200 bearing insignias of DDL insignia, registered as OY-DAM Dania pulled to the terminal building of the Shoreham airport. Although the hostilities were closing, British still routed all civilian flights from neutral countries to this airport. As the plane stopped, Johan Dahlerus got out of the airplane. He entered the terminal building where he was instantly greeted by Sir Robert Renwick. They sat into the car and speeded off to London.

Downing street 10, four hours later

Halifax entered Prime minister's office, followed by sir Robert and Dahlerus. "Mr. Prime Minister you need to hear this man." Halifax phoned few minutes earlier to inform the office of his imminent arrival. Neville looked up inquisitively. "Sir Neville, you remember mr. Dahlerus, don't you? The Swedish businessmen that carried the messages from mr. Goering earlier this year?" asked Robert. "Yes. Of course I do. Please proceed." Neville said. "Well, mr. Dahlerus is bringing a new proposal from mr. Goering. Mr. Johan, please." Robert said. "Your excellency, mr. Goering would like to meet you in person. He notes your Government has refused German request for increasing the German airforce limitation to 50% above the 2.000 limit. Mr. Goering believies the decision to refuse this proposal was not based on full apprehension of facts on the ground. I was not informed on exact meaning of his remark, and mr. Goering has declined to disclose the information to me. His belief is that sensitivity and importance of that information warrants direct meeting of the heads of governments. Mr. Goering asked me to convey to you his goodwill and assurances that no matter what, he wants peace. He wants you to know that current regime in Germany is different than the previous one and that his assurances are more credible than those of his predecessor." Dahlerus paused for a moment to draw breath.

He was interrupted by question from Neville "You must be aware that we have heard similar things number of times from the previous German government. How can we trust them in the future? We devised the limitations delibarately in order to inhibit any future aggression from Germany."

Dahlerus continued "Mr. Goering has anticipated your question. As your ambassador to Germany, mr. Henderson can atestify, mr. Goering has repeatedly voiced his opinion against war. Furthermore, I am instructed to tell you that this meeting will in no way resemble Munich agreement, which German government understands as being tainted by the events that developed afterwards. This is the essence of the message I was asked to deliver. My function here is to convey this message to you on personal behest of mr. Goering, who is my friend. I can offer you nothing more than what I already told you. Surely, you may derive its importance from the fact that mr. Goering has decided to personally address you, instead of going through intermediaries. Whether you choose to accept the proposal to meet mr. Goering personally or not is your choice. German government is aware that your position is dependent on French government. Mr. Goering has nothing against the presence of the representative of highest level of French government at the meeting. He, however, appeals to you to convey his proposal to your counterpart in France mr. Daladier and kindly appeals to keep the information on this as confidential as possible and limit the circulation of it to the highest level of government, at least for now. Failure to do so will result in German government denying the proposal was ever made."

Confused, Nevile asked "Yes, I understand, but WHAT proposal, Mr. Dahlerus? The proposal to meet mr. Goering? I can accept that proposal, but on the condition the subject of the meeting be disclosed in advance. I am not going to clandestine meeting without clear agenda that can be presented to British public. You must understand that in my function as a Prime Minister I am responsible to House of Commons and I cannot single-handedly accept any agreement or any other obligation. Mr. Goering can make such decisions on the whim given his system of government. Surely, the nature of democratic process in this country has not escaped you or mr. Goering."

"Your Excellency, of course I understand the limitations of your position but in the world such as it is today, some discussions must, out of necessity take place behind the closed doors. As I told you already, I am not privy to the information mr. Goering wants to disclose to you at the private meeting. If you insist, I will convey your request for an agenda of the meeting, although I am sure that, if it is delivered, it will be through confidential channel."

"Deliver this message to mr. Goering. His Majesty Government will not under any circumstances enter any deals with German government designed to create situation that allow for further territorial aggrandizement of Germany. That must be clear. So if that proposal is of such a nature, mr. Goering can forget the deal. If, pending the delivery of substantial proposal, we deem it worthwhile, I may accept to attend this meeting."

December 16th, Finland-USSR border regions

The deadline for evacuation of the border areas was quickly approaching. Virtually no one elected to stay behind. Finns inhabiting those places were not numerous, however that didn't make their situation any less tragic. They were not the first people in Europe to be uprooted from their homes, most certainly not the last ones either. Desperate, people loaded everything that wasn't nailed down (sometimes even things that were) onto carts, sleds and in case of lucky few the cars and lorries. Rail traffic remained reserved for military. The government assured the civilians that they will receive replacement homes and that entire Finland will share in their misfortune. Further to the north of the border, military units carefully dismantled anything remotely useful in their bases in order not to leave it to the Soviets. They already lacked equipment anyway. According to the agreement, Finns accepted to neutralize Mannerheim line. Fixed weapons overlooking Lake Ladoga and Gulf of Finland were dismantled and taken away. According to this experience, remounting weapons would take perhaps a week in case anything untoward happen in the future. During that week, line would be manned by infantry. Hopefully, they would be able to withstand Soviet assault. So far, it seemed Soviets kept to their end of the deal. No incidents or provocations were noted in last two weeks. It seemed that Soviets were retreating. At least the convoys of vehicles produced noise from their end of the border and they mostly headed away. Soviet airplanes still occasionally flew over, but the flights were announced and with purpose to determine whether Finns were keeping to their end of agreement.

December 17th, 4th Divisions' compound, Jaimusi, Manchuria

Fourth Division of Imperial Japanese Army assembled in their barracks on this cold morning. Row upon row of soldiers stood at ease, shivering in the freezing air. One could never get used to the temperatures prevailing here this time of year. They yearned for some activity to get worm blood rushing through their veins. It was the only way to feel comfortable here. General Yamashita walked in front of the assembled unit, observing them. 'They will do nicely!' he thought. 'Finally I will get to see some action. If they had listened to me, this affair would have been over long ago. But no, they wanted to conquer China. Fools.'. As he stepped upon the podium in front of troops, officers shouted "Attention!" and every soldier stiffened up. "Soldiers! Officers and men of 4th Division! We are called by His Imperial Majesty! Our division is being transferred to China, along with 1st, 12th and 24th divisions and 1st armored brigade. It seems that China expeditionary army has bitten more than they can swallow. We will answer the call. TENNO HEIKA BANZAI!" he exclaimed. Soldiers immediately echoed "BANZAI!" in unison. "Officers, march your regiments to the railway station. The trains will leave as soon as we are onboard." Yamashita ordered. Regiments dispersed as men ran to their barracks to gather their belongings and get ready for march. They had 15 minutes to prepare and assemble in marching order.

Yamashita and officers went into mess hall to plan the movement. The trains would take their division to Suihua where they would continue their journey to final destination in Central China. They expected their movement to be completed in a week. Yamashita ordered his operations officer and quartermaster in order to organize the arrival and logistical support, as well as to determine the situation they will encounter.

December 17th, around 10 o'clock, Chequers

Sumner Welles arrived to Britain late afternoon on Saturday. After meeting Joseph Kennedy, he retreated for rest. Meeting with Prime minister on Sunday was semi-official one, so they agreed on having a sit down in Chequers.

"Mr. Welles, welcome to United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. I hope you have a pleasant stay here. I, for one, am glad to welcome representative of the great Republic from across the ocean to this country. Your country shares the most of the values with United Kingdom along with even greater respect for individuals. We stood together in previous war and without your help, the outcome of that struggle remains in doubt. My government and I personally welcome your presence." Neville opened the meeting, once everyone settled down.

"Sir Neville, I am grateful and honored to be invited to this magnificent residence. Mr. President invites you to visit United States at your earliest convenience. Mr. President regrets that he is not able to be here, despite his earnest wishes. Some members of the Congress and Senate are opposed to any kind of active foreign policy. Government of United States along with the people can only express joy that another devastating war has been narrowly avoided and that people of the world are yet again free to return to everyday worries." Sumner said. "Mr. Welles, we understand the purpose of your visit is to provide diplomatic support in establishing and maintaining peaceful relations among European powers. His Majesty's Government regrets that United States have not taken more active interest earlier, as that might avoid the entire unfortunate turn of events. We understand the reasons that caused this, but nonetheless, United States should have taken interest in European affairs. Although peace now appears to be at hand and only formal signature on the agreement is needed to conclude the war, the world remains an unstable place. True stabilization and averting the threat of future wars can only be achieved once grievances of all peoples are addressed. However, establishing peace is the first step in this process and help of our friends and cousins from United States will be appreciated and needed." Neville said, slightly reprimanding the envoy. "Sir Neville, your understanding is correct. Mr. Hull has selected me to tour the Europe and determine the most acceptable way for United States to help Europe find path to reconciliation and peace. Our interest in this is dual. Foremost it is to alleviate suffering of the millions of Europeans and loss of life and treasure war entails. Secondly, our perhaps selfish wish to avoid spending American lives and treasure in a conflict that would certainly spill over entire world, had it not been contained."

"Your Excellency’s' words are wise and your desire to save your people from suffering is understandable. Natural question is, of course, what kind of support can we count on from your country? Our hope is that you can offer to deploy your troops to proposed buffer zone between France and Germany. I am aware that it will not be any substantial unit, but perhaps deploying a company of your Marines, just as a token gesture would show that United States cares for stability in Europe." Neville said.

"Mr. Prime Minister, deployment of troops on foreign soil is something United States does only reluctantly. Our lawmakers will certainly question the practical consequences that might arise in the future and what obligations and burdens will implicitly be taken on. Current administration, as well as majority of American people views European democracies as our friends. President Roosevelt, if it was up to him, would certainly not hesitate to deploy even larger contingent of US troops, however isolationism is prevailing sentiment in wider American politics right now. Mr. President will certainly try to muster enough votes in Congress for this, but your hopes should be realistic." Welles replied.

"This is rather disappointing news, I must say. Would it be possible that United States take the role of impartial supervisor of the arms limitations clauses? This role is stipulated by the treaty and I am fairly certain that all sides will find US acceptable. Entente members will surely welcome it. This will not require any obligations on the part of United States and your isolationists cannot possibly object this." Neville offered.

"If all sides find this acceptable and if it does not mean any future obligation to US, my initial feeling is that such a role will be entirely possible. Provided of course, that every side accepts our role. I am instructed to discuss obtain the opinion of your excellency on some other pressing issues in the world. Mr. President has invested considerable political capital into China problem. After all, Japanese territorial pretensions naturally extend to territories currently subject to your rule as well as French and Dutch. Only Chinese resistance has checked their limitless expansion on the Far East. Mr. President desires that our countries coordinate common approach. Chinese are struggling to stop Japanese and reclaim the lands occupied through aggression. To proceed, they need our support. United States has provided everything our so far limited means allowed. Now, that situation in Europe is heading toward peaceful resolution, we expect that European powers will assume more active role on the Far East." American envoy stated.

"We certainly share the interests of United States in checking the Japanese aggression. Some of the most important parts of our Empire are threatened and our partners Australia and New Zeeland have already expressed their concerns in regards to this. Australia in particular has already been subjected to economic pressure from the Japanese. Government of The Netherlands has already faced some trouble in Dutch East Indies were it appears Japanese agents are trying to foment disorder. If we present a united front to the Japanese, they will be insane to challenge our might. I presume you will visit France and have the same discussion with them?" "Yes, my itinerary includes stops in Paris, Berlin, Rome and assuming I get response from Kremlin, Moscow too." answered Sumner. "Splendid," continued Neville "You can share what I said to you with French. I hope you have more luck with Moscow than we did. They refused to discuss the issue of Eastern Poland, declined to take part in peace convention and according to our intelligence sources they are preparing to pressure various East European countries into territorial and economic concessions. Given the nature of communist regime, one can only view those developments as precursors for some future aggression on their part. Although the regime in Moscow has changed, they still have the ambition towards the Straights, and if taking the lands in Eastern Europe can be construed as creating a buffer to shield their southern ambitions. If you manage to arrange the meeting in Moscow, please express the concern of democratic nations toward Soviet foreign policy, but keep the information I have given you to yourself." said Chamberlain. "I see, mr. Prime Minister. My intention in going to Moscow was mostly to discuss policy in China, as it appears that they are also supporting Chinese in their struggle against Japan. We were under impression that Soviet actions in East Europe are motivated primarily by defensive concerns. What I can promise you is to try to entice Stalin to talk to you."

The talk about various other subjects lasted for another hour, followed by official lunch. After lunch, Sumner thanked Prime Minister for reception and left to his hotel. He needed to prepare for trip to Paris. His busy week has only just begun.

Paris-Soir said:
One month ago our government has agreed to end hostilities with Germany. At the same time however, in the former capital of Czechoslovakia crowds gathered in protest against German rule. Having heard of the news, the people expected their freedom be restored. Yet what they got back was something else entirely. The story is best told through a series of photographs, exclusively published in our newspaper. The photographs were made from a flat overlooking the Charles Bridge in central Prague. We believe no commentary is needed to accompany the gruesome images. Flat from which photographs were taken from was ransacked by German police in the immediate aftermath of the incident, but the photographer concealed the camera containing the images. He developed them into negatives secretly and managed to smuggle the photos only by sheer luck and audacity. It seems the Germans deliberately withheld any information on the victims of this massacre. Unknown number of men and women were arrested and their fate is not disclosed to the families and relatives. Will our Government call Germany to account for this crime?

Around noon, Braunau

Ciano and Mussolini were walking solemnly by the grave of Adolf Hitler. They signed into the book, and observed the model of mausoleum, exhibited in 1:200 scale within a glass dome. They were followed by Marshall Badoglio and Graziani. The Italian delegation then proceeded to nearby Linz where a meeting in Poestlingberg Schloessl will be held. As they travelled through the city in the car, they noticed that security has been beefed up and entire city's population seemed to be outnumbered by security personnel. "Signor Goering sure takes his security very seriously indeed." remarked Mussolini with a smile. "Well, having in mind the events of previous month, who can really blame him?" Ciano said. "I never liked the fat buffoon. I imagined Germans might respond well to his buffoonery, but it seems not all are so friendly disposed towards our host." Mussolini added. Returning to official matters, he said "Gentlemen, since Germans have not consulted us in their plans so far, no word about our own plans!"

The meeting, held in the castle overlooking the city, took place in cool atmosphere, cooler than the outside air. "We welcome the leader of Italy to the Greater German Reich. The friendship between our countries and peoples has been forged in 1936, tested in struggle to defend the Spanish people from Communists aggression and confirmed by Italian support to Germany when blockade by the Entente powers began." Goering opened the meeting. He avoided mentioning the fact that Italy failed to join Germany in war. "I am pleased the war, nobody wanted, has been contained. The whole of Italy salutes this achievement of new German government. Of course entire Italy has mourned the untimely death of Adolf Hitler, my personal friend." Mussolini answered. 'It could all be avoided if they asked me!' he thought.

"Herr Neurath, please outline the peace treaty in the present form to our guests? If you are interested, of course?" Goering offered next. "Certainly. We would like to have a firsthand account of negotiations. All we have seen so far are the transcripts and press accounts." said Mussolini politely. The meeting went on as Neurath presented the peace negotiations and expected results. He was interrupted by questions from Ciano, who wanted to know his impression of Entente politicians and their general attitude towards issues of war and peace. He was assured by Neurath that despite the outside appearance, Entente powers were willing to prosecute war up to the limit. If given good enough offer that would enable them to keep their honor and word, they would certainly step out of fight. Goering invited von Brauchitsch to recount the campaign in Poland, which was rather unenthusiastically accepted by Italians. German general spoke, emphasizing heroics of German army and omitting any mention of Polish resistance. As Italians expressed very little interest in his report, he shortened his expose. Goering took over, explaining his vision of Central Europe economically dominated by Germany and protected by the force of German arms. New state of Poland will gradually be dragged under German influence. Maybe not in five, but certainly within ten years. German aim was to re-establish a Cordon-Sanitaire, but with more formidable force behind it and contain Soviet Union. "It is impossible to attack Soviets with our present forces. But we can contain them. Hungary, Romania and eventually Poland will join Germany, Italy and Slovakia in the block against Russia. We can hope that Finland will retain its independence and in due course join our block. I hope that detente with Western powers is possible. Germany desires it, as long as the Entente agrees to view Germany as an equal and treat us with respect. In few years, German Reich will be undisputed master of Europe and Berlin will be European political and economic center."

Mussolini was first to comment "Italy has natural interests in the region of South Eastern Europe and may be in the future forced to take active measures to secure our interests if certain contingencies arise. You did not mention this region specifically in your expose signor Goering. Can we consider this to be our sphere of interest?" Georing answered "Well, within certain limits, of course. We understand that Adriatic and Aegean basins, as well as entire Mediterranean are areas of special interest to you. We only seek the stability in the area."

Ciano then asked "If Italy was dragged into conflict in South Eastern Europe, would Germany support Italy?". On Mussolini's orders he left it vague as to which countries will be involved. Goering responded "German economic and military interests lay further to the north. However, Germany is interested in keeping the countries of South East Europe from falling into Soviet or British sphere of influence. The strategic importance of the region far outstripped its usefulness as the source of raw materials." He added "Our support will depend on the circumstances in which conflict develops. If you are aggressors, we will not be able to support you. If you get into conflict and any of the western powers is involved, our support will be limited to friendly neutral, since Germany is not willing to enter the war again. Not this soon, anyway. But let us hope the peace is not disturbed for a while."

Neurath emphasized the stipulations of the treaty once again pointing out that Germany will be under very close scrutiny by the Allies. He said "It will be very difficult indeed to provide even indirect support to Italy in case the conflict pits Italy against France and Britain. But as long as war is localized and cannot be blamed on Italians, Germany will not object." Goering inquired "Do you have any specific circumstances in mind or the question was general?". Mussolini immediately responded "The question is general. Our strategic options will be much more flexible with support of Germany." and the question was quickly dropped.

The rest of meeting focused on economic cooperation, sharing of intelligence information and expressions of further goodwill. In the end, the meeting only aroused mutual suspicions. Germans wondered if Italians were planning something, but they couldn't make any accusation without evidence. Italians on their part felt patronized by Germans in their grand schemes and left with impression that Germans viewed them as just another wheel in their grand plan. Both sides understood the relationship has cooled down a notch or two. Germans speculated on the nature of Italian plans, which they presumed existed. Brauchitsch speculated it had something to do with getting further concessions from Greece, which Italy has been viewing for a long time. Neurath mentioned existing Italian bases in Yugoslavia and pointed the fact that Albania gave Italians a good jump off point in both directions. Goering just remarked "I will direct Canaris to check this out." He turned and asked Von Rintelen "Do you know anything, herr Rintelen?"

Same day, Paris, Elysee Palace

"Welcome to France, Mr. Welles." Daladier greeted American envoy with a smile "France will be forever grateful for what America done in the Great War. We hope that your presence here signifies the will of your country to once more help French people in their time of need." Present in his cabinet were his chief secretary, as well as Undersecretary of Foreign affairs and the President of French Republic.

"I am glad that French people remembers American effort. There are multiple reasons for my visit to you. First off I came to offer the goodwill of United States and facilitate peace agreement by lending American support to you. In my talks with sir Neville, I have already concluded that probably the best possible way to help Europeans settle their affairs is to offer impartial supervisor of the treaty. Mr. Prime Minister agreed with me and I have set off to secure agreement of other parties to the settlement. Mr. Roosevelt will try to push through a more active role and put some American troops on the ground in the exclusion zone. As I do not want to raise false hopes, I will just say that majority members of Congress are against this at the moment." Welles said. "Your offer, well both of them in fact, are absolutely acceptable to French government. We would welcome American troops on our soil but even commitment of United States to the treaty should be enough." Daladier said. "Well, that is settled then. I bring assurances that the engines and other things your military has ordered will be ready for delivering during next year." Sumner added. "The order was very welcomed from our aeronautical industry and they hope further orders will be forthcoming." Daladier nodded "With additional breathing time the peace treaty will afford us, we will continue our planned overhaul of entire air force."

"That is good news indeed. The second reason for my visit to Europe is that people of United States, as well as current administration is deeply worried about the situation in the Far East. In my conversation with British Prime Minister, we have concluded that the nature of Japanese ambitions points to inevitable confrontation. They are devouring China and if they are not stopped, we project that their interest will turn further to the South. All of our countries have vested interest in the region. Republic of France controls significant portion of South East Asia which represent major strategic asset in control of South China Sea." Welles said "My goal is to create a unified front of interested nations, and primary objective is to defuse potential conflict applying diplomatic and economic pressure, designed to make Japanese government come to reason and negotiate a reasonable settlement. If this approach does not succeed, direct military pressure is not ruled out, although the course of the conflict cannot be accurately predicted." Daladier, taken aback by Americans' envoy speech, replied "Well, most certainly, France will not allow any encroachment of our territories. We would be interested in taking part in this effort you speak of. However, the forces that will be available to back up our role in this coalition will depend on the European situation. We will commit majority of our forces in Europe. The way peace agreement is formulated and the limitations contained in it will severely affect the troops we can commit. I will be honest with you, mr. Welles. France can hope to raise and maintain on the long term basis 55 to 60 divisions. Anything beyond that would wreck our economy in the long term. We managed to assemble 100 divisions only through complete mobilization and if we keep those troops we face financial ruin. That is the most important reason we accepted to sign peace treaty. Unfortunately maintaining this number of divisions for Germans is much easier than for us, since they have bigger population base and larger industrial potential. What we can most certainly promise you is that our fleet will be available for the deployment in case of necessity."

"Mr. Daladier, the practical details are still very far from us. Right now, all I need to hear from you is that you are ready to take part in the joint effort. I sincerely doubt it will come to the direct military confrontation with Japan. Our primary aim is to find a peaceful solution, a modus vivendi with Japan." Welles elaborated. "In that case, your initiative has full support from France." Daladier said. "My itinerary in Europe includes a visit to Soviet Union. Sir Neville has expressed worries that Soviet Union is absorbing Eastern European nations, with Baltic states already under their rule. What is your position in this matter?" Welles inquired. "The Government of Republic of France regrets the fate that has befallen those nations. Unfortunately, we were in no position to help them. We intend to seriously consider the aggressive acts of Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, especially as we have indications that during previous months they have sponsored unrest among the workers in my country, leading to serious delays in industrial production. They even spread propaganda within France, no doubt with hopes to foment a revolution or at least create conditions for one in case the war turns against France. People of Finland were forced surrender some important parts of their territory in fear of Soviet forces and we have inklings that they intend to continue with this scare tactics further on. Their refusal to take part in peace agreement and to retain the parts of Poland they illegally occupied indicates that their future policy is based on aggression." Daladier said, with anger clearly visible in his demeanor. "These are serious news indeed. I must admit US administration viewed Soviet moves in a different light, but it seems we were wrong. My request for audience has not been approved by Soviet Government as yet and if it is, I will convey what both of our liberal nations feel towards their policy." The meeting lasted another hour, after which American envoy departed for a train ride to The Hague.

Daladier, after escorting Sumner Welles, realized he had no time to read morning newspapers. He took the summary of most important articles, compiled by his staff. After looking the front page of Paris-Soir he exclaimed "Merde!" and took the phone.
 
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December 18th, 1100, Mariinsky Palace

The ceremony was scheduled at 11 o'clock in order to leave time for Stalin and other members of Soviet Delegation to depart for a grand celebration of Stalins' 61st birthday. Molotov stepped upon the stand "Esteemed guests, President of Republic of Finland mr. Kallio, Prime Minister Cajander, mr. Erkoe and other from Finish delegation I wish you welcome to Soviet Union. We gathered here to sign a historic agreement between our two countries." Molotov spoke. Finns listened to the speech despondently, as Molotov listed various reasons justifying the settlement. Despite best Soviet efforts their excuses were flimsy and observed even superficially made sense only to the brainwashed masses of Soviet citizens who took everything the regime claimed for holy writ.

Molotov concluded his speech after 30 minutes and invited Finnish president to the stand. Kallio read short prepared statement, expressing hopes that Finnish relations with the Soviet Union have been finally defined by this agreement. In the end he congratulated birthday to Stalin and returned to his seat. Soviet official took the leather folder containing the Treaty in Russian and Finnish and brought it to the table of the Finnish delegation. Kallio read it once more and with resigned sigh, signed it. After Molotov signed it, vodka was served to everyone. Finns drank the sharp liquid, listened to the final announcement proclaiming a new era in Soviet-Finnish relations, thanked Soviets and left. They boarded the train, local party secretary Popkov wishing them good luck, and a military orchestra playing Finnish national anthem.

December 19th, 1133, Paris, Place de la Bastille

People started gathering on the Place de la Bastille since early morning. They carried the banners "Peace with honor!", "No negotiations with criminals!", "Free Prague!" and similar. By 12 o'clock Paris police estimated that over 20.000 people filled up the square. Chanting "Vive la Tchequie!" the crowd waved French and Czech flags tied together. A quarter past twelve, Paul Ramadier and Reynaud appeared on an improvised stand and tremendous applause echoed the square. Two men waved and tried to calm the crowd down. It took few minutes before they were able to speak. Reynaud spoke first "Citizens of the Republic! Thank you for gathering here in this overwhelming mass. We all know why we are here! We are her because our people will not stand the tyrants and enemies of freedom oppress small countries and people in Europe and the world as if it was something granted. We came here to say 'THIS IS NOT RIGHT!' We---" and he was interrupted by thundering applause that lasted for full minute. "This people and this country have not stood by this principle for 150 years only to cast it away at first opportunity to sweet talking tyrants! With indomitable spirit we will say 'LIBERTY OR DEATH!' the way our ancestors said more than once. And not only to Germans. VIVE LA FRANCE!" he finished.*

Several minutes later, after chanting died out, Ramadier stepped forward "Citizens of France, citizens of Paris, citizens of Europe! We seek not only liberty for ourselves. While this is the most important, we cannot stop if that goal is secured. Our continuing freedom ultimately depends on freedom of the others. Of peoples who are our friends, our trade partners and in a wide sense, our neighbors. Let us show the world that age of servitude and tyranny has no place in Europe. I welcome another speaker here. He has special significance at this moment. Citizens of Paris, please welcome mr. Benesh, president of Czechoslovakia. He wants to address you at this moment." the crowd went wild. People chanted "Vive la Tchequie!".

Meanwhile, The Hague

The meeting between American envoy and Prime minister and Foreign minister of The Netherlands lasted for two hours. Primary theme of their discussion was Far East. The government of The Netherlands accepted to join the American initiative. American envoy asked them if they would cut off sale of oil from Dutch East Indies to Japanese if Americans decide to impose sanctions upon Japan. The Government of The Netherlands asked if Americans would accept the obligation to come to the defense of Dutch possessions should they come under Japanese attack. American envoy could not promise any definite commitment, although he expressed his conviction that no government in Japan would be so irrational as to attack any Western power. Prime minister stated that in that case, Government of The Netherlands will 'act in accordance with prevailing situation and with foremost care of interests of The Netherlands.'

Slightly disappointed, American envoy left The Hague. Next on his itinerary was Berlin. That meeting held promise to be interesting one. While in London, Welles received information from Ambassador Kirk, confirming that mr. Plieger, Reichschancellor and mr. Pappen would receive him, but that mr. Goering regrets that previous arrangements prevent him from attending the meeting. Ambassador also reported that he submitted the proposed agenda to German government and received only an inquiry if immigration from Germany to United States could be added to the list of subjects to be discussed.

December 20th, Beijing, China

Yamashita stepped out of his rail car, glad to stretch his legs and breath some air. His division was waiting here for all the trains to catch up. According to the reports by his subordinates that were already at the front, he deduced there was no point in transporting his division directly to the front line. Looking at the map he started formulating a plan. He was unable, however, to set his plan in motion without the approval of General Nishio, commander of China Expeditionary Army. His standing orders where to transport his division to Wuhan and supplement the 11th Army currently under attack by entire Chinese 5th War Area, consisting of over 10 corps, mostly infantry. The Chinese mass advanced steadily, albeit slowly and with dramatic losses. Now, it seemed everyone was too busy with Chinese attack to think of turning the tables on them and attacking. Granted, the terrain allowed very few avenues for attack, but Yamashita thought he had identified one. He needed to present his idea to Nishio and transfer his division, along with 1st Armored brigade to city of Luoyang.

There, they would be in position to attack from the rear Chinese forces pressuring 11th Army. The terrain there offered opportunity to advance down the valley of Yihe and turning east once he reached mountains. If he reached Pingdingshan, 130 km to south-east, his forces could threaten either Nanyang or Chinese positions to the east and even threaten to cut off entire area of the arc pointing to Nanjing. Yamashita doubted this would be possible with forces at hand, but the situation here was tempting. Perhaps a victory here would bring Chinese to negotiation table and enable Japanese to end the war in honorable way. The only other alternative was to admit defeat.

Yamashita reached the station building and entered the telegraph booth. He dictated the message to be delivered to China Expeditionary Army Headquarters, requesting to meet General Seishiro Itagaki, Nishios' chief of staff in order to discuss his plan.

Same day, Berlin, Reichskanzlei

Welles drove through Wilhelmstrasse in official car, accompanied by US Ambassador Kirk. They set off from US Embassy that morning. Welles was briefed by Embassy personnel on situation in Germany. His initial opinion was of a besieged country, taken over by military. Armed and uniformed men were everywhere he looked. As they got out of the vehicle, Papen approached them, greeting Welles to Berlin. They were then ushered into the giant hallway of the Chancellory, calculated to awe the visitors prior to meeting with German officials. Escorted by Papen and two clerks, Americans walked towards the conference room, where meeting was supposed to be held. "This building is impressive. Even our Capitol pales in comparison. It must have been expensive." remarked Welles conversationally. "Thank you mr. Welles. I have some good news. Mr. President has cleared up his schedule and will join us in our meeting in half an hour." replied Papen. "Well, that indeed is good news. And somewhat surprising." commented Welles. "I presume his decision to join us is motivated by current news coming from France?" asked Kirk. "I know mr. President regretted he was unable to meet Your Excellency and I am sure as well he rejoices this opportunity to meet you. In the meantime, we can start preliminary discussion of the issues on the agenda. Oh, we have reached the conference room." Papen replied, clearly evading the answer. Two guards, standing at the door opened them and they stepped into the room.

German Chancellor, Paul Plieger was already in the room. According to intelligence estimate of Embassy, Plieger was just a figurehead and actually had no real influence on the decisions, so Welles was glad that Goering has decided to join them, whatever his reasons were. "Mr. Chancellor, I would like to convey the greetings of the President of United States to you both personally and to the German Government and people. He wants to assure you that USA has nothing but respect for Germany and that all objections raised by US against policies of your country in the past have been caused by the desire for limitless territorial exhibited by your country until recently. Now, that this policy has been changed, Government of United States wishes to improve the relations between our countries. Preconditions to this, as envisioned by Government of United States have largely been met. What remains is only formal signing of peace treaty. And of course, some time for your Government to show you truly embrace peace as your foreign policy." Welles said.

"In my name and in the name of Government of Germany I thank you for the greetings. I must protest these allegations of 'desire for boundless expansion'. This might have been the desire of certain more radical circles of the Reich establishment, which threatened to take over after the Entente declared war on Germany. I assure you that current Government has neither desire nor ambition to challenge established European order. Your excellency, I am sure Government of United States has noted the fact that German government has managed to maintain friendly relationship with our eastern neighbor and that our relations with most countries in Southern and Southeastern Europe are also friendly. Without interference of Entente, Germany would have sated the ambitions to have all of our people within the same state by 1938 and there would not be war. Their interference and unjust terms of Versailles peace have caused entire situation to spiral out of control. Our Fuehrer was about to offer peace to England and France, when he was killed, victim of radical elements within the party. It is fortunate that mr. President has seen through their plot and eliminated the threat in time. Had the radicals taken over, we probably wouldn't be talking here now. In that case, war would have intensified and that would lead who knows where. Certainly there would be many victims. Before I've taken this position, my post was the directorship of Germanys' largest industrial enterprise. Believe me, Germany was and still is ready for war. We are capable of defeating France and England, but the cost of this would be terrible. This new war is not in the interest of Europe. The war, however, is in the interest of certain circles both in England and I must say, in Germany." Pleiger said. His speech was carefully prepared and he delivered it flawlessly.

"Mr. Chancellor, Government of United States can judge all countries, yours included only by appearance. It is often difficult to penetrate motives and intentions of individuals in power. Judging by outside indicators your country seemed determined to subdue and conquer continental Europe. We are glad to hear this is not the case, but I tell you that US Government will pass final judgment once your actions confirm your words.". Momentarily, the door to the room opened and two guards stepped in. This could mean only one thing. Goering has arrived to join them.

Meeting continues

"Mr. Welles" Goering said immediately as he stepped into the room "Welcome to Greater German Reich. I believe Your Excellency and mr. Pleiger have already started with discussion of topics on our agenda." "Mr. President, we were just starting the discussions." replied Pleiger. "Mr. Goering, thank you for your welcome. I just stated to gentlemen here and as indicated in my request for audience, I am here in order to improve relations between our two countries." Welles said, repeating the short introductory speech he already gave to Chancellor. "Problems in your country have been presented to me by mr. Chancellor. I hope your Government will be able to solve them and establish peace and security within Germany and work towards maintaining peace in Europe." Welles concluded.

"Those are my hopes too." Goering said. "I understand you first wanted to discuss European situation and peace treaty?" Goering inquired next. "I have visited London and Paris where I had the discussion with their leadership about European peace treaty. I was able to offer United States assistance in the reaching a peace agreement. Our role will probably be limited and conditioned on approval from all involved. Our desire is to provide the role of supervisor of the treaty. You must recognize our economic and humanitarian interest in maintaining peace. Despite our distance from Europe, United States is still important for European stability. So my first question - does German Government approve of our role as specified?" Welles said.

"Success of entente propaganda in your country, Your Excellency, has severely shaken our belief that your role will be impartial. I can list limitations and conditions placed on German trade by your country. You have protested our policies on every step. All this will take some time to heal and perhaps our relations can improve. In order to facilitate this and once again build a relationship of trust between our countries we are willing to accept your offer to supervise the peace agreement. We hope that your representatives in Germany will find that Germans are not some savage beasts English and French propaganda paints us to be. You will find this out it in due time. In the meantime we will offer goodwill towards United States." Goering answered.

"Certainly every story has two sides. But let us leave those mutual allegations aside for now. Solving them surpasses the scope of this meeting. In this short time, your Government has shown willingness to subdue more radical elements and seriously negotiated a peace treaty. I must request clarification on something that can have some serious consequences in the future. Yesterday, certain information on the situation within your Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia has been publicized in French newspaper. Despite reluctance of the Government of United States to interfere in internal matters of other countries, I must remark that reaction in this case may not be favorable if it appears that gross misconduct has been committed by your government. In view of demonstrations in Paris that occurred yesterday and calls for continuing war, what is your side of story?" Welles asked.

"Investigation into the event you mention has been conducted and found no wrongdoing on the part of Reich authorities. Our police and other forces sent to preserve order reacted according to instructions. The propaganda currently being spread in France has been concocted by provocateurs who desire war to fulfill their own selfish interests. We will not suffer foreign interference into our domestic affairs. Further comments on this will not be forthcoming." Goering rebuked angrily. 'How did the information leaked out?' he thought.

"Very well. I will not pursue this topic further. Let me end this with a hope that more tensions will be averted."

"We see no reason for any increase in tensions, mr. Welles. Negotiators achieved agreement on all the major issues, specifics have been worked out, more or less and the peace treaty is about to be signed. In fact, our chief negotiator at the Conference, mr. Constantin Von Neurath has reported that final draft of the peace treaty has been agreed on and that signing ceremony is being scheduled as we speak."

"I am glad to hear this. I will ask permission to attend the signing ceremony from my Government. Since all three major parties to the treaty agreed, US will take on role of supervisor to the treaty. I propose we continue on the next item on agenda. United States of America has expressed condemnation of Japanese aggressive actions in Far East. Our calls for peace and retreat from China have been ignored. They have committed most barbarous atrocities in China. Your relations with Japan are continuing on a friendly basis. United States would like to ask you to employ whatever influence Germany has in Japan to negotiate a peace with China."

"Mr. Welles, Japanese war against China has not been encouraged by us. Our only treaty with Japan is the Anti-Comintern Pact, chiefly envisaged as means to battle communist influence within signatory countries. The pact itself became moot after Germany entered Non-Aggression Pact with Soviet Union, who took on obligation not to endanger German territory. Initially we wanted to include China in this pact, but Japanese did not accept it. Our relationship with Japan has cooled off significantly in wake of those events. However, we will try to influence Japanese government toward accepting to at least negotiate with Chinese on an equal basis." Goering replied.

"Mr. Welles, now I have an inquiry for you. I imagine Government of United States is aware that Germany imposed laws that strictly limit the status of Jews within German society. However, their number makes this task formidable, creating a significant costs as well rising hostility towards this group. Recently, resent Germans people feel towards Jews has taken on radical turn and excesses have happened within German city of Munich. Violence there has been overcome and order restored, but before our police forces managed to establish order, few Jews were killed. As majority of Germans do not wish their presence in Germany, their physical security as well as personal well-being are dependent on the Reich authorities. This situation has caused many German Jews to consider emigration. Many, if not most, opted for United States but were denied entry there. German government wishes to formally request United States to relax this policy and allow those people stay in United States."

"Mr. Goering, United States has very strict policy on immigration. We have quotas designed not disturb delicate balance between different ethnicities within United States. However, given the situation, I will make inquiries and see what can be done. The most significant problem I can see comes from deeply entrenched resentment of immigration within bureaucracy. In the meantime, I trust German Government is able to provide security for the citizens, in spite of their status. All civilized countries do, after all, provide the basic security for all citizens. How many persons do you think needs to be allowed?" Welles enquired.

"Certainly well over 200.000 persons are currently registered as Jews within the Reich."

Astonished, Welles asked "Certainly you do not expect United States to accept all of them? That number is well beyond our means."

"Mr. Welles, your entire population exceeds 100 million. Certainly 200.000 people will not influence the structure of your society appreciably? Of course, not all of them will arrive at once. After all, transportation capacity is limited."

"Mr. Goering, this I will discuss this issue at the highest level in United States."

With this, official part of the meeting ended. Welles spent another half an hour on obligatory tour of the Reichskanzlei. Offer to visit Reichstag and its museum was politely refused and American envoy retreated to Kaiserhof hotel to prepare for next leg of his journey - a visit to Rome.
December 21st, OKH, Zossen

Halder knocked on the door to Brauchitsch's office. "Enter!" he heard. He stepped into the office, saluted and said "Good day, herr Brauchitsch! I brought the operational order for evacuation of Poland." he said, handing the papers he held to Brauchitsch. "Thank you, Herr Halder. I will just read it and once I sign it, send it to herr Blaskowitz. Did you need me for anything else?" Brauchitsch asked. "Well, no herr General. There is nothing much happening right now. My staff is working on the proposal for future development of the army, according to Goering's order. I expect it to be finished within a week and then we will look at it." answered Halder quickly. "Very well, herr Halder. Carry on." Brauchitsch dismissed him.

Once the door closed, Walther turned his attention to the paper Halder handed to him. It read:

OKH Operational instruction for Operation Verena said:
Commander-in-Chief OKH, December 21st
General Staff/Operations Branch (Ia)
No. 331/39 g. Kdos

Instruction for the Preparation of Operation Verena

1. Task

Supreme commander has ordered the services to commence preparation for full evacuation of territories to be ceded to Poland. The aim of operation is to retrieve all material, supplies and other mobile inventory and transfer it to Germany proper.

Execution order will be given immediately upon signing of Peace agreement. Preparation to evacuate all members of German armed forces, as well as all units and organizations responsible to German authorities must be complete within two weeks of this order and no later than January 5th 1940.

2. Code name

Code name for this Operation is VERENA.

3. Operation will take maximum of three weeks upon giving the go-ahead order. Army commanders will take all steps necessary to prepare for the immediate execution.

4. Proposed methods of execution

Operation will be executed in three stages. The first stage will be evacuation of all civilian and police personnel and inhabitants of evacuated areas that elect to leave their places of residence. Army units will provide assistance where practicable. Inhabitants electing to leave will be provided with material assistance as can be provided by local Army commanders. In order to facilitate the execution, Feldspolizei units in their designated areas of responsibility will account for all inhabitants and order them to prepare for leaving immediately.

Civilian and police personnel of German nationality will be evacuated in accordance to plans made by the respective services. First stage must be completed within 10 days.

Second stage will be evacuation of all mobile assets belonging to German armed forces or other German organizations. Army commanders are responsible for execution of this stage in their designated areas of responsibility. They are authorized to use any means to retrieve and transport the materials to Germany proper. Second stage will be executed in parallel to the first stage where practicable. Second stage must be completed within 14 days.

Third stage will be evacuation of any and all military units from areas of Poland as shown in attached map. All facilities must be left in usable condition. Execution of final stage will begin upon completion of first and second stage. Final stage must be completed within three weeks.

Commanders on the ground can alter operational details provided the time limit set for operation is not exceeded.

5. Command and organization

Office of OB Ost will take all necessary activities to ensure timely execution by all formation under their command. OB Ost will take special consideration to avoid any and all conflicts with Polish population.

6. Tasks of individual formations

Office of OB Ost is free to employ subordinate formations as seen fit. Only condition is that operation is executed within the time frame and that operation is complete no later than January 26th.

7. Organization of forces

Combat personnel may evacuate immediately. Commanders on the ground can keep personnel deemed sufficient to preserve order. Support personnel, except administrative services must remain in order to secure dismantling and transportation of any mobile material.

8. Luftwaffe operations

Due to the character of operation, Luftwaffe will be limited to providing transportation flights in cases deemed appropriate by commanders on scene.

9. Security

Operation does not demand special measures to ensure secrecy. Local commanders may employ troops under their command to ensure physical security during transportation should situation merit such action.

10. Deception

Due to the nature of this operation, no deceptive measures are necessary.

11. Report

OB Ost is required to report detailed plan for approval by OKH no later than January 1st. Plan must include following information:

a) number of civilians to be transferred
b) specific time frames of evacuation
c) estimate of number of trains and other transport vehicles necessary
d) value of immobile property built or reconstructed and impossible to recover

Satisfied, he put his signature in the bottom of the page and called his aide. "Wehrner, see to it this is delivered to OB Ost today."

"Jawohl, herr General!"

December 21st, Office of Prime minister Daladier, Paris

Daladier welcomed vice president of the council Chautemps, Minister of interior Sarraut and Minister of justice Bonnet. They all came in order to discuss the situtation arisen from the publication of the Prague massacre. "Gentlemen, I believe this should not influence our foreign policy." Daladier started "What happened in Prague is regretable, but inconsequntial to the question of peace. We have managed to iron out the honorable peace deal with Germany. We can discuss this issue with Germany later and now we must secure peace. American envoy that has been here was not able to offer troops to patrol neutral zone for fear of it provoking isolationists outrage in United States, let alone commit to help us in war. They are more interested in Far East, than Europe. Our allies, the British, are prepared to sign peace, so we have very little options left. However, the demonstrations of two days ago have inflamed some of population. Mr. Sarraut, do you have any figures on how many people support the demonstrators?"

"Mr. Daladier, according to the reports of police, there were well over 20.000 people there. As to actual support throughout the country, we are pretty sure around 60% of population supports peace agreement. This figure has actually grown in the last two weeks as peace talks progressed towards conclusion. I must point out that it is too early to measure the effect of the news on people."

"Mr. Chautemps, what about the Parliament?" asked Daladier next.

"Well, the members of the Parliament are mostly supporting the government policy. The signing is scheduled in four days, and I think we should go ahead with it. We already have secured the decision to sign peace. I believe SFIO will support us in eventual vote of ratification, as will Republican Federation deputies. This will give us necessary majority."

"That is my opinion also. This peace will provide us with opportunity to complete the preparations. Even if we do not sign the peace, there is no way we would attack before 1941. DB estimates Germans cannot attack now, with their internal troubles. So it would probably just be the same. And with peace, we are going to have a fine campaign point for the elections in May, are we not?" Daladier added. "So gentlemen, we have decided then. We shall sign the peace treaty and then see what we can do about Czech situation without risking the war our country can ill afford."

"Mr. Prime Minister, people in my ministry claim that demonstration was organized illegally. I propose we investigate this further and if allegations are substantiated, sanction the organizers. There are indications that certain members of the Democratic Republican Alliance are involved in this." said Justice minister Bonnet.

"Very well, mr. Bonnet. Conduct the investigation and report to me. Keep the whole thing discreet. Mr. Sarraut, you will increase the surveillance of PCF. If they make any noise at all, arrest whoever passes as their leaders now. This meeting is adjourned."

December 21st, Berlin, Office of Reichspresident

Goering read the peace of paper delivered to him this morning:

Report of Chief Envoy said:
From: Constantin v. Neurath, Chief Envoy
To: Reichspresident

Negotiations have been successfully concluded yesterday afternoon. The final version of the treaty has been accepted by all sides, as well as border delineation. The document and the map are included with this report. The ceremony of signing the peace treaty is scheduled on Monday, December 25th at 12 o' clock. Presence of heads of governments and states of negotiating countries is expected.

Reading through the peace treaty, Goering thought 'For now, this will have to do. I hoped they will allow us to keep more of our air force. Until the tensions relieve I will have to see with Erhard to optimize the Luftwaffe. Good thing the signing ceremony will include the highest level. Maybe there I will have opportunity to discuss this with English and French. Luckily enough, there are no consequences of the Prague incident. After the peace is signed, I might also take some time to find some fine pieces in Amsterdam. This office sure could use some fine art.' He smiled on this thought. He had also something else too look forward tonight. 'Gone with the wind' has finally been delivered, and he will be the first in Germany to see it with Emmy. Pleiger and Milch were invited too along with their wives. Goering heard the movie was excellent and, being an avid fan of the seventh art, he couldn't wait to see it.

Same day, Washington DC, FBI HQ, Office of General Intelligence Division

After weeks of investigation, FBI managed to pick all the threads of the apparently Soviet spy ring within USA. Elizabeth Bentley and Jacob Golos were under constant surveillance, while the rest of the ring received only partial surveillance. They collated the evidence in preparation for final closing down the show. All in all they could prove that around 50 people were involved in the ring. Agents working on the case suspected that the ring went deeper and included much broader base. They hoped after first arrests were made, they would extract information from the suspects.

Murray, now case officer in charge of operation codenamed Chrysanthemum and Shaw decided to, after arrests were made, prepare full report on the spy ring, which Director Hoover would present to Special investigation committee, known also as Dies Committee. Committee was already given heads up and Martin Dies Jr. was briefed on full course of investigation.

December 22nd, Paris, Polish embassy

Polish acting Prime minister, Zaleski, named as such after Sikorski left the position, issued the orders to prepare for return to Warsaw. They had no idea what they will find there. Polish army in France had around 70.000 men formed in four divisions, of which two were combat ready and two barely able to put up formation, while their air force was pitiful 86 aircrafts, of which only 12, comprising one squadron was actually operational. Polish navy retained the three destroyers, which would probably end up being sold to United Kingdom.

United Kingdom offered to them the transfer to Gdinya by their ships, and Poland accepted it. Donations from US, where substantial Polish diaspora existed helped to finance Polish government so far, but some of it was borrowed from Polish Allies, Britain and France. The question of returning this debt will inevitably come up. It will be job of mr. Strasburger to worry about. Recovering the industrial base, building an infrastructure and reconstruction of destroyed property will be the task to which entire Polish nation will dedicate its energies, once they are restored in Poland. Zaleski and Raczkiewicz discussed the viability of the new state, squashed between the two of the greatest powers in Europe. They reached the consensus that Polish situation was unenviable one and that in the future they will have to choose the side. The thing is neither alternative was really acceptable. Germans committed such heinous crimes and atrocity during their short period of occupation of Poland made them both doubt true reconciliation was possible. On the other hand Soviets have not only committed atrocities, but also backstabbed Poland in the worst way imaginable.

For the time being Poland would base its policy on the neutrality. Zaleski was against Sikorski's ideas of terrorism campaign, but he was in minority there. Such thing could only bring ruin for Poland in the long term. If the losses started mounting in Germany, what would stop them from destroying Poland? Once more.

Same day, late morning, Downing street 10

Chamberlain, Halifax, Hoare, High commissioners of the three dominions, Jan Smuts representing South Africa and state secretary for India and Burma Hugh O'Neill met in the office of the Prime Minister. The theme of their discussion was two-fold: preparation for signing of the peace treaty and discussion on status of India. As the latter discussion was more important, and did not require the presence of dominion representatives, they set about taking care of the peace treaty. All four High commissioners stated their respective governments have given their consent to the peace treaty and authorized them to sign the treaty. William Joseph Jordan and Stanley Melbourne Bruce expressed their worry at Japanese ambitions in the Far East and inquired if the peace in Europe will allow British fleet to establish a more credible presence in the Pacific which would inhibit potential Japanese inroads into the Australian and New Zealand mandates in Pacific. They pointed to the Japanese naval base at Truk as the place from which Japan could project power into entire South West Pacific. Chamberlain said he would direct earl Stanley, First lord of Admiralty to move some major fleet units to Singapore.

South Africa was represented by Jan Smuts who stated that reform to the League of Nations should be part of the treaty. Prime minister answered that such a body will be formed in time, but that right now, the treaty was negotiated in order to satisfy both sides and end a war. Such a provision would not be welcomed by Germans at the moment. Halifax expressed hope that a new organization would rise up to replace the League of Nations as tensions released. Canadian representative Vincent Massey stated that Canadian government was glad that conflict was resolved without serious casualties. He also delivered message from Mackenzie King that Canada will stand by United Kingdom in the future.

Chamberlain thanked the representatives of the dominions who were escorted out by Samuel Hoare. Only Neville, Halifax and Hugh remained in the office.

"Mr. Prime Minister, we must decide what to do about India in the future. I have information that already voices are heard from prominent men in India demanding they be given the status of Dominion. More radical ones even demand full independence." said Hugh. "Among those are Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Bhulabhai Desai, Ghandi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Gopinath Bordoloi, Abul Kalam Azad, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, and Choudhry Rahmat Ali. All of them claim United Kingdom should allow India to rule itself, arguing they were promised if they supported Britain in the war. So far there were no riots or disorders, but such events are likely in the future. Some radicals even talk of organizing an army which would rise in armed revolution."

"How long do you expect the situation can be contained, sir Hugh?" asked Neville.

"I am afraid the decision cannot be delayed for long. Most Indians understood and supported us in the war, but they think, once the danger has passed, they deserve to govern themselves. We need at least to start a dialogue with Indians and see what can be achieved."

"We could offer them some kind of timetable and offer to consider the dominion status. I propose that we form a committee to consider possible options for India. I am thinking we offer this task to members of the Parliament. They would consult leading Indian figures and see what they consider acceptable. This issue will be painful and take long time to solve." said Neville.

"Mr. Prime minister, this solution must not be delayed. Time is essential. 'Quit India' movement is gaining wider support."

"Very well, sir Hugh. This will be the primary issue as soon as we sign the peace agreement with Germany."

December 23rd, late afternoon, NKVD headquarters, Lubyanka square, Moscow

Beria read the message just delivered to him from the NKVD resident in Soviet embassy in Berlin. As he read it, he waved his head incredulously. 'Such a coup!' he thought. 'This might be the most incredible intelligence operation ever to happen.' He picked up the phone and quickly said "Anatoliy, get me the deputy Merkulov. He must come to my office right now!" and he hung the phone. Next, he pulled the dossier from his desk. He had a habit of keeping the files on most important people handy. 'Excellent!' he thought 'Just the men we need. The possibilities this defection opens up. Those clowns from GRU will be stunned.’ Imagining the rewards Stalin will furnish on him, kept Beria amused during the time his deputy arrived. Then it was time for serious stuff.

December 25th, 1008, Permanent Court of International Arbitration, The Hague

In front of the Peace Palace huge crowds were gathered, curious to observe the place where the issue of peace in Europe was being decided today. The great hall of the Peace Pallace was being filled with foreign diplomats, press representatives and varios miscellaneous personel. Hall buzzed with lively chatter. Discussion ranged from casual and polite chat to serious conversation on political and diplomatic issues in Europe. Two hours before the start of the conference, all of the preparations were complete and the conference room was ready. Heads of governments spent those two hours in secluded rooms, preparing speeches and rehearsing the protocol.

Chamberlain and Daladier found some time to talk in relative privacy of the chamber given to French delegation. Their discussion touched many subjects, from the impact of what came to be known as 'The Prague Massacre' to the situation in Far East.

"Mr. Daladier, reaction of French public to the 'Prague massacre' has been dramatic. I hope that the voices heard in Paris represent only the minority of hotheads. There is nothing we can do for Czechs right now, as much as we sympathize with their plight. Securing peace is more important now than any foolish attempt to liberate Czechs. Later on we will try to relieve them through diplomatic means. I do not think Germans will be too interested in keeping subdued Czechs for very long." Neville omitted to mention the comparison of the massacre with certain actions of British police forces in Northern Ireland and India that sprang up in the media, following the publication of the event. He didn't want to expose Britain to cries of "Hypocritical Albion!" which were sure to emanate from many mouths had they attempted to take high moral ground in this case. All the 'buts' and 'in this case' excuses provided by British government will be drowned in such an event.

"Sir Neville, your opinion coincides with mine. I used similar words in discussion within my government. Continuing the war now serves no one. We should strive for pressuring Germany into giving the Czech people political autonomy and the right to govern themselves. But, as you say, we also presume that Germans will find it too difficult and expensive to keep Czechs subdued in the long term. However, we must accept the fact that Czech economy will be dominated by Germans anyway."

"We seem to be in agreement then. I presume you have considered American initiative by now. What do you make of it?" Neville asked.

"We are of opinion that such an initiative is certainly welcome. Our possessions in the Indochina are threatened by Japanese and potential Japanese and Siam collusion can further destabilize our position there. Therefore we promised mr. Welles we will join their effort once concrete framework of action is formulated. What about you?" answered Daladier after short contemplation.

"Well, according to estimates of our Navy and Army staff, we should be able to defend Far East from any Japanese threat by ourselves. The Navy is confident we can maintain naval superiority in the area and Singapore is impregnable fortress. Regardless, we welcome initiative presented by mr. Welles as we believe that joint action will certainly be more fruitful than isolated. Admiralty has earmarked three battleships for this purpose, to be augmented with two more as they become available. Some of the ships will not be available before june 1940, so until then, we will use older ships. Accompanied by two carriers, Stanley estimates this would represent a very tangible threat to Japanese that should dissuade them from any aggressive moves. In regards to air forces, we can deploy two squadrons of fighters and a squadron of bombers. As far as ground forces are concerned, two infantry divisions and a battalion of tanks should suffice for defense of Malaya in an unlikely event of Japan attacking there. We estimate Japanese lack logistical ability to undertake such an operation in the face of determined opposition." Neville said. British government has considered the course of action and formulated what can be termed as plan. Although in embryonic stage, the initial estimate of the necessary forces was complete.

"Since we are allies, we must coordinate our efforts in this. You agree of course that no attack on Malaya can be mounted unless Indochina is conquered first. Having that in mind, I feel we should create a joint ground force in Indochina, while your ships could be based at Haiphong, where all facilities exist to support large fleet. French Navy would add Dunkerque and Strasbourg battleships, as well as two squadrons of fighters. Unfortunately, no aircraft carriers can be provided, as the single one is under construction, while Darlan refuses to expose Bearn to any danger. I must say, even though I am worried by Japanese aggression, I am not of opinion that this action should be formulated in this advanced stage of the things. We should allow Americans to come up with a plan first. As mr. Welles is present here, we can disc" said Daladier.

Door opened, and Chamberlains secretary peaked in. "Gentlemen," he said "It is half past eleven. The conference room is ready and you are invited to take your positions." Daladier and Neville got up and Neville said "Well, we have an understanding then." shook hand with his counterpart. They left the room and headed to conference hall.

Meanwhile, in front of the conference room

Large hall was full of ambassadors from various countries, aides, military personnel and inevitable reporters for the major news agencies and newspapers. In one corner, Harold 'Kim' Philby chatted with Donald Maclean. Maclean came from Paris to be present at the conference partly out of sheer curiosity and partly to gather intelligence. They pretended Kim was interviewing him, while in reality Maclean recited what information he had gathered, most of which consisted of observations and overheard conversations.

Door of the conference room opened, and people started entering. First to enter were head of governments who took places at the desks in the central position of the room. American, Belgian and Italian representatives, attending the conference in capacity of interested or guaranteeing parties, were given tables on the right hand side of the room. Sumner Welles represented Americans, Spaak Belgium and Ciano Italy. Those three countries would be impartial supervisors of the treaty.

Once all that had chairs were seated, De Geer stepped on the speaker stand and announced "Ladies and gentlemen, I welcome you to the closing ceremony of The Hague Peace Conference. I hope that the peace concluded today will last longer than the peace treaty signed twenty years ago. I am sure all present here have sincere intentions of maintaining peace or else they would not be here. We will now hear the final text of the treaty, as agreed by all sides." Reading of the treaty was entrusted to the interpreter, and she read it in French, German and English.

Peace Treaty said:
Governments of Republic of France, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, Dominion of New Zealand, Dominion of Canada, Union of South Africa, Commonwealth of Australia and Republic of Poland on one side and Governments of German Reich and Slovak Republic have agreed to sign this treaty and end the hostilities. All aforementioned governments sign this document of their own free will and without coercion. Peace treaty is established on following terms:

Article 1.

All sides will cease all hostile activities at 1159 pm on 31st of December. Hostile activities include, but are not limited to, military activities, military offensive preparation, air force sorties beyond own territory, naval sorties in force beyond territorial waters, training for or rehearsing offensive operations, deployment of offensive weapons within 50 miles of borders with any power signatory to this treaty and other activities not mentioned, but construing credible threat.

Article 2.

Republic of Poland will be restored within borders as can be seen in the map in Supplement A. Germany retains province of Pomorz - Pomerania. Poland retains extraterritorial port of Gdynia and railway connection to the port Warsaw - Torun - Danzig - Gdynia. Terms for using this railway are established as follows:

a) Poland will not station military formations beyond those necessary to keep internal order in territory.
b) All transports of military material must be reported and inspected by German officials in Danzig.
c) Poland will not station any naval units in Gdynia. All remaining naval units of Poland are to be sold at fair price to United Kingdom.

Article 3.

Germany will dismantle the apparatus of government within borders of Republic of Poland as established in Article 2 this treaty within thirty days counting from January 1st 1940. German nationals within Poland unwilling to remain in Poland will be resettled within Germany. Their transfer will be financed by German government. Polish nationals inhabiting areas ceded to Germany and unwilling to remain in Germany will be transferred to Poland, financed by Polish government.

Article 4.

All outstanding issues between German Reich and Poland, including but not limited to, reparation for damages, financial and industrial assets and population transfers will be settled in the Court of international arbitrage.

Article 5.

All signatories agree to limit their military strength according to following clauses:

A) Land forces

Land forces of German Reich and Republic of France will be limited to the 650.000 soldiers each. No limit on quality of the forces will be set. However, both signatories declare they will refrain from raising paramilitary forces as a way of circumventing this limitation. In order to enforce this treaty all signatories will allow multilateral international inspections on their territory. Both signatories agree not to deploy more than:

a) 3500 tanks or other similar armored vehicles, (tanks, self-propelled guns, reconnaissance vehicles, excluding personnel carriers, armored trucks and artillery trailers)
b) artillery weapons of a caliber larger than 200 mm or equivalent and more than 6 batteries per regiment (excluding mortars and recoilless infantry weapons with short range)

United Kingdom of Great Britain and associated powers retain the right to keep number of regular troops at the level equal to France and Germany. Government of United Kingdom and members of the Commonwealth of Nations will notify all signatories in case they decide to bring their forces to maximum level.

Republic of Poland armed forces are limited to 200.000 in total. Republic of Poland is forbidden to station foreign troops within her territory or establishing foreign military bases. Republic of Poland is allowed to retain air force consistent with the needs to defend her airspace. Air force of Poland will be limited to 150 fighters, while bombers or multiengine airplanes are prohibited (heavy fighters or transports are exempt of this limitation).

Republic of France and United Kingdom of Great Britain reserve the right to maintain colonial forces, numbering 200.000 troops (up to 350.000 in case of unforeseen circumstances). Should the aforementioned Governments decide to use special circumstances clause, German government will be notified. Government of Republic of France and Government of United Kingdom of Great Britan undertake the obligation not to transfer colonial troops to respective Metropolitan areas unless provoked by imminent threat of war.

German Reich undertakes obligation to disarm the paramilitary formations and refrain from training them as army replacements.

Furthermore, signatory sides agree to prohibit and dismantle all chemical and biological weapons and their development thereof.

Signatories pledge not to create stockpiles of spare parts in excess of 20% of existing arsenal. Signatories agree to international control of compliance to this treaty and pledge to open all barracks and arsenals to international inspections announced and unannounced.

B) Air forces

United Kingdom of Great Britain, Republic of France and German Reich will limit their air forces to 2.000 airplanes each. Of this number 1.000 will be single engine fighter or their equivalents and 1.000 multiengine airplanes (excluding transports). Both sides agree not to base battle ready bomber forces within 100 miles radius from the borders. Bases within this radius will be subject to mutual control. Both sides pledge to allow announced and escorted airborne reconnaissance flights of the airbases. Both sides pledge not to stockpile airplane spare parts in excess of 20% of existing forces. Compliance of the treaty will be subject to international control. United Kingdom of Great Britain and Republic of France will refrain from basing major air force formations within their non-metropolitan areas.

C) Naval forces

Naval forces of all signatories will be subject to the London treaty of 1936, and Anglo-German Naval agreement of 1935 for German naval forces. All signatories pledge to abide to these treaties in all new naval construction. All naval bases of all signatories will be subject to unannounced international control, and all signatories pledge to accept.

D) Special clauses and elaborations

International control refers to representatives of other signatories (up to three persons of relevant expertise for all signatories) and neutral parties, as agreed by all involved.

For the purposes of the military limitation clauses of this treaty armed forces of United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Commonwealth of Nations will be considered single entity.

United Kingdom of Great Britain, the Dominions and Republic of France agree to allow international inspections of air, land or naval bases within the territories under their rule.

Article 6.

Germany, France and Belgium agree to establish military exclusion zone five kilometers wide on both sides of their mutual borders. Within this zone there can be no fortifications, prepared military positions, military formations and military infrastructure of any kind. Those existing within the zone must be dismantled one month after signing this treaty. Joint military patrols of all three countries will control the zone.

Article 7.

All signatories pledge to establish international compliance verification body, with authority to inspect and notify of individual nations compliance to this treaty. Representatives of the United States of America, Kingdom of Italy and Kingdom of Belgium will form the Compliance Control Organization. Presidency of this body will rotate on a half year basis between United States of America, Kingdom of Italy and Kingdom of Belgium. Body will include one naval, one air and one army officer from each of signatory and neutral powers.

Article 8.

All signatory powers denounce the use of force as method of solving outstanding issues or furthering national interests and pledge to seek diplomatic and peaceful solutions. In order to facilitate this, all signatories pledge to sign Non-aggression treaties with each other and interested neighboring countries.

Article 9.

All violations of this treaty will be considered as act of war by other party and dealt with accordingly.

Supplement A:

mapa+posle+mirovnog+sporazuma.png

Map* of Germany and neighboring countries after peace agreement.

"I invite President of German Reich to the stand." De Geer said.

Goering stepped to the stand. "Ladies and gentlemen, after weeks of negotiations, here we are, about to sign a peace treaty that would end the war. It is unfortunate that Poland was the country that suffered the most, but we hope Polish people will now reconsider their place in Europe and reorient her policy in more realistic manner. In any case, Germany promises to uphold this peace agreement and consider the current borders as final. We will have no further territorial ambitions from now on. All we want is to be allowed to pursue closer economic and political ties with our neighbors in Central Europe and fair treatment of German trade on the world market. Germany remains open for cooperation in the future, but any attempt to interfere with our internal affairs will be regarded as hostile. With this I will end my speech here. Thank you for attention."

Next was Neville Chamberlain. His speech was short too and he invited everyone to help Poland reclaim her country and establish the normal life in its territory. He added the hope that all people in Europe will be allowed to govern their lives free of threat of violence and force. "This peace treaty is just the first step in the inevitable journey to just and free society of European nations.". This line replaced the unfortunate "Peace in our time" he was remembered for. Daladier expressed desire of French people to establish friendly relationship with Germany and create a basis for stability and prosperity in Europe instead of confrontation of previous century. "War," he said "was obviously not the answer. This pendulum of terror has to freeze once and for all." This was also widely quoted around the world. It was a catchy phrase.

Polish Prime minister was short. He stated Polish desire to be left alone. "We are forced to suffer for the mistakes we made in the past and we hope that someday injustices in the world will be corrected and Poland will regain her glory. Until that day, Poland will be content to be left alone."

Welles spoke in the name of interested powers. "We will act with utmost honesty and strict neutrality in order to make this treaty work. We expect and require cooperation of both sides in order to accomplish this task. I wish good luck to all of us."

Since no other representative sought to speak, the treaty was presented to all for signature. Under the flashes of the cameras, everyone signed the treaty. The Polish war, as it came to be known, was ended with Christmas Peace. The ceremony was concluded at 2 p.m. with official lunch served for heads of governments. With pressure of negotiations taken off their shoulders, Neville and Daladier agreed to have an unofficial talk with Goering.

Later, German chamber in the Peace Palace

Daladier, Chamberlain and Goering met in the German chamber. No one, but an interpreter was present for the first hour. After greeting allied leaders Goering said "Gentlemen, I am grateful you accepted this invitation. In my opinion, real results in diplomacy can be achieved only through talks among the peers and through frank discussion. Now that we have peace, I do not expect that our relations will blossom to friendship overnight. Regardless, I want to assure you that Germany desires nothing but friendship with France and Britain. Many mistakes were made and I will be the first to admit some of them were made by my predecessor. We are now given a chance to turn the page and start over." His speech was carefully prepared beforehand. "Luckily, we have not hurt each other like in the previous war and grievances can easily be forgiven. Is it not high time that our nations move on a friendlier path?"

"Mr. Goering," answered Chamberlain "Your words, wise as they may sound, are only words. If you do not back them up with appropriate actions, I am afraid we will not head towards the friendship between our countries you profess to desire. Before our countries can truly be friends, you will need to show that you are ready to accept some internationally accepted norms. The previous government of your country got into the war because their words did not coincide with their actions."

"Sir Neville, part of the blame is on your governments, too and nobody will pin the singular blame for the outbreak of war on Germany again." Goering almost started shouting, but managed to control himself. Red in face he continued "But let us not delve into it. Let us talk about the future, and past will eventually be sorted out by historians. It is too much asking us, mere mortals, to interpret all the events in this world. Last war almost brought ruin to all of Europe. Germany barely managed to avert being taken over by the Reds. We are now in a situation where we border the Soviet Union, while your countries do not. We have managed to establish and maintain reasonably friendly relations with them so far. However, there is no doubt that ultimate goal of Soviet Union is to subjugate larger and larger parts of Europe and ultimately the World."

"Some might say the same of the ideology of your predecessor." Daladier interjected "A New World Order was a rally cry in your country and undeniably ambitions of Adolf Hitler ultimately spanned the whole world."

"Such absurd claims are not even worth the attempt to refute them. This discussion, mr. Daladier leads nowhere, if we conduct it in such a manner. If I am required to answer meaningless rhetoric on every step, I will rather not have any relations with your countries." Goering waved his hand angrily in dismissing gesture. "Let the sleeping dogs of war lie. German true ambitions never extended beyond the parts of Central Europe inhabited by Germans and we never desired war with your countries. Gentlemen, we have learned the lesson of the Great War, just as you did. We feel no need to relearn it." Goering retorted. "I just ask you to consider the necessity of Germany to prepare to defend herself from possible Soviet attack. While such an attack is unlikely right now, Soviet diplomatic activity and military preparations evident on the Polish borders appear alarming. I realize you find it hard to trust our intentions, but have I not shown you can trust us? Have Germany not done everything possible to earn trust?"

"In no small part such a situation is the doing of your government. After the agreement from Munich, your country just tears it up and occupied Prague on flimsy excuses. That removed any basis of trust necessary for negotiations. You made a deal with Soviets and yourself brought their border to you. It is not responsibility of our countries nor our governments. Who will say that, once you prepare for 'defense against Soviet Union', you will not turn around and attack us? Your country has done that once already. One of the actions to prove your goodwill could be revising status of former Czech Republic. We understand you consider this your territory, but you cannot dispute the fact that it was acquired through breach of agreement." Chamberlain said.

"Our internal affairs are not concern of your governments. Czechia is protectorate of German Reich and enjoys significant amount of autonomy. If tensions decrease this autonomy may increase, but there would not be restoration of the Republic of Czech."

"But how can we trust your words if you maintain such attitude and not only justify, but perpetuate one of the gravest breaches previous German government committed?" Daladier asked.

"Gentlemen, I assure you, once more, Germany has had enough of war. We made many compromises and if you do not accept them as signs of goodwill, I will offer you this." Goering said, handing folder to each of his counterparts. "It is obvious you will not accept our word for it. German intelligence services have collated this report on Soviet military and industrial potential. You can give it to your services for recheck. And if you wait for a few months, Soviet actions will clearly show you. The Finland and Baltic states was them stretching their muscles. Germany was forced to choose them over you, since your uncompromising attitude made a deal impossible. Unless their threat is curbed, we insist we keep firm control over possible communist rebels near our borders." Goering said.

"You must understand that France will not give you tacit support and much less direct one for your attempt to subjugate Soviet Union. I am sure Sir Neville feels the same way. As much as we dislike and distrust Soviet regime, we will not tolerate nor accept German hegemony over Eastern Europe." Daladier said.

"Gentlemen, we are running around in circles trading mutual accusations. Your fears of Germany are baseless. This war was as much your mistake as it was ours. We will show you that we really mean peace. When you realize this let us hope it will not be too late."

"Mr. Goering, in case Soviet Union attack your country unprovoked we will certainly reconsider our foreign policy. But our governments do not trust you right now. However, I must say that I am glad we had exchanged these opinions. This sort of talks helps fostering trust. Honest exchange of opinion between heads of governments is the cornerstone of friendship between countries." Chamberlain said.

"Mr. Goering, you could not have expected we would react any differently at this moment." said Daladier "France fears Germany more than Soviet Union right now."

"You will realize the error of this assumption in due time." Goering said. “Meanwhile, let us try to live in peace. I suggest we now invite the rest of the staff in and have a small celebration of our peace treaty."

An interpreter opened the door of the chamber and let other members of British, French and German staff enter the chamber.

Goering considered the talks successful by any standard. Mutual blustering was part of the show and nobody could outright admit being in the wrong. Goering thought 'Maybe next meeting would be more productive. I just hope I softened them up a little.'

Meanwhile, in the Grand hall of Peace Palace

Donald Maclean wondered around, chatting with fellow diplomats. He met a friend of his who was with Halifax staff and engaged into amiable chatter. It was when James mentioned that he was waiting for Halifax and Chamberlain to finish their meetings with Germans, that Maclean's ears perked up. Trying to sound casual, he pursued the subject further and found out that meeting being held in German chamber right now was unofficial summit between three leaders and that after conferring for an hour by themselves, they invited other members of their delegations to join them.

December 26th, early morning, Eastern Germany, near Danzig

(some might find parts of the text disturbing with some graphic depiction of death and injury. Be warned)

A car travelled eastward slowly along the coastal road, making its way through the snow covered landscape. Inside the car, three men in naval uniforms of Kriegsmarine sat quietly. What they knew of their mission gave them little hope of survival, but they were told it was important by the commander. They were approaching the first checkpoint and both men sitting in the back seat gripped the briefcases they were holding more tightly in an unconsciously.

As the driver heard sharp "Halt!" he hit the brakes. Car stopped and the driver handed over their documents to the soldier who approached. Two others blocked the road in front, while he checked their papers. A minute passed, then two and soldier was still looking over the papers. Tiny bits of perspiration appeared on the faces of two men in the back seat. "Stabsoberbootsmann Vogel, please step out!" said the soldier who checked the documents. "Why? Wh---" he was interrupted by a shout "Get out of the car! All of you!" and two soldiers started taking of the weapons off their shoulders. Mauser 98k was not the handiest weapon to use in a hurry and by the time they took the rifles off their shoulders, driver floored the accelerator pedal and the car surged forward picking up speed. Icy road caused it to swerve left and right, but wheels caught traction. Soldiers in front of it abandoned their effort to take the rifles off, and throw themselves to the sides in attempt to avoid the car. One of them managed only barely, while the other's leg was caught by the fender and broken, causing him to scream.

The whistle sounded and four men got out of the hut and surged to the nearby panzer. The large vehicle roared to life thirty seconds later and trained its 37mm cannon towards the car that was speeding off, few hundred meters away. First shot exploded bare meters from the vehicle, but the second was dead on. Resulting explosion caught everyone by surprise - 37mm HE shells were not really supposed deliver such force. The car was almost unrecognizable, and closer inspection revealed that there apparently was internal cause for this explosion. Much later it was discovered in the form of half a kilogram of dynamite packed within the briefcase. Checkpoint crew recovered the remains of three bodies, one a tall, blond male, face unrecognizable with SS tattoos, though barely readable, on the body. They made a report and sent it to regional Gestapo Headquarters according to instructions they had.

December 28th, around 10 o'clock, Gestapo HQ, Berlin

Nebe read the report that reached his desk late last night. It seemed to signal an end to the armed uprising of the hard line SS. On a checkpoint near Danzig Feldspolizei troops attempted to stop the vehicle and were forced to blow it up after it made brake for Danzig. The interesting part was that one of the badly mangled body contained the tattoo with Heydrich's blood group. As the leader of the terrorist faction that quickly became known as Schwarze armee among the populace, though they called themselves Werwolf, he was the most wanted men in Germany. Since physical features of the body bore striking similarity to Heydrich and Gestapo medical staff already proclaimed the body as belonging to R. Heydrich. Nebe thought it seemed to easy, but he could not argue with the fact that the body wore navy uniform of the rank Heydrich. 'Well, nobody says stupid things can't happen, even to the likes of him.' Nebe drafted quick message for Diels and called his secretary to qrite a proper one on the Gestapo official memorandum. He also decided not to send the message yet, as he wanted to talk to medical examiner who received and inspected the body. He needed to cast away any doubt the report was correct.

Meanwhile, Soviet embassy in Berlin

NKVD resident, appointed to the embassy as a cultural attache entered the office of Soviet consular service within the embassy. There was a man in his company, dressed in suite. "Comrade consul" resident said "This is comrade Taras Anisimovich. He has lost his passport and requires a new one to be issued as fast as you can make it. Comrade Taras is personal friend of Comrade Beria and he will mention your help or lack of it to comrade Beria." "Certainly, comrade Sergey Israilovich!" answered the terrified man. "I will have his passport tomorrow."

Around same time, Reichskanzlei

"Herr Guertner and herr Diels to see you, herr praesident." Goerings' secretary announced. "Let them in."

"Good morning, herr Praesident." ministers called as they entered the office. "Gentlemen, we must organize a plebiscite. I have promised German people they will have opportunity to elect me for their leader. How soon can such a referendum be organized?"

"Herr Praesident, we will need at least 15 days to prepare ballots and to prepare election commitee." answered Guertner.

"Herr Praesident, I must ask if this is really necessary?" asked Diels

"Well, not for me obviously. And well, frankly, German people are also satisfied it seems. After all, I did bring peace. The purpose of referendum is to shove under the nose of the democracies in the west if they start questioning the legitimacy of the government. They drone on and on how they have free elections and how their governments are based on the will of their people. So our government will also be based on the will of the people. Furthermore, it will be based on the will of overwhelming majority of the people." Goering answered.

"Herr Praesident" said Guertner "I understand your idea. I propose we should time the referendum to coincide to completing the withdrawal of our troops from Poland."

"I will see to it that voting stations are adequately secured and that no disturbances occur. Ministry of Interior will take over this task."

"Excellent. The vote should be on January 28th. Well we settled that then."

"Herr Praesident, I want to discuss something more with you. Do you find our constitution somewhat lacking? The National Socialist Lawyers Association and herr Stuckart have some ideas on the new constitution for the Reich." Guertner said.

"I find those ideas interesting. Please, prepare the proposal in writing and submit it to my office, so we can discuss it. Is that all, gentleman?"

"I have something more. It seems we have a lucky break concerning SS terrorists. One rather large group has been tracked down near Potsdam. According to preliminary investigation, it numbers around 700 to 800 terrorist. This estimate comes from observed acquisitions of food during previous week. We have established the location of this force, and I have ordered the internal forces to prepare to surround and apprehend them. In order to achieve this I will need overwhelming force, so I must require herr Brauchitsch to assign at least a brigade, but preferably a division of army troops." Diels reported.

"I propose something even better. You know that we captured the entire prototype SS division deployed to western front. Presented with the choice of keeping their lives and fighting for us or being executed they choose the former. The division has been formed as 666th Penal division with Paul Hausser commanding. They will be augmented by a Panzer battalion, not because they need more forces, but just in case their loyalty" Goering paused, trying to find word "wavers, you see." He personally approved the creation of this division, for express purpose of being used in the hardest, most dangerous jobs. Division was only issued light arms with notional intention of making it mobile, but ulterior intention to make it rather weak in case they rediscovered their rebellious spirit. Goering decided this was the perfect opportunity to test the division by a task that would allow its loyalty (or lack of it) to show immediately.

"Well, that is all so far, herr Praesident. Herr Nebe mentioned to me some incident near Danzig, but it couldn't have been anything major, as only four casualties have been mentioned. Three of them terrorist and one of our soldiers, wounded."

"You are free to leave, then."

"Thank you herr Praesident. Good day."

Same day, Nanking, China

General Yamashita arrived to Nanking on the morning of 27th, to find Itagaki waiting for him. They spent the morning having tea, while Yamashita presented his idea in a nutshell. Itagaki liked the idea and thought it was exactly what was needed to impose peace on Chinese. Few Japanese outside of IJA army HQ fostered any hope of complete conquest of China. Now most hoped to get the Chinese to accept peace terms and cede some territory to Japanese. After the tea Yamashita presented his idea to the staff, now in a map room, indicating the planned movements of Japanese forces with quick sweeps of the hand across the huge wall map of China. The main problem for Japanese was the widespread guerrilla campaign in the rear, which presented major hindrance to supplying the troops. Quartermaster of the Japanese army expressed his objection on ability to supply the forces on expanding front, especially as proposed line of advance had a single railroad. His remarks were taken into account, but Yamashita said he envisions only limited offensive in the initial stage, expanding it only should the Chinese forces around Luoyang appear weak.

In spite the fact the operation was no longer necessary to relieve Chinese pressure on 11th Army, it still made sense. The aim of the operation would be to cut off Chinese troops deployed within the Henan province and if possible, link up with Japanese 11th Army around Wuhan. With this settled the operational planning started, with provisional name Ichi-Go. Immediately, Japanese commanders realized more troops would be needed. Itagaki deemed it necessary to find at least three, preferably four divisions. He promised to talk to General Nishio and to arrange for transfer of two more divisions from Manchuria and one division or two mixed brigades held in reserve. If the operation succeeded, significant number of troops would be freed as the front would be shortened by two thirds.

Same day, Yan'an, China

Chuikov sat, and started writing a long message to Marshal Voroshilov. He described the situation in Nationalist China, reflecting to apparent lack of unity and coordination in war effort, despite burning hate Chinese felt towards Japanese. This resulted in the heavy fighting, but the war was mismanaged so badly that it could be considered bungling on a grand scale. The only reason why it appeared so "successful" was overwhelming numbers of troops Chinese Revolutionary Army regularly employed. He contrasted this to the Chinese People Liberation Army of Chinese Communist party. War effort of the Communists was managed with much more care, due to limited resources. PLA lead guerrilla campaign with significant success causing significant casualties for the Japanese and tying up quite disproportional amount of Japanese troops.

Despite the fact it was not visible, they actually controlled large areas in Northern China, where they organized a successful and effective governance. The party itself was strong and popular on the area it controlled. Besides, wherever the cooperation with National Army was attempted, conflict between the two factions erupted. Chuikov listed all that and completed with his opinion that the Communist party should be the faction to support in the ongoing war in China. He also expressed favorable opinions on Mao Zedong and Zhou De, declaring them capable leaders with strong ideological belief in Communism.

He sealed the envelope and given it to the member of his entourage, major Alekseyev to take it to the airport, where airplane for Moscow would soon depart.

*Map made by abc123
 
January 3rd, 0545 Kremlin, Moscow

Stalins' habit of conducting important meetings very early in the morning continued into the 1940. Whether it was his insomnia or wish to keep the others on the edge, the result was that people attending the meetings were perpetually suffering from sleep deprivation. The agenda of the meeting included further territorial acquisitions in accordance with the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact, China and the situation in Europe develop in the wake of the peace treaty. As the meeting was predominantly on foreign policy and military, Molotov and Voroshilov arrived first, with their not particularly happy entourage of aides, followed by commanders of Soviet Ukrainian Front, Odessa Military District and Kiev Special Military District. Beria also arrived, with his deputy Merkulov in attendance, in order to submit his plan for 'reintegration' of the Besarabian area into the Soviet Union. The meeting lasted for a few hours.

Molotov opened the meeting with the observation that only the final step in fulfilling territorial amendments of the Ribbentrop-Molotov pact remained. Romania occupied and illegally held the province of Bessarabia and Soviet Union had to rectify this historical injustice, Stalin said. Molotov then read the diplomatic note he drafted for the Romanian government. The content of the note was polite but left no doubt that Soviet Union demanded Romania surrender Bessarabia and northern part of Bukovina. The request to withdraw from the province was backed with a statement that historical claim on those lands belongs to the Russians and is necessary for the defense of the Soviet Union. Romanians were promised cooperation with the Soviet Union, guarantee of independence and friendship of the Soviet Union if they surrender their land. No doubt was left that should the Government of Romania refuse Soviet 'offer' consequences will be 'very serious'. Special reference was made to the 'Ukrainian people oppressed by the Romanian Government'. Stalin was satisfied with the note and only requested that any reference to surrender or ceding the territory be avoided in the document. Molotov responded that it will be done, and also a propaganda campaign against Romania instigated.

Voroshilov and Timoshenko listed the military formations transferred to the Odessa and Kiev military districts in order to create a credible threat. 7th, 4th and 9th Armies of the Red Army, comprising a total of 20 divisions and one tank corps, were already concentrated in the vicinity of Romanian border, ready to be deployed as an offensive threat. Two of the armies were transferred from Finland, while the 4th was contributed by Ukrainian front. Soviet air force prepared nearly 1.000 airplanes for the campaign, more than twice the number Romania possessed. Improving weather was the only condition needed to commence the operation. The temperatures in January plummeted, freezing the sea around Odessa which would constrict the supplies, while heavy snow restricted the movement of units. Coldest winter in the last twenty years made it impossible to contemplate operations of the scale envisioned. Stalin decided to postpone issuing the ultimatum until the weather improved. It would be humiliating for the Soviet Union if the ultimatum was rejected and they were unable to start the offensive.

Beria reported that such numbers presented would be insufficient for the operation of the scale needed to achieve the objective in case Romania rejected the ultimatum. Intelligence estimated that Romania could mobilize and deploy around 20 divisions which should suffice for defensive operations, since the battlefield would favor the defense. After brief discussion, Voroshilov was ordered to transfer another army from the Ukraine front (12th), and mobilize 200.000 recruits from Odessa and Kiev military districts. With these additions, the number of Soviet divisions available for action against Romania would rise to over thirty. GRU report, that Voroshilov read excerpts from, pointed to the threats Romania faced from both Hungary and Bulgaria. Hungarian ambition to get Transylvania back was well known and Hungary would certainly use any opportunity to grab the land back if Romania lets her guard down. This assumption was the one the initial plan was built upon. Everyone shared the opinion that no reaction from the France and Britain should be expected.

Voroshilov also reported that Chuikov has sent his appreciation of the situation in China, causing Stalin to embark on a speech on the virtue of Communist discipline in fighting a war. Voroshilov received instruction to order Chuikov to stay with the Communist and to direct 200 tanks and 60 airplanes with pilots slated for China to CCP.

Molotov then raised the subject of situation in Europe. He pointed to the relative cooling of diplomatic relations with the German Reich and ambiguous German diplomatic signals. One of the first indicators was the meeting between German and Soviet representatives in Koenigsberg, where they attempted to negotiate the trade treaty. Germans listened to the list of Soviet demands and requested time for consultation. Since then, no concrete proposals were heard from Germany. Stalin stated that Germany needed Soviet raw materials and they will certainly come back. Until then, the Soviet Union will wait and bid her time. The only danger was the possibility of cooperation between German and Western Powers. Stalin ruled this out as impossible judging the rift between France and Germany as too great to bridge. England may be willing to do something, but they had much more to lose, as vital parts of their Empire were within easy reach of the Soviet Union, while no amount of sea power could choke off Soviet industry. While Romanian oil was largely exported to UK, it was neither vital nor irreplaceable and, anyway, Soviet ambitions did not extend to Ploesti fields. Stalin knew that both England and France guaranteed Romania, but he was confident that they wouldn't object the Soviet taking of a small piece of Romania.

Same day, 0945, Berlin

Gathered in the conference room where the heads and chiefs of staff of the OKH, OKM, OKL, ministers of RWM and Trade and Albert Speer in his capacity of Head of the office of the Four Year Plan. They needed to come up with the plan of the development of their respective forces and align it with the physical capabilities of the German economy. Milch, minister of airplane production and personnel of the Luftwaffe had the upper hand at the meeting. The intimate connection of the Luftwaffe with Goering allowed them to put the priority on the requirements of Luftwaffe over all other services. In fact, by this point Luftwaffe accounted for almost 40% of all military industrial production in Germany, while ammunition program was a close second. Heer and Navy accounted for the remaining 30%. The situation would probably continue in the future, but for the fact that the Luftwaffe had reached the peak of its potential and absolute maximum of the allowed number of airplanes. In spite of the desire of its leadership, it was impossible to maintain the present amount of spending on airplanes.

Todt presented the figures of steel production and explained that of roughly 1,6 million tons available monthly, military needs absorbed most of it. He demanded the services to come up with realistic plans. The pressure of war was negated and now some long term planning could be undertaken. The army immediately demanded that they be given the priority in order to replace their older model tanks, Panzers I and II and increase the number of Pz IIIs and IVs in all the armored formations. Army currently had around 3.500 armored vehicles, and since only less than 800 were modern types, it meant that production should continue unhindered. Also, Czech light tanks proved capable models and army leadership wanted to continue their production too. After fifteen minutes it became clear that army aims to maintain unhindered military production. If other two services joined in, there would be no end to inter-service haggling. And sure enough, immediately thereafter Raeder presented the demand Z plan be continued and navy allocated enough steel over the next few years to complete 8 more battleships and over a 100 other vessels including 4 carriers, numerous cruisers and destroyers.

Todt was appalled by those demands and hearing this was meant to happen over the next 5 years made him lose all the patience. He threatened to walk out with all of the economics staff and formulate the plans by himself, without any input from the armed services at all if they don't bring some common sense to their proposals. Navy's demands were rejected flat off. They will be allocated roughly 5% of steel production and other materials as necessary and authorized to build whatever the ships they could with it. Ammo production will be brought to a third of the present amount, while air force and army will have to make do with 12,5% of industrial production each. The rest, amounting to roughly 60% of the production will be dedicated to civilian production, exports and investment into railroads which required major improvements. Besides, if German economy is ever to stabilize, they needed exports and traditional German exports were heavy machinery and chemicals, areas currently heavily oriented into military production. Until those industries could be kickstarted, Germany could export surplus and obsolete military equipment of which there was plenty. There were many countries in immediate neighborhood needing the weapons and having available resources, so Germany could support her economy for at least a year or even more. The only problem was oil, which could either be bought from the Soviet Union or from USA in sufficient quantities. Germany needed roughly 40 million barrels of oil and in 1938 imported roughly 60% of this from overseas.

To restore this situation, Germany would need to reestablish trade connections severed by the outbreak of war. Todt was assured by Foreign ministry staff that they could secure bilateral trade agreements for at least following year. The aim was to supplement the imports from USSR and cut current dependence on them. Speer reported that current plans of the Office for the Four Year plan envision the production of enough petroleum to cover almost all the needs of Luftwaffe, Heer and Kriegsmarine, as well as bulk of civilian usage by 1943. From then on, the synthetic oil manufacturing would take off and German dependence on foreign oil will be thing of past. Germany needed phosphates for explosives, of which majority was obtained from USSR, as was chrome, manganese and asbestos. All of these were irreplaceable in war economy and obtainable from other sources, provided Germany had foreign currency reserves to fund this. During those three years, Germany would have to depend on Soviet Union for oil and also grain.

Todt concluded the meeting with request to all services to take all this into account when they sit to make their plans. He also instructed them to log any protest or objection to him and he will get the opinion from Goering. Milch inwardly laughed at this, as he knew he could get Goering to listen to him. But he also knew that the quantities approved for Luftwaffe should be enough to maintain the airplane number consistent with the treaty. Monthly production of JU 88 was growing and in few months hundreds would roll out of Junkers production plants. RLM decided to make it the only medium bomber design in active service and to retire all older designs.

Brauchitsch figured that the army could do with appointed share in resources although barely, and that program to replace the existing tank force with the one entirely based on newer designs will take some time in those circumstances. At, least munitions will be stockpiled in the meantime.

Raeder deided the allocated amount of steel would suffice for now. It would not cover all the needs, but it was not that bad. With two battleships approaching completion Navy could hope to lay two more, as well to enlarge dock capacity for the future. Doenitz would get steel for his submarines, none of which achieved anything significant so far, except for Priens' audacious intrusion of Scapa Flo and sinking of British carrier.

With this, the meeting was concluded and they left.

January 5th, Paris, GQG

As war ended, French army General staff decided it was time to make reevaluation of the strategic situation arisen by the ending of hostilities. French army stood at the borders and it was undefeated. The short foray into Saarland proved the superiority of the defensive in the conditions where firepower was multiplied by a factor of 10 in relation to the end of the previous war. A few of French officers present at the meeting posed the question how did Poland fall that quickly. They received ready answer that Poland was not prepared and that massive onslaught of Germans from three sides simply overwhelmed Polish defenses. Most of the present French generals agreed that it was logical explanation, although some of them pointed also to the fact Germans managed to make rapid breakthroughs and stab armored wedges between Polish forces. Those wedges later evolved into fully fledged encirclement of Polish forces with resulting destruction of the bulk of Polish armies deployed to the border defenses.

General Gamelin, in response, pointed the example of Warsaw and Modlin where, in prepared defensive positions, Polish manage to stop entire tank divisions of German Army, in spite of massive breakthroughs. Had such fortified positions been ready on other sectors, Poland might have lasted longer, or even deflected German attack entirely. France, insisted Gamelin, was not vulnerable to such attack, as mutual Franco-German border was impenetrable and attack through Belgium would present enough time to react with planned counteroffensive. Besides, Germans did not have massive advantage in numbers nor the ability to outflank or outmaneuver French army. The logical question that presented itself was should the structure of the army be changed or its doctrine updated. After further discussion, consensus was reached that 'methodical battle' is the only doctrine suited to French strategic situation. Army will remain structured around this doctrine. However, in order to quell the iridescent voices, GQG authorized the creation of four new 'light mechanized' divisions to bring the total number of those divisions to 6 during the following two to three years. In order to keep the number of divisions in line with treaty limitation two of those will be transformed 'light cavalry' divisions to be ready by mid 1941, while two will come at expense of infantry divisions, to be ready by the end of 1942.

The discussion then moved on to the subject of military equipment. Every officer in the room judged existing tanks French armored divisions used appeared quite sufficient. Information that Polish gathered during the fights in Poland has proven that nothing in German arsenal could outmatch its French counterparts. French S-35 tank was expected to be replaced by S-40 by July and complemented with H-39 re-equipped with 37mm cannon, those two vehicles could defeat most of Germans vehicles that have been seen so far. Generals Besson and Blanchard remarked that general Keller should form a new Commission of Tank Study to make a detailed inquiry into the needs of the armored formations and come up with new specifications for tanks, having the information gathered in Polish campaign.

Council decided that the only area where Germans could have decisive advantage was in the air. However, the situation will improve here by the end of the year, as additional D.520 were slowly entering the force. By October their number will be sufficient to reach maximum allowed number according to the treaty. Daladier suggested that Armee d'Air contact their British counterparts and see if the radar technology he heard so much about from Chamberlain could be implemented in France.

Daladier, who occupied the position of minister of defense, announced his decision to relinquish this position to somebody from military circles as soon as possible as he wanted to be able to concentrate on election campaign. Petain, an elderly Marshal of French army seemed to be the most logical choice. He supported current government and its policy, while also carrying great weight in military establishment of French army. Most of the officers present at the meeting approved of this idea as Petain was seen the last remaining hero of the previous war.

Same day, London

Meanwhile in London, newly reconstituted Council of Imperial Defence held its first session. It was actually the former War Cabinet that has been dissolved by the end of the war and having it renamed the 'Peace cabinet' didn't have the ring. Added to it were the Prime ministers of four dominions, represented at this session by high commissioners and Secretary of State for India, to add imperial perspective to this body. The agenda of the meeting concerned issues of Royal Navy, RAF and deployment of BEF. Also, on suggestion of Australian government, agenda included the Far East and danger Japan presented to the Imperial possessions there, while State Secretary for India brought up the status of India in the Empire.

Opening with the first item, Stanley, as the First lord of Admiralty gave brief report on the status of the Royal Navy. He suggested that works on the ships started before the war and suspended upon its outbreak be continued. Although the hostilities were formally over, it was clear that rearmament should continue. Six carriers and five battleships would be commissioned in next two years, while at least four more carriers would be started. Commissioning of Illustrious and Implacable class ships would allow decommissioning of Glorious, Furious, Courageous, Eagle and Argus, while Ark Royal and Hermes would remain part of the navy, albeit Hermes would serve as a training ship. Representatives of Australia and New Zealand asked if it is possible to transfer two of those older ships to their navies. After vote, it was decided to accept proposed Naval programme and to transfer HMS Glorious, Furious and Courageous to Royal Australian Navy, Royal Canadian Navy and Royal New Zealand Navy, while South African Navy would receive HMS Eagle.

Discussion on air force was short and Council listened to the report of Kingsley Wood, who emphasized the full combat readiness of the RAF. Fighter command almost completely consisted of squadrons of modern fighters at home, and now it only remained to equip squadrons deployed to other parts of Empire with those. Spitfire was seen as adequate for the time being and upgrades would make it competitive fighter for years to come. Priority in deployment would be given to the Far East, as there was the most potent threat in this postwar world. German air force would be less powerful than French and British air forces combined and could be contained. Bomber command however, had very little to boast about. Bombers currently employed in RAF showed very vulnerable to enemy action, especially 'flak'. All raids on Germany so far had little or nothing to show on the plus side for the effort, while all suffered serious loses. It was judged Wellingtons were of limited use and new Handley-Page bomber Halifax would enter force by the end of 1940, to replace those. Four engine bomber would be faster and have better range and payload of up to 13.000 pounds, almost thrice the payload of the two engine Wellington. Avro had even better design on the drawing board, but its introduction will probably take two more years. After hearing this report, Council authorized Ministry of air force to continue the development program along proposed lines. Gladiators, Blenheims and other aging designs will be phased out and offered for sale, so by 1941 RAF will entirely consist of airplanes designed after 1937, at least in Britain. Hawker was working on the close air support aircraft which would offer the capabilities similar to those displayed by infamous Luftwaffe Stuka bomber Polish reported. Typhoon and Tornado prototypes were already being tested and if they show adequate, people from Hawker promised that serial production could start by 1941. Representatives of Australia and Canada asked that they be allowed to license build Hurricanes at Canadian Vickers company and Australian GAF in order to bring air forces of those two dominions up to RAF standards. Ministry of air agreed in principle, pending approval of Hawker and minister promised his favorable recommendation.

The question of land forces was very quickly resolved and Council decided to withdraw bulk of BEF back home. Only the 1st Armored division which was being readied for deployment in France and 3rd Infantry division, already deployed would remain in France. The two divisions will train with French troops and familiarize the British troops with potential front line. Nobody wanted war to reignite, but simple prudence demanded the troops be maintained in France. Anyway, in few years this might be reconsidered. The decision was also accepted. Army equipment was judged adequate so far, and A20 tank would start replacing Matilda II, or the Infantry tank Mark II and lighter Valentines, while A15 design would enter production and form the medium tank stable of the Army.

With those issues solved, meeting turned to the problem of the Far East. Prime minister reflected on the talks he had with Sumner Welles and French Prime minister. In follow up to this discussion, government has decided to join United States in pressuring Japan to stop their aggression in China. By 1941 Royal Navy will add four new battleships and four new carriers, with two more arriving in 1942. Admiralty has made contingency plans for deployments ranging from deploying two carriers and a battleship to full out deployment. First option envisioned deploying Ark Royal and Hermes carriers, and Rodney battleship, while full deployment meant three carriers, four battleships and two battle cruisers with other ships in attendance would be deployed in case Japanese appear to choose armed conflict in response to pressure.

The issue of India was presented by Laurence Dundas, who argued that India should be allowed Dominion status. He pointed to numerous instances where Communist and Nazi propaganda used the resentment of Indians to being ruled by foreigners. He also pointed to danger of movement for Indian independence turning violent which would surely lead to catastrophic consequences for all the people of the subcontinent. State secretary repeated his call to form parliamentary commission which would pave the way to Indian Dominion. He also pointed out growing divide between Muslims and Hindu, which could have serious repercussions in the future of India if the question is not addressed as soon as possible and mediated by British. Chamberlain promised to have session of House of Commons on the issue as soon as possible and invited the present for a refreshment, calling an end to official meeting.

Rome
Ciano's Diary said:
Il Duce and I met with Ante Pavelic, self proclaimed leader of Croats and head of the Ustashe movement. Once Benito started his scheme in Yugoslavia, I pointed out that to include this insurgent into it could only help. In two hours we spent talking to him and his lieuntenant Kvaternik we discussed the ability of this movement to further our schemes in Yugoslavia. Duce wanted to have some semblance of legality to his bid and to cause Yugoslavia to fall apart would enable Italy to come to the aid unhindered under the guise of interested party, summoned by friendly Croatian neighbors. Precedents to this were apparent in Slovakia and Manchuria and we have no reason to think this would not work here. Of course, our aim was to acquire certain important ports on the Eastern Adriatic coast and access to important raw material deposits in Yugoslavia.

While willing to help us, Pavelic refused to talk about handing parts of Adriatic coast in Dalmatia to Italy after the Yugoslavia was destroyed. He pointed out that popularity and legitimacy of his movement depended on appearing stronger than Serbian-dominated Yugoslavia. Pavelic pointed out that this was ideal moment as establishment of Banovina Hrvatska instigated more separatism from Croatians. The fact that central government controlled almost everything in the province, didn't help much either. Mussolini agreed and I pointed out that Italian only desire and goal would be to establish a secure ally on the other side of the Adriatic sea.

Once more discussion headed to the question of territorial demarcation and both Duce and I demanded that cities of Spalato and Ragusa be ceded to Italy as naval bases. After fifteen minutes of impasse, we agreed to leave those questions aside and focus to practical matters. Pavelic stated that his forces amounted to a brigade of infantry trained for insurgency. He also climed he could raise full insurgent movement after infiltrating Croatian populated territories of Dalmatia and Herzegovina, creating large scale disturbance that would wreck the ability of Yugoslav army to resist Italian invasion. After this rebbellion challenged legitimate authorities, Italy will recognize separatist government and Pavelic will then invite our forces to help. Our proposal to create Kingdom of Croatia in personal union with Italian monarch was met with vehement refusal by both Croats.

After they left, I informed Duce Hungary has pledged to support us directly if they can be sure of non-interference of western powers and once Yugoslavian forces defending their front weaken or indirectly by concentrating their troops on the border, forcing Yugoslavian army to respond. In return for this support Hungary demands Yugoslav province of Vojvodina be ceded to them, claiming it historically belonged to Hungary. Despite the fact they decided to play it safe, Duce and I decided to use their support, but they will be informed that borders will be determined after the war and they will receive no guarantees or promises beforehand. Bulgaria refrained from taking part in the scheme, citing ill prepared and weak army.

Mussolini then invited Badoglio and given him instructions to prepare the army for spring campaign. We opened the huge table map of Yugoslavia and Badoglio indicated main axises of advance. Bulk of invading forces would come from direction of Istria and Friuli, where 20 divisions will be arrayed, including Ariete and Littorio Divisions, one motorized, three alpine divisions and 12 infantry divisions. To link up with insurgents, two infantry divisions will advance from Zara. Besides, two cavalry divisions now being mobilized in order to be used in securing lines of communication for the invasion forces. In addition, one corps including one alpine, one armored and two infantry divisions will advance from Albania. Also, almost entire Italian air force will be thrown into fray, first to defeat Yugoslav air force and then to support Italian forces as they advance. Mussolini approved the plan and directed Badoglio to prepare everything for early April. He also proposed to integrate as much veterans from Spain as possible into invasion units. Badoglio agreed, saying this is a good idea. After that, Badoglio and I were dismissed and we left.

January 15th, Zhengzou China

Yamashita was named CO of the Japanese 5th Area Army, newly created formation, subordinated directly to the China Expeditionary Army. He requested he be granted permission to name his staff and elected to name Tadamichi Kuribayashi as his Chief of Staff while he wanted to have General Homma to command one of the two armies under his direct command and Renya Mutaguchi to command the other one. Nishio agreed to forward this proposal with favorable recommendation to the Imperial General Headquarters. The two armies will be formed with four divisions each and armoured division will be under direct command of General Yamashita, as army level asset. Preliminary date for the operation was set on mid February to early March, when he expected to formulate a comprehensive plan. Timetable had to be hurried because he was informed by Commander in Chief Nishio that they had only three more months for resolving Chinese incident. After that government will have to 'consider other solutions'.

Through his private channels Yamashita heard that there was German proposal of mediation. Nishio also spoke of this proposal, but dismissed the German view of 'honourable peace' as unacceptable, while refusing to even quote the opinion of Hata and Prince Kan'in, thus leaving little to imagination. Japanese High Command was confident that large scale Chinese defeat in this operation will bring China back to negotiating table. Yamashita's opinion was somewhat different, but he could do nothing but obey the orders from his Emperor hoping the outcome will be positive for his army and his nation. The most he could do was to employ the best of his abilities to ensure this outcome.

January 16th, late afternoon, London, park near Soviet embassy

Ivan Chichayev, new Soviet resident in London was awaiting Kim Philby, a journalist turned spy. Ivan deeply detested those rich burgouise kids turned amateur spies, but he was forced to deal with them. After the war started all contact was lost with this ring that included four more spies. This park near the embassy was an ideal location for the meeting. At this time there was nobody around and dusk of the late afternoon allowed the meeting in relative secrecy. British security was somewhat lax of late but this will probably change. That bastard Krivitsky was spilling the beans to anyone who cared to listen and Ivan was amazed that Philby and his group were still free. On the other hand, he just may be a double agent. A list held within the newspapers he was holding under his hand was intended to establish just that. Philby was presented with demands for information Soviets already developed by other means (hopefully unbeknown to the MI5) and which they knew British would not give away voluntarily. If Philby provided the answers that differed from this in any way, it would mean he was turned. If not, Soviets would still have a fairly useful spy ring in Britain.

Ivan carefully observed around to see if anyone was following him, but saw no one. As he walked around the meeting spot, a figure approached him, carrying yesterday's edition of The Times, same as Ivan's own, folded in his hand. As he passed by, Soviet officer just nodded lightly and figure sat at the empty bench a dozen meters away. He took out a cigarrete and lighted it up. This was arranged signal that he was not followed.

Ivan approached and ask for a match. Philby took out his matches and placed the newspapers at the edge of the bench. Taking the matches, Ivan also placed his newspapers at the bench and took out ciggarete package from his pocket. Lighting up his cigarrete, he thanked courteously and took the newspapers Philby placed on the bench. The exchange was complete. No word has been uttered except what could be seen in the park every day. A stranger asking the other stranger for a match. Newspapers Ivan left contained an envelope with 100 British Pounds, an amount usually given to Philby and a list of questions. Newspapers Ivan took contained an envelope with an account of The Haague conference, both by Philby and his friend Donald Maclean.

Meanwhile, Liverpool harbour

Walther Thomas, escorted by British MI-5 officer stepped off the gangway to the dock. He and his escort skipped the usual border procedures and proceeded to the unmarked car waiting for them at the dock. The car then speeded off in the general direction of London.

Same day, mid day, Washington, US

Dies committee started an official inquiry into the 'un-american activity' of a people FBI arrested a week ago. Those arrested pledged not guilty, but there was enough evidence to land at least four life sentences. Presented with this evidence, some of them cracked. Among the most important of those were Victor Perlo and Whittaker Chambers. They were offered a deal by the Committee in exchange for the information on all the other members of the conspiracy they knew about. This marked the unravelling of the spy ring that operated within US government.

On this day, Perlos' testimony in front of the committee started. He first recounted how he became Soviet spy. Combined with the Krivitsky testimony, his account revealed methods Soviet intelligence services used to recruit their members. It also revealed that a substantial number of people from universities and from rich families found allure of Communism irresistable. Members of the committee listened to Victor without interrupting him for three hours.

January 17th, early morning, Rzeszcaw

Engineers of 44th Infantry divisions entered the huge PZL facility the previous day. They were sent here to 'salvage' valuable machine tools for airplane manufacturing. 'Salvage' was the newest euphemism for stuff being plundered and taken away to Germany. This mostly included industrial equipment, manufactured goods and anything else of value that could be taken away. On this occasion, engineers were joined by few Luftwaffe experts, there to determine what equipment was really worth transporting at all, as transport capacity was not unlimited. A military police company provided the security and held the perimeter secure from the crowd, a sight that became usual around Poland.

So far, they encountered no problems with Polish, despite angry looks and even loud protests. Captain of the engineers followed Luftwaffe men around the facility as they marked equipment to be dismantled by his men, noting carefully how to do it. He knew he could get in trouble if any part was defective or missing. Captain was promised some trucks, as the equipment was heavy and quiteimpossible to transfer to the rail head that was within the facility in any other way.

January 17th/18th, near Potsdam

Paul Hausser stood in a tent with his immediate staff. He received the report that area of the forest where terrorist group was located has been sealed off by his regiments. For past three hours they've drawn up a plan to assault and subdue the terrorist group. So far authorities failed to capture a single high ranking SS officer and not that many were left around at all. Diels was eager to capture one alive and present the full scale of SS plan to the public. In the past week, they received verification that 'Sepp' Dietrich was present at thi location. Aside from Heydrich, who was dead, he remained the sole senior officer of the SS involved in alleged coup attempt of November 19th.

Soldiers of 666th division (or as they reffered to themselves 'Papa's devils') were issued white uniforms and they were now visible only to those who knew where to look. His subordinates were already sending messages to the colonels commanding the regiments to prepare to commence 'Aktion Schwarzwald'. His reconnaisance teams have already reported that compound was observed and appeared quiet. They've noted patrols maintaining security perimeter, but very casually. Hausser ordered the assault be conducted silently and patrols be subdued with knives or silenced weapons.

Two hours later orders filtered out to the assault groups and action began. Amazingly, it all went according to plan. In less than 5 minutes perimeter security was taken out without a sound and the rest of the camp was fast asleep. Haussers soldiers moved in and quietly approached somewhat larger central tent, where they deduced 'Sepp' would take residence. Thirty minutes later, entire group was placed under control and bound by the troops. There were around 900 hundred of them around. 'Sepp' was captured alive and brought in front of General Hausser. He pleaded to be given a way out for the sake of old times. Hausser denied his plea and he was put into waiting van and driven off towards Potsdam Garrison. Rest of the SS were marched to the detainment camp improvised near the garrison. They would remain there for a month as people from Gestapo attempted to sift through those being seduced into the fight and true hardliners. Of course there were those who took position 'shoot them all and let God sort them out', but the moderate attitude prevailed simply because an unknown number of terrorists remained unaccounted for and Diels wanted to leave them a way out.

Dietrich was locked in the solitary cell and kept under constant surveillance 24 hours a day. Before this he was thoroughly examined by a medical officer and anything resembling pills and capsules removed from his body. Diels decided to leave absolutely nothing to chance and have him tried publicly and sentenced.

January 17th to 22nd

This week in Germany was marked with Goering speeches on the radio. He called on Germans to come to the voting boothes and voice their support for Germany as land of peace and prosperity by casting their vote for him in the referendum. Incessant broadcast pointing out achievements of Goering, linking him in most positive way with economic growth and restoration of German military might while also calling him Hitler's most trusted lieutenant produced result. Georing was seen everywhere, from aircraft factories, to covers of magazines.

Best effects by far were reaped when Goering was attributed with the peace treaty in a series of articles in Volkischer Beobachter. Germans were not enthusiastic about war once France and Britain joined Poland and declared war on Germany. Sudden deliverance from what most considered national disaster solidified support behind Goering's politics. For the past month and a half everyone anxiously followed the peace talks and hoped that war will end. Memories of the Great War were still fresh in the mind of many citizens of Germany and not one of them wanted it to repeat, so once peace treaty was signed, Germans breathed collective sigh of releaf.

The single blot on Goering was the terrorist activity. Despite not being officialy reported at all, rumors circulated that members of SS perpetrated campaign of murder and bombing throughout the Reich. While the terrorism was not blamed on government, lack of effective response and failure to prevent the incident in Munich was widely attributed to the government. Now that the word of capture of the most prominent remaining rebel filtered out, people were overjoyed and spontaneously celebrated the fact.

In London Parliament discussed the question of India and considered to form a commission to assert the facts on the ground. The debate was heated and many prominent names were put forward, amongst which Roger Lumley and sir William Ormsby-Gore Baron Harlech came out on top. In the end it was decided Lumley will be the head of the mission, while Ormsby-Gore and two more members - sir Patrick Spens and sir Edward Grigg will join. Labour demanded they have a representative and sir Stafford Cripps was added to the mission. The first task of 'Gore mission' as became known was to ascertain the demands and expectations of the Indian Congress.

January 23rd, Paris, Polish Embassy

German evacuation of Poland has almost finished. During the previous weeks 1.5 million Polish people were evacuated from Pomerania to Poland and around 500.000 Germans from Poland to Pomerania and East Prussia. The process inevitably caused friction among German forces and Polish civilians many of whom objected being evicted from their houses. Under strict orders, German troops tried to avoid using force but it was inevitable that many a conflict ended with head bashing and many German soldiers from areas bordering with Poland despised Polish. After one incident that happened in the first week, where group of soldiers from Breslau savagely beaten Polish man in Torun, Blaskowitz decided to request the troops from border areas be evacuated and only those troops that could maintain discipline and control remain to control and manage the transition. After that the only incident worth mentioning happened in Rzeszów, when workers of PZL attempted to block passage of the train. German military police cordoned them off, while several workers were apprehended and taken to German garrison.

Meanwhile, railway traffic was unable to cope with demands of both German military and Polish civilians and since railway stock was under German control, trains were prioritized for German armed forces needs. Around half a million Poles were evacuated by the same trains sent to retrieve German civilians from areas returned to Poland, mainly Posen and by empty trains going further to Eastern Poland to transport German troops and industrial equipment. German authorities promised that houses will be considered private property and that Polish families will be able to sell them. Yet few of Polish civilians believed that they would get anything near the fair price for their property.

During entire January, in extreme cold, slightly under a million of Polish civilians took to the roads, clogging every major road to Posen and Warsaw. Few had cars or managed to secure a truck to carry their belongings, while majority had only oxen carts or sleds. Those that had no other means but their own foot were forced to stay until spring, when the weather would allow them to relocate into their homeland. Despite promises of Germans that those who elect to stay will be given fair treatment and full protection under the law, virtually no Polish wanted to stay. They knew all to well how the Germans behaved during their brief but cruel occupation of Poland and had little reason to trust the promises.

Barely a week was left until deadline for evacuation expired and only a skeleton of German security staff was left and they faced huge problems of maintaning order. Much of Polish military and heavy industry was evacuated along with German army. However, much was also left because it was impossible to remove things like steel mills and other truly heavy industrial facilities in time. Germans figured they could justify this plunder through reparations for occupation forces and costs of maintaining law and order during four months of occupation.

What was left now was to reestablish Polish government in the territory of Poland. To this end German ambassador to France, von Welzceck, scheduled the meeting with Mr. Zaleski and Raczynski, the prime minister and foreign minister of the Polish government. Although he arrived fifteen minutes ahead of schedule, he was left waiting in the hall in front of the office for 25 minutes. No doubt in a gesture of despise. The meeting itself lasted for one hour and two men agreed on the basic principles. German ambassador announced that Germany was willing to extend right of free rail passage to all members of the Polish government and armed forces, but that military equipment and other bulk cargo will only be transported by sea to Gdinya and delivered to Poland after a thorough check up by the Germans in Danzig. Besides, an air corridor from France to Poland will be open for Polish transport aircraft carrying members of government, documents and their personal luggage, with the required stop at Berlin airport for checking if there was any contraband.

After listening to Welzceck's proposal Raczynski immediately objected to the provision of controlling what amounted to diplomatic pouch and refused to accept the condition of landing airplanes in Berlin for a check. Zaleski notified the ambassador that the Polish government possessed information that Poland was systematically stripped off her industrial facilities. German had strict orders not to discuss this topic and he called the reports exaggerated. Welzceck pointed out that the occupation of Poland and relocation of civilians has incurred significant costs for Germany, hinting that the German government will present the full bill once Poland reestablishes government and rule of law. Zaleski announced Poland will request the whole affair to be examined by International court.

German ambassador acknowledged that and said he will report Polish complaint to his superiors. Discussion continued to issue of coordination of transition and they reached an agreement to schedule the official ceremony on January 27th. At that day German flag will be hoisted off the Polish parliament building and Polish flag raising. During the next week Polish forces will take over more and more country from the Germans until four days later, Germans completely retreat all the forces from the Polish territory.

Once the meeting was over, Zaleski and Raczynki entered the office of the President of Poland to recount the discussion he just had with a German ambassador. Rackiewicz immediately invited the rest of the government. Everyone listened to two men as they retold the substance of the meeting.

Sikorski immediately said he was not going to accept German conditions on transit and that he will seek alternative means of transport. Having anticipated this turn of events he already contacted Romanian, Greek and Yugoslav embassy and asked to be allowed to fly over the long route and arranged with French Air force to borrow him one Caudron c.445 for the flight. He intended to fly from France across the Mediterranean sea to Greece, then over Yugoslavia and Romania to Poland and thus avoid transiting over or on German soil in any way possible and invited anyone who wanted to join him, instead of humiliating themselves.

January 24th

In Yan'an the first Russian tanks arrive. 20 T-26 were delivered with two Soviet crews to facilitate training of Communist Chinese troops. Tanks were just the first part of 200 tanks Soviets promised to deliver. Many Chinese soldiers never approached this close to the tank and they looked on in amazement as the Soviet crew started one of them and drove it around to demonstrate the machine capabilities. To the amusement of Soviets present, quite a few Chinese threw themselves to the ground when 40mm cannon barked and spat out a shell that landed on the hillside 500 meters away, while Chinese officers cringed at the unwelcome reaction of their troops.

Chuikov wondered how long will it take to whip those peasants into an effective armored unit. His initial optimistic assessment was six months to create two brigades equipped with 100 tanks each. After having witnessed the demonstration he revised his estimate to a year and a half. It would certainly take much longer to make them truly trained to the standards of modern tank divisions. However, even half trained they would be good enough to use against Japanese or Nationalist Chinese who sported much more rudimental armor units, easily outclassed by the Soviets. Until then, Communists will have to lay low and gather strength to tackle both Japanese and Nationalist once they exhausted each other. Only occasionally they would exercise nimble actions and attempt to enlarge their sphere. Chuikov now realized he was going to stay here for a duration. But he wouldn't complain. Only once in a lifetime man could witness the birth of a nation and he was glad he had this opportunity to witness it.

Meanwhile, in London

The interrogation already lasted for two days and MI-5 eagerly listened to the defector. MI-5 learned many interesting things about Soviet intelligence services, but the last part of debriefing turned out really useful information. MI-5 revealed that Britain was infiltrated by several Soviet spies some of whom were highly positioned in diplomatic circles. Walter was not able to give identifications by name on any of them, but he pointed out that one of them worked as a journalist for The Times. When MI-5 agents pointed out there were hundreds of journalists working for the newspaper, Krivitsky specified that this particular one also reported from Spain, during the Civil War. The decision was made to start an inquiry immediately and uncover the Soviet spies as it appeared that the next threat to Britain will come from this quarter. Many intelligence reports received over the past few months indicated that the Soviets were preparing aggressive moves that might lead to increased tensions between the United Kingdom and Soviet Union.

January/February

Poland:

On January 27th Warsaw celebrated the liberation of the city. Members of the Polish government, who arrived early that day by train, formally took over the authority of the city from the German commandant of the city and Governor General Hans Frank. The moment was very emotional for the citizens of Warsaw as ZWZ members marched by in a parade.

The happiness of the moment was darkened for Rackiewicz and Zaleski by the news that contact with Sikorski's airplane has been lost somewhere over Romania. There was still hope that they've managed emergency landing, but the fact that there were no signals from the airplane whatsoever left little to hope for. Two of the members of the government, Raczynski and Strasburger were lost, along with Sikorski. Besides, almost immediately German atrocities committed during occupation became obvious. Though the full scale of crimes could not be determined yet, it was reported that thousands, perhaps tens of thousands of people were killed in an orchestrated campaign of violence both in annexed parts of Poland and in so called General Government. The Polish government made the decision to catalogue the crimes and present them to Germany with demand to hand over the culprits. However, this question would have to be tackled later. This came as an unwelcome blow to the Polish and some arrangement will be made. But for the time being most pressing business was to establish control over the entire territory.

As the Germans retreated members of ZWZ emerged and took over the task of keeping the order. Though lightly armed, they made up for this by the enthusiasm and commitment. ZWZ numbered around 70.000 members and were starting to be augmented by 85.000 Polish troops arriving over Germany in trains and by ships to Gdinya. On February 1st entire territory of Poland was free of German troops and the government started taking stock of the situation. This activity continued well into March, but preliminary report made by ZWZ intelligence indicated that Polands economy has been wrecked almost to the point of non-existence. What facilities remained, were devoid of any raw materials and transport means, beyond a very few vehicles requiring minimal repairs. The government immediately started making calls to citizens to contribute whatever they could in terms of materials or valuables in order to facilitate the recovery. Citizens were promised reimbursements as soon as possible either in the form of bonds to be issued later or promissory notes or by issue of stocks in companies held in state ownership. The response was immediate and overwhelming. People flooded municipality buildings and brought everything from scrap iron to golden jewelry and coins they managed to conceal throughout the occupation. Many turned up with foreign currency that could be used to obtain foreign goods.

Second step the government of Poland took was to establish Foreign ministry in full capacity and initiate contact with the Soviet Union. Contact with Soviet Union was of paramount importance for a few reasons. First one was that the Soviet Union was on the borders of Poland. Secondly, they occupied large swaths of Polish territory where a number of Polish citizens lived. And third and most important reason was that within the first few days of liberation, reports emerged that 10s of thousands of Polish soldiers were held in captivity by the Soviets. Zaleski wanted the return of those people immediately, fearing that some of them might be turned communists and used by Soviets to challenge the government and the attempt communist takeover. Zaleski also wanted to have general elections as soon as possible, but it was deemed impractical until at least basic government structure was established. It seemed the job would be much easier than anticipated as Polish people retained shadow structure within ZWZ that could readily be adopted to form civilian administration.

Germany

German referendum was held as scheduled on January 28th. Turn out was almost 90% and lines in front of major voting stations were presented to foreign press representatives as evidence of freedom of the German people by Funk and his ministry. People actually turned up without being forced, although the atmosphere created before the referendum suggested it was the patriotic duty of all citizens to cast their vote. Referendum question was 'Do you approve President Hermann Goering to carry on his duty until the end of his natural life?'. The answer to the question was expected within fifteen days as the votes were counted and summed up.

In the intervening time Goering came to the conclusion that in the view of the current international situation the proposal to form a special unit, that could be deployed abroad as either 'volunteers' or mercenaries, would be highly useful. Due to the fact that Germany could in no way be implicated in any conflict abroad, those troops could never be associated with official Germany, and yet prop up German interests. An ideal solution presented itself in the form of troops captured by general Hausser. They were given a 'choice' to either be formally declared dead and under assumed identities become members of the German special legion or be dead for real after being found guilty of high treason and undermining the state.

Unsurprisingly everyone chooses the former option and the ranks of this unit that was not listed within any official register or TO&E swelled to around 1.500 as the group formerly headed by Reinhard Haydrich surrendered and made the same choice as their comrades. Appointed to head the unit was one Otto Skorzeny. Formerly a member of Leibstandarte Adolf Hitler, Skorzeny disappeared when the unit was disbanded and integrated into Abwehr. His superiors considered him an officer material, according to the file recovered in SS headquarters. Also Dietrich diary credited Skorzeny as the one who managed to slip his unit through the German border and besides, he was the single man with any officer qualities and real military experience left in the unit.

London

After Chamberlain asked the King to dissolve the Parliament, the British made preparations for elections. Elections were scheduled for March 14th, and MP's started conducting their electoral campaigns. Despite many of the misgivings he felt toward the conservative mainstream, Churchill decided to remain loyal to the party so he asked for, and received, the authorization to represent the Conservatives for Epping again. He tried to win over votes reiterating his previous rhetoric, criticizing the government and demanding firm opposition to German and Soviet foreign policy.

Chamberlain used every opportunity to point out the success of government foreign policy in securing peace and European stability. He swore that this policy will continue if he and the Conservative party was given confidence of voters. The majority of conservatives lent their leader the support, while thirty or forty members echoed Churchills', Edens' and Coopers' attitude. The situation in Europe, appeared of secondary importance. It appeared that the main issue in the elections would be status of India and everyone geared to this. Conservatives mainly saw India being slowly phased into dominion status.

Labor party promised two things - standing firmly against Germany and other totalitarian countries and liberalization of the Empire which was a net drain on British resources. Atlee envisioned a new Commonwealth of Nations consisting of independent countries under British leadership with the common market and free trade. Liberal party was very weak and many of their policies coincided with the views of Churchill's group. British people deeply respected Prime Minister, who showed willingness to stand up to foreign threats and for now it appeared that elections will once more go to the conservatives, unless something changed.

MI-5 was deeply worried by indications that Soviet spies were established in high ranking positions within the government. They conducted an in-depth investigation over several weeks, sifting through journalists that worked for 'The Times'. Eventually they deduced only Kim Philby could be the journalist Krivitsky referred to. However, Krivitsky said there were several more spies working with Philby so MI-5 couldn't act immediately. The decision was made to start following Philby in order to determine who might the other suspects be. Another cause for alarm was the fact that the United States were also thoroughly infiltrated by communist spies as an ongoing investigation by the FBI showed. Case officers of MI-5 directly involved could only come up with one explanation for this - Soviet Union had far-reaching long term plans for conflict with the West. K agreed with them and ordered report made to the Secret Service Committee and asked for permission to place the single suspect under surveillance as well as widen the investigation on any other suspect that might be uncovered.

France

Meanwhile in France the electoral campaign for Parliamentary elections in May started. The Daladier's party claimed credit for peace treaties and sought another mandate promising economic recovery and security of France and her territory and worldwide possessions. As the threat of war decreased, Daladier reaffirmed Matignon Accords and returned 40 hour work week strengthening the coalition of the Radical Party and Blum's SIOF. Now, the only opposition to the ruling coalition Popular front came from Reynaud's Democratic Republicans joined by various central and central right parties and opponents of peace treaty. They demanded full scale rearmament and standing up against Germany, with more radical ones even calling for war as soon as the French army was ready.

Illegal communist party, whose leadership was either arrested or under constant surveillance, did not attempt to mount political campaign, instead choosing to bid their time and wait. The party lost many members since it was proscribed socialist party and part of the coalition had its traditional supporters among the workers.

No party made headway into others electorate, but there were still many months until elections and the unstable international situation made everything very uncertain. The prospect of victory of a united coalition of socialists and Daladier - Popular front was real and every poll showed their victory should elections be held at that moment.

China

In China, the Japanese entered the final stage of preparations for their offensive. Japanese generals laid great hopes in this offensive, some of them even referring to it as 'The Final offensive'. Japanese Army resorted to almost desperate measures in order to bring the troops to the strength Yamashita deemed necessary for offensive. Finally, they even decided to bring over Imperial Guard division from Japan. Its three regiments were formed into mixed brigades and made into separate independent units. It was hoped this elite unit could be used in breakthroughs. Chinese were still attacking along the front, but only limited retreats resulted from their attacks and frequently Japanese counter-attacks restored the situation. Situation around Wuhan improved and lines stabilized as Chinese armies exhausted themselves.

At home, Japanese government received German offer of mediation and accepted it, though with severe protests by the army. Army generals requested they conduct the offensive scheduled to start by March, before entering into any negotiations or Hata will submit his resignation. Yonai, Yamamoto and other Naval officers were deeply skeptical of Army's course, but in fear for their very lives, stopped short of open confrontation to the army. Yonai, however expressed his own doubts at the Imperial conference, arguing in favor of accepting peace. Eventually, they decided to pursue both courses simoultaneously in hopes that one or the other will bear fruit. Hata promised that the upcoming offensive will facilitate peace talks by convincing the Chinese to accept Japanese peace terms. When asked what these terms were, he off-handedly replied "Submitting to our leadership in the Far East!". As a concession to the Navy, Hata accepted the deadline of one month for offensive to bring the decision about, or otherwise negotiation will be started immediately.

First half of March

By the end of February, Japanese government officialy informed German ambassador Eugen Ott that they are willing to start negotiations with Chinese with aim of concluding lasting peace between the two countries. Nomura stated that Japanese Imperial government demanded Chinese government accept Japanese occupation of Shanghai, Canton, Hainan and the area around Beijing, as well as recognition of Manchuria. Japanese also demanded Nationalist Chinese denounce their united front with the communists and agree to join Anti-Comintern pact. The minimum condition for negotiation to begin was that the Chinese unambiguously demonstrate the willingness to discuss these terms. Nomura confidentially said to the ambassador that what he needed from Chinese is something he could present to the military in order to appease generals. Should Chinese refuse to even consider those terms, Nomura could not guarantee that future government of Japan would even attempt to negotiate anything.

Nomura deliberately omitted to mention the upcoming Japanese military operation and only vaguely mentioned that cease fire can only be talked about after real negotiations begin. German ambassador promised to deliver this message to the Chinese government. After arriving to the German embassy he drafted a telegram to be sent to German embassy in China. Richard Sorge read the telegram while it was laying around the ambassadors' desk and he commited the content to the memory. This surely will be interesting to the Centre.

At dawn, March 3rd Yamashita sent "Execute Ichi-Go!" to the commanders of his two field armies. As sun rose up, Japanese tanks of the two armored regiments that formed 1st Tank Brigade surged out of their carefully camouflaged shelters and rushed forward. They were followed by the infantry of the 4th Infantry division. Japanese deliberately witheld artillery preparation in order to surprise Chinese. They had one more surprise in store. Druing the previous night, a regiment of 1st Infantry division infiltrated the Chinese lines unobserved and slipped into wooded area behind the front. Just as main Japanese forces were about to approach Chinese lines they heard shouts 'BANZAI' as soldiers of the 1st Regiment emerged from the woods.

During the week preceding the offensive, Japanese forces demonstrated around Wuhan while Yamashita and Nishio arranged for a careful disinformation campaign that lead Chinese to believe that Japanese counteroffensive on badly exhausted Chinese units deployed on this front was imminent. Japanese strike, thus, hit the thin line of Chinese troops. The line was obliterated instantly in furious charge by tanks which surprised Chinese units and gap, 10 miles wide was opened. Caught between the hammer and anvil, Chinese surrendered in droves and were marched by Kempeitai to the rear of advancing Japanese troops. Japanese troops of 4th and 1st divisons advanced. Immediately following or preparing to follow were troops of four more divisions and three mixed brigades of Imerial Guard division. Overhead, four squadrons of Ki-21 bombers streamed towards their target, escorted by a squadron of Ki-27 fighters. Their task was to bomb railyard at Nanyang and impede the flow of Chinese reinforcements to the north by Pinghan railway. In the first day, Japanese advanced over 15 miles of relatively open terrain, following the railroad.

It took two days for information of the Japanese offensive to reach Chinese capital. The news threw Chiang into fury. Just a day earlier Germans delivered him the Japanese peace offer, which he accepted to read and consider. His first reaction was to scream on He Yingqin, blaming him for bad dispositions of Chinese forces. Next he called Dai-Li and screamed on him too for letting Japanese fool them like that. Having calmed down a bit, he told Dai-Li to contact Germans to see if they can get Japanese to stop their offensive and to find out how long would it take for Germans to start delivering weapons to China. Chiang ordered the troops be immediately made available and transferred to the northern front and new troops raised and equipped.

By this point Japanese inflicted 33.000 losses (11.700 killed) on Chinese, capturing 15.000 men, while suffering less than 5.000 casualties themselves. This included loss of only 10 tanks, five of which were damaged. Most of the losses occured in the first few days. During the following week, Japanese advanced, facing token Chinese resistance, and reached the outskirts of city of Pingdingshan. Chinese struggled to re-establish the line of defense, but having been caught by surprise, those attempts failed. In the air battles, Japanese lost 4 bombers and 2 fighters in this week, while inflicting 12 losses to the Chinese.

At the same time it became obvious that Japanese would require more manpower and two more divisions, necessarry to establish the control over captured territory and secure the flow of supplies. Until those troops were made available, Japanese had to stop the offensive. Chiang issued an order to start retreating from the area that Japanese offensive threatened to cut off, but the commander of Chinese forces did not obey it. If he retreated, he would lose the territory he commanded so the Chinese troops under his command remained in exposed position.

As the news of the offensive filtered out, world reacted with shock. United States at once called on UK, France and the Netherlands to join in on the condemnation of Japanese actions. Reaction of Germans was bewilderment, as they were the ones who, only two weeks ago, made pressure on both sides to come to terms. German ambassador contacted Nomura, expressing German government regret that Japanese should choose to go to the offensive at this moment. Nomura responded that Chinese must accept Japanese terms or face further offensives. Hata informed the government that offensive was proceeding as planned, but that pause will have to be made to regroup and establish rear security. Nomura decided to present the pause as the Japanese giving Chinese chance to reconsider and German ambassador reported this to German ambassador in China with instruction to inform Chinese of this.

Three weeks after the offensive started, President Roosevelt publicly called on Japan to halt military activities in China, or face sanctions. Having consulted Congress, President was authorized to threaten a complete ban on exports of military and dual purpose goods to Japan by all American companies or their subsidiaries and a new line of credit was authorised for the Chinese government. United Kingdom and France decided to join in American threat and immediately prepared to dispatch two carriers, one British battleship, one battlecruiser and two French battleships to French Indochina, the formidable fleet bolstered by flottila of destroyers and four cruisers. United States decided to deploy their fleet to Pearl Harbor, while American companies were informed that commerce with Japan might soon become subject to strict government control. The fact that all of those steps were agreed through direct contacts between leaders instead through the framework of League of Nations rang the death bell to the organization.
 
March, Germany

As March came, Goerings position was secured as the results of referendum shown that he enjoyed the support of 94,6% of the German population. Quite unsurprisingly, German citizens bordering Poland and those from Poland itself voted against Goering. Once the results were publicized, Goering proclaimed himself as lifelong President of German Reich in a Sportpalast ceremony, where over 10.000 people gathered and at least twice as many were left standing outside. Next day a grand parade of German armed forces followed, where tanks of 1st Panzer division drove by Brandenburg gate, as exhilarated crowds cheered them on.

Goering invited Neurath, Roeder, Brauchitsch and Falkenhausen to discuss the situation in China and the consequences arising from Japanese actions. Neurath opened the meeting with an outline of actions of USA, UK, France and Dutch, who initiated activities that might result with military confrontation between them and Japan. United States threatened to impose crippling sanctions on Japan and other powers pronounced their willingness to support them. Roeder reported that, already, naval forces deployed to Pacific by them were equal to entire Japanese Navy battle line and Japan was in danger of being cut off.

Neurath also read the report of German embassy in China providing a detailed account of Japanese offensive and the message from Chinese indicating their willingness to negotiate a peace deal once cease fire is established.

Falkenhausen gave an account of Chinese combat ability and finished with his belief that given proper training and equipment, China could defeat Japan. He also added, that in his opinion, Japan could never truly defeat China. He volunteered to go back to China if it was desired. They all quickly agreed that China offered much more to Germany than Japan ever could, unless they managed to effectively occupy and subject China. This prospect appeared very remote, if not impossible. General observed that it was not military or soldiers themselves that crippled the Chinese war effort, but rather fragmentation of the state and widespread corruption and distrust among the leaders.

Neurath then stated that if German cooperation with Japan continued, it could result in diplomatic confrontation with other powers which Germany could ill afford now. Goering, however, dismissed the possibility of a sudden and total public turnaround of diplomatic relations. Other German friends and potential allies would find German ability to cast away an ally so abruptly very disquieting.

Goering decided that once more, they will appeal to Japan to stop and negotiate a peace treaty. In the meantime he ordered Brauchitsch to prepare military aid for China and come up with a list of weapons that could be provided to the Chinese. Goering commented that Chinese political failing must be addressed as well. Here, Dai-Li, Chinese counterpart to Canaris, could play a major part. This plan, however could only be considered in the long term, while what was important now was to deter the Japanese from further attacking China and establishing friendly relations with Chinese. It was clear that Japan could not defeat Chinese, but any further weakening of Nationalists could lead to strengthening the Communists, and such an outcome, of course, was absolutely against German interests.

Meanwhile, United States, Washington

In the past month the House Committee on Un-American Activity has held hearings of the suspects FBI apprehended. Communist conspiracy was starting to look very real and widespread. Senator Dies was convinced that they stumbled upon the tip of the iceberg. He, along with other members of the committee, demanded further inquiries into anyone suspected of communist affiliation or links with the known communist agents, either personal or professional. The movement quickly gathered steam when he presented the report of the investigation to the House. The FBI and Hoover received authorization to conduct investigation and collect evidence which would be submitted to the Committee. Based on those evidences, the Committee would then decide whether to subpoena each individual and accuse them of conspiracy.

Roosevelt managed to secure the relatively harsh steps toward Japan, but only barely and with significant amounts of his political capital spent. The espionage scandal that emerged further damaged the administration and especially State Department. It even threatened to become a national witch hunt, but there was very little he could do about it right now. As Presidential primaries approached, Roosevelt was considering if he would attempt for a third term. Looking back he could be satisfied with his legacy. New Deal would be the beacon for generations to come and his foreign policy disengaged United States from Latin America. With peace breaking out in Europe, maybe it was time to step down and allow for somebody new to carry on. During the last two years of his term, he faced increasing opposition from the Congress and barely managed to get two laws to pass. If he couldn't shape domestic policy and if his hands were tied in foreign policy, then what good it was to remain a president, anyway?

United Kingdom

On March 14th British people went to the election. Conservatives recovered half of the seats they lost in previous elections, gaining 418 representatives. Most of the difference came from voters for the Labor party, which lost over 30 seats, with 121 representatives elected. The rest of conservative votes came on account of the Liberal and National Liberal parties who were marginalized further. People clearly voiced their support to peace and non-confrontation. Chamberlain, who was widely viewed as the wise statesman who understood the European situation properly and has seen the country through the challenge of total war without taking the faithful leap reached the peak of his popularity. After all the votes were counted, fifteen days later, Chamberlain was once more given the mandate to form a new government.

Yugoslavia

During March a dozen incidents sparked in Southern Croatia and Herzegovina as small groups of attackers strike on military and police forces. Attacks mostly happened in small towns and villages and attackers disappear by the time more substantial forces arrive to the scene. Preliminary investigation points to the Ustashe movement and immediately police presence throughout Croatia is increased. Police quickly determined that attackers found shelter within the local population. The attempt to weed them out resulted in few incidents which got widely publicized and drew the anger of the local population. However, two weeks after the first incident police appeared to have the situation under control, although a few officials were worried by this abrupt cessation of attacks.

March 17th, Berlin, Foreign Ministry

Neurath, who was by now officially confirmed Foreign Minister, received Saburo Kurusu, Japanese ambassador. The meeting was organized on Japanese demand and Neurath welcomed the opportunity to warn the Japanese not to abuse German mediation in the same way as they have already done once. He assumed Japanese wanted to ask Germany to provide 'good offices' in coming to terms with Chinese after what appeared to be an ignominious overstretch. After the meeting opened by usual courteous phrases, it turned all the wrong way. Japanese ambassador inquired if Germany would still extend support to Japan in an attempt to defy sanctions threatened by the Western Powers. Saburo mentioned the threat of sanctions by the US and others and he emphasized the danger posed by communists in China, which forced Japan to commit forces to China, to keep it from being overrun by Communists. The Japanese government was worried since Germany has entered the pact with USSR it allowed the Soviets to concentrate on the East, without having to worry about Germany.

Appalled by Saburo's 15 minute monologue, Neurath responded that the sole interest of Germany is the stability and peace in Europe and to ensure that no new war endangers Germany. If Germany supported Japan still engaged in conflict against Chinese, she could only do that on expense of relations with France, Britain and ultimately America. Germany could never afford to alienate Western powers while bordering with the Soviet Union. Saburo insisted that the Japanese are also interested in ending hostilities in China and have no interest in making war against the entire world. However, if Chinese accepted minimum of Japanese demands, peace would be at hand.

Neurath expressed his doubts Chinese would be willing to accept the outrageous demands of Japanese. He stated this was the last chance Japanese will have to negotiate the peace and that they should seize it. The failure to do so might have grave consequences, not only in terms of Sino-Japanese relations, but Germany will be forced to reconsider her own relations with Japan in view of their intransigence. Neurath added he cannot rule out the complete change of German policy in regards to Japan and China. A heated discussion ensued, as Saburo accused Germany of the leading Japan on and abandoning her at the moment of dire national emergency. Neurath retorted angrily mentioning Nanking and Japanese troops attacking Germans in China. Japanese ambassador embarked on another monologue, obviously prepared beforehand. He poured reasons why the Chinese were not able to govern themselves, how they were corrupted, disunited, communist and uncivilized. Japanese, Saburo said, only wanted to shape them into image of Japan which has proven successful and lead them just as Germany would lead Central Europe.

Losing all patience, Neurath asked the ambassador if this policy includes exterminating Chinese in order to save them. Chinese and Japanese will come to peace and it will be a just peace. Germany had no intention of entering the war for the sake of an ally embarked on a lost cause and as long as there were alternatives. Saburo said Japan will be a firm obstacle to communist expansion in Asia. Neurath then asked Saburo how Japan expected to achieve this while entangled in China. Saburo, caught off guard by the question, could only offer an answer 'After they solve China incident.' Neurath politely stated the 'incident' already was in its fourth year and ruefully suggested they come up with a more fitting description for it. He also mentioned that most military experts in Germany regarded the China situation quite beyond the hope of quick resolution or any sort of resolution at all. Eventually Neurath flat out rejected to commit Germany to support Japan in any way, but to cessation of all hostilities, pending peace terms negotiation. Furthermore, the Japanese need to respond to this in a week. Should Japan choose any other course of action, Germany would no longer be her ally. Saburo indignantly declared that Japan will remember the German betrayal and that Germans will still have time to grieve over the loss of the ally. The German foreign minister just reminded the Japanese ambassador that this was the last time Japan played Germany for fools and that Germany will not take this abuse. He added that there are certain bills that were unsolved from 25 years ago and that Germany might someday attempt to solve them.

While his outside appearance carried over pride and arrogance, Japanese ambassador was overcome with doubts within the confines of his mind. The instructions that came from Japan where clearly conflicting and the dichotomy between the civilian government and military leadership was showing. He tried to warn his boss that this approach might backfire, but without success. His briefing on the situation in Germany he sent towards the end of the year hinted of possible turnaround in policy, but it failed to convince the generals in Japan of the need to revise policy in China. His instructions in case Germans refused to support Japan lead to the virtual severing of relations between two countries. Now his country has lost her most potent ally and he needed to report this to Tokyo as fast as it could be written and delivered. Maybe those hotheads in the military will sober up with this. There was some slim hope of this, though Saburo would not hold his breath.

Neurath was dumbfounded by the Japanese ambassador. Saburo was considered a member of a moderate faction in Japan and his attitude was unexpected. When he met with Goering that afternoon he recounted the entire meeting. Goering went wild and immediately sent orders to Brauchitsch to prepare a shipment of tanks and other weapons to be sent to China and Milch to equip a squadron of He-112, He-111 and Hs-123 each and prepare to send them to China. He further instructed Neurath to arrange with the Soviets transfer of those to the Chinese and to contact US ambassador and see if the Germans could join the obviously imminent blockade. To Kriegsmarine he ordered to prepare to dispatch one panzershiffe to join the Anglo-French formation, preparing in Spithead, within 2 hours of being ordered.

Goering was driven to those steps by the report he received from Todt. His ministry has prepared a full study of resources Germany could get from China, as well as the cooperation German companies established within China. Canaris has also established close contact with Chinese intelligence service and Goering judged that in the medium term, cooperation with China will bring enormous benefits. He also decided to snatch a chance to improve relations with the United States which had, what appeared by all accounts, an emotional response to Chinese pleads for help. Goering was far too clever to assign American to emotional motive alone. Obviously, Americans were attempting to play the same game as Germany in China. Whatever the case may be, the chance of improving relations with the West radically was too good to miss.

The news that came in the morning of 18th resulted in Goering calling British and American ambassador personally. To Kirk, the American ambassador, he declared German intent to join sanctions on Japan. British ambassador received inquiry if Kriegsmarine could take part in the Anglo-French naval task force being prepared. Stunned, both ambassadors requested time to consult with their respective governments. British ambassador replied within a few hours with news that His Majesty's government welcomed German participation in the task force. American answer took a little longer, but ambassador Kirk was able to deliver an American enthusiastic acceptance later in the day. As a result KMS Admiral Graf Spee, fresh from an overhaul of the engines, was immediately ordered to set sail for Southampton and join the British task force there.

China

The news causing this frantic activity was the renewal of the Japanese offensive in China. Despite being better prepared than a fortnight earlier, the Chinese were again pushed back and within two days of fierce fighting, their lines fractured. The combination of Japanese tanks and air force broke the line courageous Chinese soldiers attempted to hold and started advancing towards their final objective - linking up with Japanese forces around Wuhan, still some 300 kilometers away. Losses this time were less one sided and not that many Chinese were taken prisoner, but Chinese armies still suffered 10.000 casualties, while inflicting 6.000 on Japanese. The Japanese lost 12 tanks and 6 airplanes, shooting down 10 Chinese fighters and two He-111 Chinese attempted to use in support of their troops. Meanwhile, Chinese government publishes the footage of the Japanese raid on the city of Nanyang, causing an additional uproar by the international community, especially in the USA.

That morning a formidable armada, including two British battleships of Nelson class, two French Dunkerque class, British aircraft carrier Ark Royal, three British and three French cruisers, four British light cruisers, Dutch De Ruyter light cruiser and finally German Panzerschiffe Admiral Graf Spee, weighed anchor and set sail for the Far East. The fleet was escorted by a flotilla of British destroyers and assorted support vessels.

Japan

As Japanese offensive continued, Ambassador Grew asked for an appointment with the Japanese foreign minister. He delivered a message from the American President to the government of Japan, announcing that United States demand of Japan to cease all military activity in China, suspend the military aggression on the country and within three days pledge to commence negotiation with Chinese at Manila. The negotiation would start on April 15th and aim to end Second Sino-Japanese war. Should Japanese decline to negotiate, the United States would impose sanctions on the Empire of Japan, starting with a total ban on export of iron ore, scrap and steel to Japan. Should Japanese persist in their defiance, sanctions will be imposed on other industrial goods and raw materials and, finally, Japanese assets in the United States will be frozen. The sanction will be maintained until Japan shows goodwill and negotiations produce credible results. Once they do sanctions will be relaxed, but, remarked ambassador, Japan will no longer be allowed to embark on aggressive actions unchecked. On the same day, ambassadors from UK, France and The Netherlands visited the Foreign ministry, delivering much the same message.

Japanese foreign minister sat in his chair after his visitors left, wondering how is he going to report all this to the Prime minister. Then, his aide came to his office, carrying another report. After reading it, Nomura paled - it seemed Japan was virtually being abandoned by all. Having no idea what to do now, he decided to discuss this first with Yonai, Minister of the Navy. Perhaps Navy could finally bring some sense and overturn the domination of the Army which lead Japan towards the abyss. He knew Japan could never win against the coalition of all western powers that seemed to be forming.

Moscow

In the meantime, Stalin and Molotov carefully observed events unfolding over the previous month. Soviet Union had no further interest in a calming situation down in China. They were perfectly happy to have Japanese and Nationalists fight to exhaustion after which the time will come for Mao and his forces to assert communist rule over China. It seemed Germans wanted to pick up where the Soviets have left in China, so Nationalist will not be short of support. Stalin judged they could never achieve long term stability and overcome the fragmentation and corruption within their midst, so he was willing to allow Germans to sink some equipment and resources in that sinkhole. After all, if they started being successful, the life line could always be cut.

What upset Soviet was apparent attempt by Germans to improve their relations with Western powers. From this loomed Soviet nightmare - grand coalition of Capitalist Powers that would strangle Workers Paradise. Stalin decided to use the moment when virtually everyone's attention was focused on Far East to continue strengthening the western borders. Molotov and Stalin decided to issue an ultimatum to Romania on the first day of April. They would leave them three weeks to comply, after which Semyon Budyonny will lead the Southern front into attack.

Berlin, March 23rd

Johann Georg Elser blinked as he stepped out of the gate of the Gestapo prison compound. In the last few months he was largely left in peace and forgotten. He fully expected to be shot during the first two weeks of his 'stay' in Gestapo's prison. However he was not and he never figured why. Then, in the following week he was taken to questioning, but the attitude of his interlocutors changed. He couldn't help but notice that they considered him some kind of nutjob and one of them even referred to him as unfortunate man. Around New Year even this stopped. He remained in his cell, he was given food, but aside from that, there was no indication anyone in the building knew of his existence or cared about him. Then, this morning, the guard opened his cell and said "Prisoner, get out!". Slowly, Elser got up and, shivering, got out of his cell. He expected that this will be an end to his life. To his surprise he was taken up to the ground floor and given clothes. Still believing this is some weird torture method, he followed the Gestapo officer in the dressing room. In the room there were a few dozen other people at various stages of getting dressed.

A few minutes later, another Gestapo officer entered the room. He quickly asked the first one "Are they all here?". After hearing sharp "Yes, sir!" the man proceeded to read an announcement that everyone for whom no reason for the arrest was given in documentation, will be released according to the President's decision to give amnesty to such prisoners. Elser was putting on the shirt he was given, and thought 'Why this cruelty? They could have killed us without leading us on.', still not believing in what was happening. Then the door opened and they led to the lobby. The guards leading them said "Get lost now. If you get arrested again, you will not be so lucky." after opening the door. The group of people quickly dispersed, half expecting to hear shouts of "Halt!" and whistles. But nothing happened. Elser simply could not believe his fortune. Now, he only needed to find a way to get out of Germany.

Bucharest, Romania, April 1st

While the attention of the whole world was focused on China, the government of Romania received an ultimatum from Moscow. The ultimatum was delivered to the Romanian embassy in Moscow and reached Bucharest an hour later. The ultimatum left two week deadline for response and acceptance or face the might of the Red Army. The King invited Prime minister, foreign minister, minister of defense and chief of staff of the army to discuss the issue. Foreign minister Gigurtu first briefed them on reports of anti-Romanian campaign in the Soviet press, coupled with 'spontaneous' demonstrations in bordering cities demanding 'liberation' of Ukrainian people from Romanian yoke. Next, Tenescu, the chief of the General staff, read the reports from border garrisons that during the last two weeks they frequently heard revving of the tank engines, while Navy reported numerous demonstrations by ships of Soviet navy. They never violated territorial waters, always turning about at the last moment. Tenescu expressed his opinion Soviets were spoiling for fight, testing the responses of Romanian defenses. On orders from him, the Army was refraining from any action defense and maintain secrecy of defensive positions and guard border with vigilance but avoid open confrontation at any cost.

King Carol expressed his opinion that the integrity of Romanian territory is inviolable and Soviet request should be summarily rejected and general mobilization proclaimed. Chief of staff replied this should not be undertaken lightly as there was no information on the Soviet forces now concentrating across the border. Judging by radio communication intercepts at least 30 divisions were arrayed on the front and possibly even more. Estimates based on Soviet standard TO&E hinted those amounted up to half million soldiers, depending on the force structure. Amount of tanks was unknown, but any more than 200 would outnumber entire Romanian tank park. On paper, based on purely military considerations, any fight against Soviets would amount to national suicide. However, Tenescu said, fortifications on the border would present significant force multiplier, coupled with the fact the Romanian forces will be on defense. Defensive position relied on Nistru river and after spring thaw started, the river turned into a significant obstacle to any advance.

Foreign minister, prompted by Prime minister Tatarescu said that Romania could rely both on guarantee by the British and French, as well as an alliance with Turkey and Yugoslavia. Germany should also find interest in supporting Romania as it was well known they were the leading anti-communist power in Europe. It was true that they agreed with Soviets to divide Poland, but they couldn't leave Romania to its fate, could they, he asked rhetorically. Everyone agreed and they came to the conclusion following steps must be taken at once:

a) Limited mobilization as a precursor to general one
b) immediately establishing contact with French, British, German, Yugoslavian and Turkish governments to inform them on Soviet actions
c) Responding to Soviet ultimatum with a proposal for negotiations, with the aim to gain time, and partly to determine if the Soviets are serious about their threats
d) Inform the general population on everything to instill national unity in case the worst happened.

If foreign support could not be secured, Prime minister opined, then only remaining option would be accepting the Soviet demands. He was supported by chief of general staff, Tenescu. The king disagreed, but accepted to withhold the decision for a week, until foreign powers were contacted. The foreign Minister expressed his hope that France and Britain would stand up to their guarantee, especially since Romania fostered a close relationship with France. Minister of Defense wanted authorization for procurement of additional weapons and foreign minister was tasked to start discussions with the French and contract delivery of a new batch of tanks.

Far East

Meanwhile, Japanese offensive was stalled again after advancing 50 more kilometers into Chinese territory. The corridor now stretched 100 kilometers back and was some 25 kilometers wide. To advance further more troops were needed, so Yamashita took leave to Tokyo to try and persuade Imperial General Staff to reinforce his troops. Promised three guards brigade was late in coming and Yamashita had to expend some of his first rate combat troops in security tasks in the rear. Experiment with Chinese troops proved a failure as it required almost as much Japanese as Chinese troops to maintain the discipline of those security units. Some of the Japanese officers even took to calling them insecurity units.

In Tokyo, meanwhile, heated debate between the civilian politicians, supported by Navy on one side and Army, supported mostly by the threat of force and some of the industrialists on the other on what to do about American ultimatum continued. Prime Minister wanted to start negotiations while Hata wanted to continue the offensive in China, promising that the Chinese would never recover after this defeat and would have to agree to favorable peace. The foreign Minister emphasized that in case Japan fails to respond to American demands, process of slow strangulation will begin. Once Japan runs out of raw materials, no military activity would be possible at all. Yonai further added that even import from other countries not adhering to the sanctions would be in doubt. By virtue of its island position, Japan entirely relied on imports of raw materials by sea. The Japanese faced the danger of being isolated from the rest of the world. Furthermore, added the minister of finance, if US followed on the threat of freezing Japanese assets in the USA and if France, UK and The Netherlands joined this, Japan would be unable to buy anything at all, regardless whether they would find anyone willing to defy some of the greatest powers in the world. Germany joins the initiative was the most ominous news. Hata waved all of the concerns off and claimed that in two or three weeks, the Chinese would be on the brink of defeat.

The discussion went back and forth with no side able to bring the other one around. Yonai and Hata threatened to resign in turns and finally, the issue was settled by Prime Minister calling for a vote on the issue. The sole opposing vote came from Hata, who announced his resignation. This event brought the Japanese government to an impasse, as no decision could now be brought. Immediately, consultations on a new government started. Yorinaga announced that Council of peers will consider possible candidates and choose the most appropriate one.

Berlin, Reichskanzlei

On this relatively quiet day, Goering was alone in the office and he used the time to think. He was extremely satisfied with the situation as it developed so far. He has secured the honorable peace and riding on the waves of this success (and with some nudge by the Gestapo) received the almost unanimous confidence of German people. His position was secure for the next seven years and now he had enough time to shape the politics and strategy of Germany for the long term. In order to secure the peace, Germany had to accept the restrictions imposed by the peace treaty. Goering initially hoped they could avoid this, but it proved impossible. Since then, OKH has repeatedly stressed the danger of the Soviet Union, but Stalin has not yet played his hand. Goering now considered Non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union as a mixed blessing. Economically the pact was overall positive for Germany. Soviet Union has provided majority of oil, manganese and grain, as well as other raw materials. The other side of the coin was the fact that Germany was rapidly becoming economically dependent as a mixed blessing. Economically the pact was overall positive for Germany. Soviet Union has provided majority of oil, manganese and grain, as well as other raw materials. The other side of the coin was the fact that Germany was rapidly becoming economically dependent on the Soviet Union, while the Soviets demanded high price for their products and have recently asked German representatives to transfer tanks, airplanes, industrial equipment and even a ship to the Soviet Union. Goering decided the time was ripe to immediately seek alternative ways to obtain these goods. In order to mask this he partially accepted Soviet demands for one part while citing technical difficulties and delaying for the other part. So far economic cooperation with the Soviet Union was a net positive for Germany, but this happy situation could not be maintained indefinitely. Within a year or so, the final decision will have to be made.

Territorialy, on the other hand, the pact was little short of a disaster. Without so much as a shot, the USSR has occupied portions of Finland, put three Baltic states under control, pending full annexation at a later date and occupied eastern part of Poland. As a result, position of the Soviet Union was now much stronger and Red Army was less than 800 km from Berlin.

And now a new dot has become available to connect. Neurath met with Molotov last week and managed to secure the passage of supplies and weapons to China. When he returned, he brought the news that Stalin intended to fulfill the final part of Non-Aggression treaty territorial amendments. Soviet Union will present Romania with an ultimatum to surrender the province of Bessarabia and part of Bukovina. Until now, Germany had quietly consented to Soviet actions and Goering really wished it was otherwise. Goering had grave misgivings about the pact from the onset. However, without a viable alternative he could never consider breaking off with the Soviet. Fortunately, Japanese actions in the Far East provided this alternative and Germany could use this to come to a more friendly relations with the West.

France and England still were suspicious of Germany and viewed the offer to help as some sort of duplicity. Goering was nothing but genuine on severing German ties with Japan. Both economically and strategically, China was a much better match for German interests. He hoped assistance to China, coupled with elimination of the more extreme elements and amelioration of some of the more outrageous aspects of the Nazi regime would do the trick and in the medium term, bring about cooperation with France and England. Surely, the Soviet Union will not dare march west against Germany backed by French and England, Goering thought. His daydreaming was interrupted by an aide from Foreign ministry. The content of the note he brought was not a big surprise for Goering. Quite expectedly, Romanian King pleaded for German support in resisting Soviet territorial demands. It appeared similar note was also sent to other countries, too. Depending on their answers, this could turn rather interesting. Goering decided to send an ambiguous diplomatic note, promising support to Romania whatever choice they made, but at the same time advising caution. Germany also offered to sell some arms to Romania in exchange for favored status in purchasing Romanian oil.

Romanian plea caused turbulences in every European capital it reached. Chamberlain and Daladier immediately called their cabinets to discuss the steps to be taken. The threat of new war coming so soon after the near universal disaster of the short Polish war shook them up. Both countries guaranteed the Romanian independence and now a frantic legal analysis of the text showed nothing in the guarantee itself mentioned obligation to safeguard the borders, only the independence of the country. Soviet ultimatum did not appear to endanger the Romanian independence. He suggested to Daladier to advise Romanians to try to negotiate with the Soviets, while they would try to arbitrage with the Soviets some solution short of dismemberment of Romania. In the late afternoon this answer was given to Romanian ambassadors in both countries with the immediate result of the British being accused of trying to pull Munich on Romanians. "Or would it be Kiev this time around, sir Edward?" asked the Romanian ambassador bitterly, after being notified of the British response by Lord Halifax. Yugoslavian regent offered his support to Romanians, emphasizing it will be limited to economic and diplomatic support, since internal disorders required Yugoslavia stay out of major conflicts for the time being. Only Turkey expressed their intention to directly support Romania and to join them if they choose to reject Soviet demands.

Romanian government received all the responses by the next day. In the response to the British and French, the government requested they recognize Romania faced gravest threat to their vital national interest and implored both countries to fulfill their promise. King already anticipated the answer of the two countries, so under his influence Romanian government decided to offer Germany right of first purchase of 70% of oil produced in Ploesti fields at 20% discount on market price for 20 years in exchange for prompt delivery of anti-aircraft artillery, anti-tank guns and tanks in quantities sufficient to equip at least two regiments of each. Romania also offered to buy 50 fighters and 24 dive bombers as well as production licenses for ammo and spare parts for all the equipment. Romanian government decided to propos Germany an alternative in the form of the mutual defense treaty with provision to defend Romanian territorial integrity offering Germany perpetual preferential treatment and an ownership share in Ploesti oil fields in exchange for the signature.

The Hague

April 1st was also the day when the International peace treaty compliance verification committee, held the first meeting.

The committee consisted of following members on behalf of neutral parties:

1. Colonel Dwight D. Eisenhower, US representative, ground forces
2. Colonel Arnold Spaatz, US, air forces
3. Rear Admiral Robert L. Ghormley, US, naval forces
4. Colonel Umberto Utili, Italian, ground forces
5. Lt. Colonel Ettore Mutti, Italian, air forces
6. Admiral Aimone di Savoia, Italian, naval forces
7. Major Jean-Baptiste Piron, Belgian, ground forces
8. Captain Max Guisgand, Belgian, air forces
9. Lt. Piet de Jong, Netherlands (in lieu of Belgian naval representative), navy forces

American Rear Admiral Ghormley, took the position of the president of the committee, a title that would rotate on semi-annual basis between the three neutral representatives. Formerly warring powers also sent their representatives, most of the similar ranks. The first task of the committee was to determine the inventory of all the signatory powers and representatives of each were given a week to produce those lists. After that, the committee scheduled to begin first full control of the armed forces of Germany on April 20th, followed by a control of French a week later and then British. Controls of Polish and Slovakian forces will be the last, and by the end of May Committee will compile all the data and issue guidances for all parties with clear arms reduction goals with the timeframe in which to achieve it. The committee planned to achieve the goal by August 1st, after which the only task left would be constant control.

April 3rd, Bucarest

After nearly 24 hour long session, the Romanian government decides to send a statement to the government of the Soviet Union that the ultimatum in its present form cannot be accepted by the Romanian government. The note emphasized sincere wish of Romanian people to come to a peaceful resolution of the dispute and Romanian government proposed to organize a referendum in Bessarabia with the result being binding to both parties. In the content, it was pointed out the majority of the population in the province is Romanian and any responsible government cannot betray the trust of their people and just give them up. Romanian note was dispatched to the embassy in Moscow and hand delivered to Molotov by the ambassador. Molotov quickly read the note and pocketed it, after which he just thanked the ambassador and dismissed him with short "Goodbye".

Romanian ambassador hurried to the embassy, dark thoughts racing through his head. Molotov is offering absolutely no comment to the very reasonable proposal, could mean only one thing. He would convey his thoughts to Bucarest, but there was still hope, slim as it may be, that the Soviet government would react to the conciliatory proposal offered by Romanians favorably. What he did not know was that Molotov placed the call to Marshal Voroshilov as soon as the Romanian ambassador left his office, approving mobilization in the Odessa military district and authorizing the call up of reservists throughout Kiev, Byelorussian and Kharkov military districts. Next, he relayed Romanian response to Stalin and they concluded that no response will be offered in Romania. They will be left to roast for further one more week and then the guns will speak, instead of diplomatic notes.

The Romanian government reacted to the dispatch from Moscow with confusion. Immediately, press representative of the government issued a public statement containing the details of Romanian offer. This was published in major newspapers in Europe following morning. Romanian King decided to wait for a Soviet response two more days, but authorized Romanian air force to conduct initial recon flights near the Soviet border and over the port of Odessa as well to proclaim full combat alert and turn away any Soviet airplane that might venture into Romanian air space and attempt reconnaissance. Romanian air force scattered to the airfields well short of the border to avoid surprise attack and Romanian army dispatched a tank regiment to Kishinev.

On the Soviet side armies began the concentration and preparation for immediate hostilities. Southern front consisted of four field armies, with a total of 32 infantry divisions and 5 tank brigades, one independent cavalry corps, independent airborne corps and four regiments of naval infantry. Three rifle corps were deployed as reserves and further 200.000 conscripts were available as replacements. Red Air force concentrated total of 1200 airplanes in 4 air divisions - division of fighters (6 regiments, 50 airplanes per regiment, plus 30 reserve), two divisions of ground support aircraft (7 regiments total, 42 per regiment, plus 20 reserve and 1 regiment of short range recon/liaison airplanes) and long range aviation division (3 bomber regiment, 1 escort fighters and 1 reconnaissance aircraft regiment). Black Sea Fleet was tasked with providing support to ground forces in the maritime area. This formidable array of forces should suffice to overwhelm any resistance Romanian army should try to put up. Budyonny received the heads up from Moscow and began briefing his army commanders on the tasks he expected them to achieve. Stalin wanted Red Air Force not to intercept any Romanian reconnaissance flights as he still hoped they might reconsider. If they didn't, Budyonny will be just as happy.

Tokyo, April 1st to 7th

Frantic negotiations on the new government took place during the whole week. The army was adamant in opinion Japan should defy US blustering and pursue current policy further. However, on April 4th it became clear Americans meant business as President Rosevelt announced US will ban the sale of iron ore, scrap iron and steel by US companies in Japan and called on others to join this step, citing no indication of Japanese willingness to enter negotiations with China and cease their war of aggression against this country. Britain, France and Netherlands joined immediately, with Germany following this step a day later. Even USSR greeted the peace effort and announced they will join in the sanctions. This shook the faith of the ruling elite, especially industrialists, in the wisdom of the present course and they joined the moderate current gathered around the navy, giving Konoe an opportunity to propose that Yonai should be entrusted with the mandate to form a new government. After Hata, not unexpectedly, refused the offer to forego his objections to the policy of moderation, position of minister of war was offered to Hideki Tojo, who accepted it. Zenga accepted to retain his position of navy minister. The new government was formed and the first act was to announce Japanese intention to start negotiations.

Meanwhile, Chinese attempted counteroffensive on Japanese positions, which failed miserably with heavy casualties. However, it succeeded in putting another pause on Japanese offensive.

Berlin, April 2nd to 4th

Neurath, Goering, Todt, Canaris and Brauchitsch met after Neurath received Romanian note proposing a mutual defense treaty and asking for immediate help. Neurath gave a brief resume of the situation and interpretation of the stipulations of the Non-Aggression pact. While the pact recognized Soviet Union has the right to annex Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina was not subject of the treaty. The mere fact that Soviet demands extended beyond the treaty indicated Soviets consider Germany weak. Allowing this breach to go unnoticed may encourage the Soviet Union to further beaches. Goering, being enthusiastic about the offer, wanted to cease on the opportunity. He saw a way to spread German influence on Romania and if Romania chooses to stand fast against Soviet Union he felt compelled to aid them. Todt opined that a continuous supply of raw materials from the Soviet Union was critical to Germany and that Germany could ill afford to cut relations with Soviet Union now. Steel production especially will suffer from lack of critical alloy compounds, such as manganese and nickel. Oil also presented a problem, although less so as it was possible to replace Soviet supplies by Romanians. Todt admitted even if imports from Soviets were cut right now, Germany could maintain current level of industrial output for a few more months. However, once existing stockpiles go empty, the total industrial collapse will result.

Goering stated he expects the crisis might be resolved by that time, or failing that, alternative sources be found. He asked Brauchitsch for an opinion on strategic situation on both Romanian and German fronts towards the Soviets. General replied Soviet occupation of areas demanded in the ultimatum would put their forces beyond main Romanian defenses located along the Dniester river. Red Army would have an open route to further attack Romania and subjugate the country. In short, the best defensive position for Romania is along Dniester and if they lose that, then there are no natural obstacles for mobile thrust to the capital. Brauchitsch said that OKH is confident that any Soviet attempt to attack East Prussia could be contained easily. The front there was narrow, fortified and suited for defense. The most appropriate attack route for Soviets lays across Polish territory and Soviets would not be foolish enough to re-ignite the general war with the Entente.

Neurath expressed his belief that the Soviets do not intend to subjugate Romania, at least not in foreseeable time. The demand for Northern Bukovina is Stalin's way to test how much he can get away with and what Germany will tolerate. All of the information on the Soviet Union and Stalin in possession of the Foreign Ministry indicated Stalin does not want open war and should Soviets face the threat of one, they would retreat. He concluded with the statement 'we should show the German government takes the agreements and pacts seriously and we will not allow the slightest breaches'. Neurath was convinced firm stance now will open up a door for more favorable trade terms with Soviets later on.

Canaris opined that Abwehr shows no indication of Soviet military preparations anywhere but in the Romanian sector. Intelligence sources in Baltic states showed no increase in Soviet forces to levels necessary for invasion of German territory. Beyond the 100.000 troops deployed to those countries according to mutual assistance pacts Soviets signed by the three countries, no additional troops were in evidence. Abwehr conclusion was in accordance with that of the Foreign Ministry - Soviets aimed at strictly localized conflict.

Having heard all that, Goering contemplated what to do. It was probably impossible to make a deal with Romanians and retain present relationship with the Soviets, a relationship that was becoming a burden. Romanian offer was too tempting to pass up. Ownership share in the Ploesti fields would guarantee direct German control over the most important resource for war. There was no danger of the Soviets attacking Germany directly with Poland in between them, and with Soviet main thrust in Romania they would not be able to press on German forces in East Prussia in a highly unlikely prospect Soviets would choose to attack. After all Goering had no intention to declare war on Soviets in any case. Finally, he decided that sending German units to Romania was out of the question. 'Volunteers' and 'advisers' would go, same as in the Spanish war, but not German army units. Germany would deliver weapons Romania asked for and sign a secret protocol with them. He called on others to voice their opinion on the idea. Only Todt was against, worrying that Germany will be cut off from resources, without any alternative supply available. Goering assured him that in two weeks, the Romanian crisis will be solved. After all, the Soviets will not risk open war with Romania backed by Germany. Neurath proposed Germany contact surrounding countries, and use the fear of the Soviet Union most of them shared, offering German arms in exchange for economic cooperation or sign a mutual defense treaty. Germany would also guarantee their borders and promise help in fending off potential communist uprisings or insurgencies. The more countries join, the easier it would be for Germany to deter the Soviet bear from attempting to further encroach Central and Eastern Europe.

Washington D.C., same week

Soviet ultimatum to Romania confirmed some of the darkest suspicions members of the Dies Committee nurtured. It was obvious that the final intent of the Soviet Union was so called World Revolution. The committee called for a nationwide investigation in order to once and for all end the Red Conspiracy that threatened the liberty of all Americans. Senator Dies also called on the Committee on Foreign Relations to recommend executive branch to break off diplomatic relations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on account of abusing diplomatic representatives to mount numerous spying and subversive operations in USA. The Committee forwarded evidence that the second secretary of the Soviet Embassy, one Konstantin Kukin, is a resident of Soviet intelligence and is actively conducting espionage. In the opinion of the Committee, the entire Soviet embassy in Washington D.C. was a vipers' nest of espionage.

Roosevelt and Cordell Hull met in the White House. Franklin announced his intention not to run for a third term in the Presidential election. He did not want to undermine the democratic campaign by his nomination. Roosevelt suggested Hull should submit his bid for the nomination for the Democrats, promising to endorse if he nominated. This promise meant that Hull would almost certainly win nomination, as Democrat party was supporting Roosevelt almost unanimously. Normally, Roosevelt would have chosen his vice president as a successor, but the gap that opened between them lead him to opt for Secretary of State instead. Hull was pleasantly surprised, but refused to commit himself just yet, as he wanted to think it over.

Satisfied, Roosevelt turned to the subject of the Far East. He commented on surprising turn around in German stance toward Japan and China. In addition to assigning a ship to the international task force and joining sanctions against Japan, it appeared they even sent some weapons to the Chinese. Hull responded that he finds German actions hard to fathom, but in all probability new leadership is ditching the Japan in lieu of China due to purely economic benefits, as well as trying to reconcile with their former enemies taking the shortcut. Hull warned the president that German involvement should be carefully observed as they might be planning to foster right wing government in China in the long term. Both men agreed even should this be the case, it would be process stretching over several years with many opportunities to counter such development.

Roosevelt wanted to discuss a more immediate danger, presented by the Soviet Union. Cordell agreed that the Soviet Union was acting with utter disregard to the established norms of behavior. The ultimatum to Romania was only the latest instance of this sort. Romanians have called upon France and UK to help them resist Soviet demands but the response has so far been lackluster one. Once more United States could offer nothing but reassuring words America stands against tyranny and for democracy and liberty of all peoples. "I have no authority to do anything else!" lamented the President. Hull also reflected on the Dies committee, worrying that it could go too far and develop into a modern version of a witch hunt. Equally worrying was the ability of Soviet intelligence to penetrate that deep into the US. The British seemed to have the same problem and French were close to having their war effort paralyzed by Communist party at one point. All those dots connected in a way to make both men nervous about what future plan of Soviets implied.

Poland

Poland in the meantime intensified the reconstruction of their almost ruined economy. Thankfully Germans were unable to dismantle the heaviest (and by extension more expensive and harder to rebuild) industrial facilities. Unfortunately, many machines and tools essential for operating those facilities were taken away, though, remarkably, the Germans did not attempt to sabotage the facilities they left behind. The foreign minister has already submitted the complaint to Court of international arbitrage, but Germans answered by counterclaim for damages suffered by Germany in the war, costs of occupation and financing the resettlement of the Polish population to justify their plunder representing it as reimbursements. The process was not going anywhere fast, and Polish people had to live somehow, so government in Warsaw sets about to rebuild the shattered economy. For this purpose, Poland intended to use half of the gold reserves, which were transferred to Paris at the beginning of hostilities as a collateral to obtain industrial and farming machinery and necessary raw materials, while the other half would be used as a base of Polish currency.

Strasburger, as minister of finance, proposed to employ an economist from Britain, certain John Maynard Keynes as an adviser for the Polish government. Strasburger read his book and thought the policies outlined in it could be the solution for Poland. He also proposed a scheme to bank roll the state funds for investment in Polish industry. Polish government will issue bonds on the international market in 4,5% interest rate and use the proceeds to credit Polish companies at slightly higher interest, thus providing them with capital at favorable terms, while enabling Poland to cover the bond issue and cover the emission expenses. In addition, prominent Polish citizens in the USA would attempt to draw American companies to invest in Poland or form joint-ventures with Polish companies.

Polish citizens who escaped from the territories ceded to Germany flocked into Poznan, Lodz and Warsaw. Authorities were on the verge of being overwhelmed by masses of people lacking shelter and without means of subsistence. A massive solidarity effort by entire nation managed to overcome the food crisis and Red Cross joined by British and French helped to alleviate shortage of grains. Polish families moved into homes vacated by the Germans and this accounted for a three quarters of refugees from German held territory. The rest moved into former army barracks and hotels transformed into refugee centers while some had to accept temporary accommodation provided by the Polish citizens who had a room or apartment to spare. The government hoped that, by winter, emergency housing reconstruction program will provide with sufficient apartments to move the people out of the makeshift arrangements of barracks and hotels.

Off Alexandria

On board KMS Admiral Graff Spee admiral Luetjens observed the British port of Alexandria through binoculars. Only a few months ago the coastal batteries he could see deployed around the naval base would be blazing with fire from numerous guns should any German ship be foolish enough to dare come within their arcs. Amused at this turn of events he trained the binoculars on the procession of ships in front of the bow of his ship. They went to refuel in the British base before moving on to Suez. 'The Suez!' Mere thought that he was going to sail through this channel, called 'Artery of the Empire', escorted by British and French ships caused him to brake into a smile. They were sailing astern of French battleship Dunkerque, built specifically for the purpose of catching the ship on which he was right now. Magnificent French vessel sailed from Toulon and joined the task force with her sister Strasbourg as they were passing through the Mediterranean. Behind him was a British cruiser of County class, bearing the name HMS Southampton, beyond it another one. 'Now I've seen everything!' admiral thought. He heard Captain Langsdorff granting permission to port pilot to climb aboard the ship in order to guide the ship into the British base safely. Moments later, the captain came to the bridge. He reported the pilot also brought an invitation for both officers to join the British Mediterranean fleet commander, Admiral Andrew Cunningham, for supper. 'Will wonders ever cease?' wondered German admiral.

Tokyo, Japan

After the government announced the decision to start negotiations with the Chinese, there was huge uproar from the military. Rumors of potential coup by generals circled the capital. Prince Konoe pleaded with the Emperor to publicly support government policy and give a speech that would calm the most extremist generals down and stave off any possibility of the coup or even worse, civil war. Reluctantly, Emperor agreed and he gave a short radio address to the nation, reading one of his haiku poems, cryptically warning of the dangers of taking on a burden harder than one could take.

Meanwhile, Navy deployed what limited amount of ground trained personnel they possessed to guard the most vital buildings. War in China has seen to it that only a limited amount of heavy weapons was stationed in the homeland and the Navy could counter it from its ships, so there was a real possibility to defeat any army attempt to capture important buildings by force of arms. Assassins remained the danger, though, and countering it was police personnel and specially trained bodyguards that started escorting Prime minister and other members of the government everywhere.

April 6th, in Moscow

Molotov briefed Stalin on diplomatic developments following the ultimatum handed to Romania. Entente powers contacted Molotov urging Soviets to reconsider entering a peaceful negotiation with Romanian government without prejudicing the status of disputed territory. Molotov served them a prearranged Soviet response that the Soviet Union does not recognize the illegal occupation of Soviet territory and only topic of negotiations possible is the timeframe of Romanian withdrawal from occupied territory. United States issued another feeble protest, demanding Soviet Union abandon using the scare tactics to extract concessions from her neighbors. Stalin laughed off American demarche. Extensive Soviet spy network within US indicated United States had no military forces, nor more importantly, political will to do anything more substantive against Soviet actions. The only slight worry came from Germany, whose Foreign minister questioned the Soviet inclusion of Northern Bukovina, a territory never mentioned in demarcation clauses of the Non-Aggression pact. Molotov discounted this for internal reasons and German pursuing 'tough on communism' stance by her leaders. While it was true Germany has not abandoned its basic mistrust, if not downright hatred of communism, there was little Germany could actively do. The same geographical restrictions applied to both nations and neither could pursue war with any hope of decisive result. Sorge information presented to Stalin indicated Germany was changing her policy toward Japan and China radically.

In Stalin's opinion German blustering was a way to extract more favorable deal on trade with the Soviet Union. Molotov agreed, citing German reluctance to provide their latest military technology and constant foot dragging in trade negotiations as indicators German government was not very fond of its status of economically dependent to the Soviet Union. He further added that despite recent appearances of German and Entente rapprochement, there was no danger of the two cooperating due to incompatibility of interests and mistrust. French were highly unlikely to let off their guard so soon and until that happened Germany could not afford to do it, too. And if weapons limitations remain in force, as they were bound to be, neither country will be able to endanger Soviet Union.

Stalin was willing to gamble West will not do anything against the Soviet Union and Voroshilov, who was also present for deliberations, convinced him that Red Army could overcome Romanian resistance with the forces available to the Southern Front. So far all gains were made with very little effort and even if Romania refused to cave peacefully, the Soviet Union could use a small war to hone the Red Army and show Soviet strength to the world. Defeating the Japanese few months earlier left little impression on anyone other than Japanese fascists. Once Romania caved in one way or the other, the Soviet Union will have a safe bet sufficed far away from the Soviet heartland to allow conducting defensive without risking industrial and infrastructure assets.

Stalin approved all of the actions Molotov has taken and announced no compromise was possible with Romanians. The three men decided that no further adjustment of the policy was necessary and Stalin signed on the order to start a general offensive into Bessarabia on April 10th. Budyonny wanted to have two more days of intensive reconnaissance before launching his troops into intensive reconnaissance before launching his troops into the attack.

April 7th, Kishinev

Romanian 1st Armored brigade paraded through the city en route to the front. People waved and cheered, worrying none the less at notifications leaflets municipal authorities distributed on the ways to protect life and property from air strikes, advising the population to empty their basements and prepare them as makeshift shelters, as well as fill bags with dirt and sand to protect any openings. Hastily erected barricades were used as checkpoints by police who tried to root out potential Soviet spies stopping any conspicuous individual. These days it was dangerous to be seen in the streets of Bessarabian towns with cameras or notebooks. Shops were emptied of any canned foods and other essentials as population scrambled to stock up expecting shortages, while farmers withheld their produce from the markets to retain more for themselves and some speculating prices would skyrocket.

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Romanian tanks parading through Kishinev in April

During the 8th of April multiple Soviet airplanes were reported entering Romanian airspace at widely dispersed points from the Polish border to the coast of the Black Sea. One of them was intercepted and forced to land by a pair of Romanian He-100 interceptors. Captured pilots revealed nothing of any importance, other than their orders to conduct aerial reconnaissance of Romanian border defenses. This information was passed on to Romanian high command and at noon of the same day, all Romanian units were alerted. King also authorized general mobilization and call up of reserves.

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Soviet reconnaissance airplane embedded in the Romanian countryside

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Romanians preparing defenses

In Bucharest, the Government held an emergency session and concluded to summarily reject Soviet demands. The Foreign Minister gave a statement to the representatives of international press gathered in front of the Court. In it he quoted offers of mediation and negotiation extended by the Romanian government to Molotov and Stalin. All attempts to come to peaceful solution were ignored by Soviets, with an obvious intent to frighten Romanians into submission. "Romanian government" he stated "knows our cause is justified. We are not willing to abandon our people to the fate plotted by soulless Communist planners in Moscow. Our people and our armed forces will rise to the challenge of the Red Menace and stand firm in defense of our liberty and our land. We will either prevail or go down fighting and Man of Iron from Moscow will dictate the peace in Bucharest."

At that moment King Carol appeared on the balcony, wearing full dress uniform of Commander in Chief of Romanian Army. He said Romania defends not only herself but entire Europe from new barbarians coming from the east. He called for a European community of nations to recognize their own interest in dealing a defeat to resurgent Bolsheviks or they will all, one by one, fall prey to insidious Soviet schemes. King specifically addressed 'countries which offered solemn guarantees to Romania' to fulfill the promises they offered of their own will.

That night Neurath arrived in Bucharest by airplane and was immediately received by the King and the prime minister. They agreed and signed a secret protocol on mutual defense and a bilateral trade agreement. Even before ink on the signatures was dry, Neurath reported the success of his mission to Berlin and the trains started rolling.

During the night the first shipment of 25 PzKpFw IIC and 50 Opel Blitz 1 tonne LKW was delivered to Romania together with 50 German PaK-36 3.7cm guns. The weapons were a welcome addition to Romanian armed forces, although it was doubtful they would make much of a difference in confrontation with Red Army, that seemed to be mere days away. Germans also appointed Ritter von Thoma, a German veteran of the Spanish Civil War to a role of military adviser to Romanian armed forces. Neurath promised more weapons in two weeks, including four batteries of 10,5 cm howitzers with ammo, as well as 15 older pattern Panzer III. Mutual defense pact included stipulation Germany will deploy two Luftwaffe fighter squadrons to the defense of the Ploesti oil fields as well as two batteries of German 8.8 cm Flak and four batteries of 2.7 cm. The forces will be deployed to Romania as soon as possible and at the latest by the end of April or faster if circumstances warrant it.

German Foreign minister returned to Berlin early next morning, feeling exhausted. He had one more duty to perform - to sketch a note for French and British ambassadors. Notes warned Entente leaders on possibility Romanian crisis might escalate further and Germany intends to extend her support to Romanians. Neurath promised German will make the utmost effort to avoid war against Soviets, but could not allow for unchecked expansion of the Soviet Union. In an unlikely event crisis escalated into a war between USSR and Germany, Neurath proposed to rescind the treaty limitations in case Soviet Union attacks Germany without provocation. Framing the proposal took considerable time and required Neurath use his diplomatic skills to the highest extent. In the final part of the letter he inquired about the conditions under which Entente would extend support to Germany in case of unprovoked Soviet aggression against her. Exhausted, he handed the note to his aide for typing and left the office to get some badly needed bed time.

Ankara, April 8th

Ismet Inonu emerged from the meeting room in his palace used for government meetings, looking exhausted. The session lasted for three arduous hours and was prompted by a statement of the Romanian king from that morning. Turkish President announced that Turkey would extend support to her ally in any form required. Turkey armed forces were put on alert and all tunnels and railway bridges in the eastern Turkey mined, with demolition crews on permanent watch.

Paris, April 7th/8th

Daladier summoned the meeting of the cabinet to determine the policy of the French government in regards of Romanian crisis. Soviet government, in a clear act of despise, rebuked French and British with a cold note that Romanian dispute needs no negotiation, only Romanian recognition of the illegality of their occupation of the disputed territory. Since neither party was willing to quit, the French government was faced with a dilemma. Tensions with Germany have diminished and action seemed to be moving east. However, Romania was as hard to effectively support as Poland was. At least in Poland's case they could threaten to attack her enemy directly. Soviet Union, on the other hand was virtually unassailable to France and Britain. They did not share the mutual borders and naval blockade against Soviet Union would be an excercise in futility. French government decided the only safe thing to do is to promise Romanians arms delivery as soon as possible. The result of a meeting was also a stern demarche to the Soviet government, warning them of grave consequences of Soviet actions.

On the next morning, Daladier read the German note. He laughed at the irony of fate and commented to his aide "Well, they signed a deal with the devil, so let them suffer the consequences." A while later, and with cooler head, Daladier called on another cabinet meeting. He presented the new situation. He pointed out that Germany threatened by Soviet Union on the east is Germany unable to turn against the France in the west. Receiving the news from Turkey, French government decided to send two navy units to Black Sea and station them in Istanbul with approval of Turkish government.

London, April 8th

British government took essentially the same view as French. Chamberlain still hoped Soviets would reconsider and resolve the crisis in a peaceful manner. British government decided to await the final Soviet deadline, satisfied with issuing a sharp diplomatic note with content similar to the French one. Reports from MI-5 Prime minister received that morning informed him that a cell of Soviet deep penetration spies was eliminated the previous day. Of four suspected spies, three were arrested, while one, certain Kim Philby has disappeared, last seen in the vicinity of Soviet embassy.

Chamberlain was happy that this affair was solved and a serious leak from diplomatic service eliminated. If such penetration was not uncovered it could have caused serious embarrassment to British intelligence community. People from diplomatic service often ended up serving in intelligence and who knows what could have happened had one of those characters been employed as such. In the early afternoon Prime minister retired to his room, complaining of abdominal pain. His doctor checked for appendectomy and then prescribed him some stomach medicine.

April 9th, Romania

Skies over border zones were know patrolled by Romanian air force constantly. No further incidents were reported and Soviet reconnaissance planes stayed out of reach of Romanian interceptors. Romanian reconnaissance of Soviet positions did not uncover any specific attack preparations. Until yesterday Romanian airplanes roamed almost freely over Soviet positions occasionally joined by Soviet interceptors who would try to drive them away. Odessa naval base was concealed in smoke screen created by Soviet ships so nothing could be discerned there. Radio traffic from Soviet side of the border was weak, but it has regularly been so, no doubt as consequence of majority of signals going through the cables. As night fell, Romanian soldiers retired for the day. Night watch took their positions, increased due to the fact that general alert has been given a few days earlier.

April 10th, Soviet/Romanian border

On the early morning, just as the sun was about to rise, green flares rose up in the skies on the left bank of the Dniester river. From the distance came the sound as if an enormous swarm of locusts was coming - the buzz of hundreds of airplanes. A few moments later ground started shaking as hundreds of guns opened fire. The Soviets followed through on their threat.

0700 Black Sea Coast, 25 km South of Dniester Estuary

Battleship Paris Commune of the Black Sea Fleet trained her 12" guns towards shore. Flanking her were two Kirov class cruisers who also trained their turrets aligning their broadside with the coast. "Nachat' strel'bu!" Ordered Captain first rank Gorshkov to his first officer, who conveyed the order to the gun crews. Seconds later giant guns roared, followed immediately by smaller 4.7" guns and then the cruisers joined in. Almost instantly entire coastline erupted as fountains of dirt shot up where the shells hit the ground. 3 old Novikov class destroyers, gunboat and 10 cutters steamed towards shore, carrying men of the Soviet naval infantry. The troops, embarked during the evening of the previous day felt the waves created by vessels they were on and felt queasy in their stomachs. They were ready for action, nonetheless. During the previous night, minesweeper passed, covered by darkness to clear the mines that might have been laid down by Romanians. None were, but they had to be sure.

Fifteen minutes into bombardment two squadrons of TB-3s approached from the east, swooping in at 500 meters. This was the signal for the naval guns to fall silent. Neat rows of dots appeared in the wake of the giant airplanes, Gorshkov observed through his binoculars. There was no reaction from Romanian defenses and nobody returned fire on his ships. The planners of the operation expected this, but Gorshkov thought no operation ever goes as planned. Amazingly, this one did, so far.

Meanwhile, central part of the front

On signal from the flares, masses of Soviet infantry with tanks interspersed rushed into the region of Transnistria. They met only sporadic resistance, and Romanians turned and ran as soon as Soviets fired upon them. By noon, Soviet 7th Army reached Dniester, capturing 120 Romanians in the process, while suffering fewer than 50 losses. It has taken this long only because some tanks suffered mechanical breakdowns and quite a number of untracked vehicles was caught in the mud. The main axis of advance of this army was towards Kishinev, and the formation covered 120 km front from the mouth of Kuchurgan river to Ribnita. With eleven divisions in three rifle corps and a tank corps augmented by a tank brigade this was the strongest formation Red Army deployed for the operation on the Romanian front.

General Dimitri Kozlov, deputy commander of Odessa Military district, was present at the headquarters of general Yakovlev's 7th Army, arriving that morning to observe the initial attack. He and political commissar of the army nudged Yakovlev to boldly carry out the attack o cowardly Romanians and preclude consolidation at Dniester. Soviet air reconnaissance showed numerous vehicles and trains moving towards Dniester the day before and with quick offensive, Soviets might catch Romanians off guard and capture provincial capital Kishinev at a stroke. Pompolit 'suggested' it would not be politically expedient to pause the offensive in the opening stages and true Communist should not fear fascist lackeys they were facing. Yakovlev would have preferred a period of preparation and would have taken a day or two to test Romanian defenses for weak spots, but under pressure from general Kozlov and his pompolit, he issued order to his units not to stop at Dniester but to carry on with short artillery preparation. Infantry units would cross the river, establish bridgehead after which mechanized troops will exploit and pursue shattered remnants of Romanian units.

7th Army had at its disposal the single company equipped with new medium tank T-34 of which much was expected. General decided to have them transferred to the west bank as soon as possible. He received report from the proving grounds that nothing short of the heaviest artillery calibers could damage or immobilize the new tank.

Neighboring 12th army to his right held the part of the front to the point where border coincides with the Dniester canyon. 12th Army had the task of advancing on parallel axis to Balta-Iasi line. Once it was reached, they would turn southeast and aid the 7th army by cutting off remaining Romanian forces.

Northern part of the front

Northern part of the front was assigned to the 9th army under command of General Kirponos and 10th army, commanded by Zakharin. 9th included two rifle corps and a special rifle corps consisting of three mountain divisions and 10th had two rifle corps and one in reserve. The primary objective of this force was securing the area of Bukovina. Pending successful completion of this task, they would aid the central front as practicable. In addition, Southern front allocated one cavalry corps as a supporting force to this sector, anticipating its use in breakthrough towards south, once Bukovina was secure. On the first day infantry forces of both formations surged across Dniester, breaching a line in some locations, while on the other they suffered significant losses.

Unlike Transnistria, Romanians offered resistance on every point, accurately firing from their rifles and with prodigious use of artillery fire. One of the rifle division of 10th army suffered 50% losses when they tried to force Dniester in the area of Balamutivka, forcing them to abandon the attempt on the first day. The overall result, despite this setback was never in doubt as Soviets breached the front on multiple locations. On the first day Soviet troops advanced up to 10 kilometers and the offensive was proceeding according to plan. On this part of the front, Soviet forces were faced with significant difficulties in moving as spring weather brought mud to the fields.

Southern Front

Soviet 4th Army attacked in the Southern part of the front across the difficult, swampy terrain of Dniester Estuary. Their task was to link up with naval infantry being disembarked at the coast. It seemed Romanians intended to allow Soviets to occupy this sparsely populated area without offering resistance.

Air war

In the air, Soviet air force took the war to the enemy. Two squadrons of heavy bombers attacked Bucharest at 0300 on April 10th in attempt to seed terror among populace. Remarkably, they managed to find the city and released their bombs over what they thought was the railway station. Soviet bombers attempted to bomb the bridges across the Prut river, with little success. Some bridges were damaged but none seriously, so the objective of cutting Bessarabia off using air force remained elusive, although Soviet air force would continue pursuing this objective for the duration of war.

Over 400 Soviet tactical bombers and fighters took off at 0600 and flew towards known Romanian airfields. Their targets were reconnoitered from air and intelligence experts counted over 150 Romanian airplanes on the ground, with more probably hidden within hangars. As soon as Romanian ground observers saw Soviet squadrons they alerted the air force command. As all fighter units were on 15 minutes warning, Romanians managed to scramble a squadron of Bf109s and Hawker Hurricanes, 30 PZL P.24s and finally 5 squadrons of PZL.11s. The bombers were left on the ground to ride out the outcome of the air battle. Thirty He-112 would join the fray as soon as they flew from more distant bases in interior of the country.

The two forces raced towards each other at combined speed of over 400 mph. In the fur ball that resulted, Romanians used cover of clouds to emerge in the middle of Soviet formations with their obsolete fighters, while more modern machines engaged Soviet fighters, most of them I-15 and I-16, qualitatively no match for two squadrons of Messerchmitt and Hawker machines, while roughly comparable with PZL.24s. The quantity was something else all together. Total of 50 modern Romanian planes challenged triple that number of Soviet fighters and after making short work of the first few Soviet airplanes they encountered, started to realize they entered the battle they could only loose.

Hurricanes shot out their ammo rather quickly as their eight machine guns released veritable hurricane of fire, fit for the airplane name. They chopped in half every plane they hit and managed to bring down total of 25 soviet fighters between them. Romanian lieutenant Horia Agarici accounted for four airplanes. After expanding their ammo, Hurricanes dove and raced back to alternate airfields to restock their ammo, three trailing smoke behind them. Messerschmitts achieved three less kills at 22 Soviet recorded fighters downed by German planes. They lost one of their number to mid-air collision with Soviet airplane and four damaged machines in return as they too raced home after expanding all ammo. PZL.26s fought on equal terms with Soviet airplanes and suffered 21 losses in exchange for 32 Soviets shot down. Obsolete Polish fighters meanwhile hit Soviet bombers and managed to shoot down nearly 40 of them, damaging 32 more. In exchange, their losses were horrendous as 42 never returned to their airfields. The only consolation was that of 64 of the pilots whose airplanes were shot down, 47 managed to eject safely and live to fight another day.

Fortunately for Romanians, Russian fighters retreated after this battle barely minutes before 30 He-112 arrived. German airplanes hit unescorted bombers and massacred Soviet airplanes, inflicting 35 more losses on Soviets. This left nearly 100 Soviet bombers to strike on Romanian airfields. While they put their bombs with some precision, they managed to hit only polish light PZL.23s, destroying 9 of them on the ground.

It was clear that, while tactically victorious in this engagement, Romanians were lost in the long term unless some help from outside was secured. The second wave of Soviet bombers quickly brought this point home, as Soviet SU-2 light bombers swooped in to attack Romanian ground troops and defensive positions on the banks of the Dniester. Romanians could not offer any aerial support for the troops and Soviets proceeded with their bombing runs with impunity, escorting fighters strafing what few Romanians they caught in the open. While the effect was rattling for the troops, it did not decisively hinder their ability to offer resistance. Soviet bombardment was too inaccurate to seriously damage the defensive position Romanians erected on the banks. Anti aircraft fire from the ground succeeded in shooting down 14 attackers and damaging dozens more.

April 10th, European capitals

News of the Soviet offensive stunned British and French governments. They observed Soviet threatening Romania, but expected it to be mere bluff. Both governments now had to consider the eventuality of having to intervene in ground war. In Britain, already references to Crimean war sprang up in the press, albeit with divided attitudes. French felt obliged by the ties they developed with Romanians in the interwar period and ambiguity of previous week yielded to emphatic calls to support small country in fight against much stronger neighbor. Daladier, carried by this popular feeling ordered French GQG to prepare contingencies to help Romanians. He also contacted the Romanian ambassador and offered to deliver more tanks and airplanes to Romania. Premier contacted Chamberlain and expressed his worry that Soviets might use the fact that Turkey expressed her intention to directly support Romania as an excuse to grab the Straights. Both leaders agreed this should not be allowed and British proposed joint naval squadron of two British and two French light cruisers be stationed in Istanbul.

Goering who knew of the attack ordered the newly established secret unit to be shipped to Romania, issued Romanian uniforms and be deployed to Bukovina. Their presence could be plausibly explained as local German population. In case Soviets occupied the region, this unit could as guerrillas and create sabotages and disruption behind enemy lines. Brauchitsch proposed the expeditionary force be formed in case Soviets proceed over the demarcation lines established by Non-Agression Pact. This force would be deployable within 48 hours of notification and their mission would be to protect Romanian oil-fields from Soviet occupation. Goering agreed and OKH started immediate planning for this operation.

Spanish Caudillo expressed his support for struggle of Romania and offered the assistance of his troops to Romanian fight, adding Spanish people knows very well the methods of Communists. He followed on his offer with order to the army to find 4.000 volunteers to send to Romania.

Hungarian government held an immediate session. They observed the events of previous two weeks with considerable interest. While coveting Romanian province of Northern Transylvania, using this opportunity to grab it would be viewed by disgust worldwide. In the end they settled with offering the help and support to Romania, in exchange for ceding the province to Hungary.

Poland felt terrified, yet unable to do anything for their long term ally Romania. They now understood quandary which Romania herself encountered in September 1939. Soviets still held thousands of Polish troops whose fate Polish government would not gamble with. In response to Polish demand to release those soldiers sent weeks ago, Soviet Union offered to repatriate them in three weeks, quoting logistic difficulties arising from "Romanian Incident". It was clear the message meant "Stay out of this, or...".

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Soviet plan of attack into Romania

April 10th, Romanian front

To confront the Soviet onslaught, Romanians planned to mobilize 12 infantry divisions in addition to 22 divisions of the regular army. Romanian general staff deemed parts of the border line indefensible and decided not to waste forces attempting to hold those sectors. General staff came to decision the southern part of the front was indefensible. Instead, three armies that formed up established firm defenses at high ground and mountainous terrain in the northern part of the Dniester, while adopting a more fluid strategy in the center. Chief of staff expressed grave doubts about the possibility of holding the city of Cernauti, a provincial center of Bukovina. However, leaving the city of 100.000 inhabitants without any defenses proved unpalatable when it was discussed in war planning session. General staff decided in the end to make a city into a fortress and defend it to last men and bullet.

The Third Romanian army is deployed to north sector and given an unenviable task of stopping the Soviets from breaking through the flat terrain to the east of Cernauti. They were given two of the four Romanian mountains brigades and six regular infantry divisions. In addition to this, the army received four of the eight mountain artillery groups including all howitzers. This army consists of three corps with two corps artillery regiments. Army reserves consist, or will consist of three reserve divisions, being mobilized and transferring to the front and a cavalry division. To the left of this formation lay mountainous terrain on the former Polish border and its defenses were left to fortress troops. Romanians rightly concluded Red Army never planned to attack from this direction.

To the right of Third army Romanians deployed the First army, their strongest formation. This army consists of eight regular divisions, five reserve divisions, one mountain brigade and a mobile corps consisting of two cavalry divisions, one mechanized brigade and an armored brigade. First army is given responsibility to defend central section of the front and deployed from the source of river Cainari to the mouth river Bracul and from there to the river Cogalnicul in a southwest direction. Its northern sector is lightly defended on account of inhospitable and easily defensible terrain, where only one regular division and four reserve ones are deployed, augmented by mountain brigade, whose sole purpose would be to counterattack unlikely Soviet breakthroughs in this sector. A critical central sector of the First army, covering Chisinau, received a majority of forces at the disposal of the First army. While area directly to the east and northeast of the Chisinau could be defended and held even in the face of determined attack, the flat terrain on the Southeast sector could not be defended against Soviet mechanized spearheads. Therefore, Romanian forces established positions on the hills overlooking the valley of Bacul, hoping to impede Soviet progress up the valley towards Chisinau and inflict losses on Soviets by means of direct and indirect artillery fire and hit and run attacks at bottlenecks.

Romanians hoped armored and mechanized brigades deployed in this sector could eventually counterattack Soviet forces weakened by artillery fire from the hills. First army reserves consisted of two reserve infantry divisions, a further two cavalry divisions and a second armored brigade in the process of forming up. Its artillery embraced the rest of the six corps level heavy regiments.

To the right of the First army lay the area of responsibility of the Second army. It was comprised of two corps, two regular divisions each, augmented with reserve divisions, one each. On the southern part of the front, Second army has taken defensive positions along Prut and Danube river, linking up with the First army at the Cogalnicul river in order to block the route up the valley. The defenders of this sector had orders to conduct defense, but avoid being overwhelmed and overrun. In case such a danger threatened, they were to fall back towards Iasi and expect reserves to arrive.

Northern plan of defense quickly became unraveled as Soviets wedges broke through over Dniester near Zalescic, advancing towards Cernauti. Romanian defended as best they could, using every break in terrain to set up firing positions for artillery and machine guns. Accurate fire from Romanian anti-tank guns took out over 50 Soviet tanks, most of them T-26s. BT-7m tanks proved more formidable and could be successfully engaged only at a distance of 800 m or less. Red army quickly figured this out and spearheaded the attacks with BT-7m. It took a determined crew to stand more than four shots, as fast Soviet tanks covered the distance faster than it took to aim the guns. Theoretical rate of fire was 13 rpm, but since tanks were moving targets, rare was the crew that managed to fire more than five shots. Red army lost 20 BT-7s on the first day, while Romanians lost entire battery of anti-tank guns. Infantry on this front quickly improvised a close quarters defense against tanks in the form of a bottle filled with flammable liquid (gasoline or oil) and used to throw up on tanks in hopes of lighting them up. This method was in itself an act of desperation and it took truly courageous soldiers to apply it. Romanians hoped to put this weapon to best effect in Cernauti, whose civilian population was largely evacuated during the previous week. A large proportion of German and Jewish population eligible for military service was already mobilized and Romanians put these units to defend the city, hoping they would prove the best defenders.

By the end of the first day city was close to be besieged, however, the fall of the night delayed further Soviet actions and gave a breathing space to Romanian Guard infantry divisions to dig in on the eastern approaches to the city, while other Romanian infantry division, mostly manned by soldiers who resided in the city, set up a defensive perimeter in the outskirts of the city, facing north. Troops of the Soviet Ninth army stopped in order to concentrate armored units and bring up the artillery. During the night, four squadrons of Soviet bombers visited the city with devastating effect on nearby fields and farms.

Heavy fighting meanwhile happened further to the east down Dniester. Soviet attacked developed from the mouth of River Zbruch to the mountainous area some 15 kilometers further east. After the day of heavy fighting, Red Army established a bridgehead and expanded it few kilometers inland. The day ended with both sides exhausted, Romanians suffering over 2.000 losses and losing 20 guns to Soviet counter-battery fire. Despite suffering losses over 5.000 troops, Soviets reinforced the bridgehead with further formations of the Tenth army. Soviets troops here had no armored units, but two rifle corps amounted to around 50.000 troops. The Romanian High command decided to commit the reserves of the Third army here. Low hills allowed for an easy attack route and Red Army breakthrough would threaten to link up with forces around Cernauti and cut off 2 Romanian divisions, dividing the Third army in the process. If this came to pass, Romanians decided to start a fighting withdrawal towards port, establishing a defensive line and hoping Red Army will be exhausted enough to follow. If the Tenth army attack could be blunted, then focus of entire army could be redirected to the Cernauti sector. Fighting here over the next few days, would be decisive for the fate of Third army.

The Romanian First army faced two Soviets army to the east - Seventh and Twelfth. The Twelfth army attempted to attack on the entire stretch of the front, paying no heed to the fact that left and center section presented the worst possible area to attempt crossing the river. After suffering 13.000 casualties to 2.500 Romanians, Red Army managed to establish a narrow bridgehead at the Dniester canyon. 13th and 17th Rifle corps continued the attacks for the whole day in futile attempts to dislodge Romanians from the hilltops overlooking canyon. By afternoon the fighting calmed down to artillery exchanges, while Romanian troops harassed Soviets with constant mortar fire. Twelfth Army initially enjoyed much better success in the area of Rezina, where they advanced five kilometers into Romanian lines by noon. However, they encountered Romanian cavalry division, backed by skillfully deployed anti-tank guns there and Soviet tanks, whose motorized infantry was left behind, were beaten back and forced to withdraw, many suffering mechanical breakdowns in the process.

Soviet Seventh army enjoyed the best success overall. They broke through the Romanian front, and by the end of the day captured cities Orhei and Tighina, with two spearheads converging to cut off Chisinau, and one advancing directly towards the city. One Tank corps spearheaded the southern pincer with one Rifle corps in attendance, while northern pincer was spearheaded by tank brigade, followed by rifle corps. Central attack was undertaken by one rifle corps. By nightfall, the Soviet lines were established within a kilometer of Kishinev suburbs. Northern pincer was threatening to cut off rail communication from Kishinev to Iasi near Calarasi Targ, while road communication was already cut at Hancesti. The Romanian High command had to figure out which one of the threats took priority. They decided to tackle the northern pincer first. The decision itself was logical, defeating this force would allow them to concentrate in the south, while if they lost it, the outcome of the southern battle would be of no importance, whatsoever. The mobile corps of Romanian army would thus face Soviet Independent tank brigade, equipped with BT-7m and a company of T-34 tanks, making its combat debut.

The Second army established a line of defense as planned and Soviet Fourth army on this front methodically advanced through Cetatea Alba and towards Ismail.

On the first day of fighting, the Soviets suffered over 20.000 casualties, while inflicting 7.000 on Romanians. Total Soviet tank losses from enemy action amounted to 100, while a large number suffered mechanical malfunctions. Romanians suffered no tank losses so far, but lost 22 anti-tank guns, and 30 field guns and artillery. In return they destroyed 26 Soviet guns in counter-battery fire. During the day and after the first air encounter, only Soviet aircraft sortied in support of their ground forces. Despite their numbers, the real effect on the ground was negligible. Even when dropped with some accuracy, bombs exploded harmlessly in the muddy ground, their effect muffled. In the later part of the day, Soviet recorded twelve more aircraft lost in ground attack actions and several more damaged. Soviet fighters maintained dense CAP over the battlefield and Romanians did not dare challenge it with their own air raids. Soviets grounded medium bombers for the rest of the day, on account of heavy losses suffered at the hands of the Romanian air force. Long range bombers continued attempting a night bombing of urban areas and daylight bombing of pinpoint targets, such as bridges over Prut and Danube.

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Map of the front line after the first day

Port of Istanbul

Meanwhile, in Istanbul, Turkish cavalry division embarked ships to set sail for Constanta. Ancient battle cruiser Yavuz Sultan Selim and two destroyers prepared to set sail and escort the ships to the Romanian port. Turkey did not intend to formally declare war on the Soviet Union and hoped Stalin would return in kind. Despite preparations, no one held much hope that eastern border could be defended against determined Soviet attack. Turkish troops might hold off for a day or two on account of terrain and lack of infrastructure, but 'numbers and equipment will prevail as surely as the sun rises in the East.' remarked Turkish Chief of General staff Fevzi Cakmak.

10th April, Rome

Mussolini fumed, screaming at Ciano, demanding to know who betrayed Italian intentions to Germany. The cause for this was the paper that lay on his desk, delivered to Rome this morning.

Goering's letter to Mussolini said:
Dear Duce,

It has come to my attention lately that You are planning an aggressive move against our Southern neighbor. While your desire to secure the eastern Adriatic coast is understandable, I am obliged to point out international situation is not favorable for your action at the present moment. Firstly, with peace between Germany and western powers has ensured our countries a period of calm necessary for our preparations to be complete. Once we are ready, no obstacle will stand in the way of our joint political and economic domination of Eastern Europe.

Secondly, unprovoked aggression of the Soviet Union on Kingdom of Romania creates the danger of untold proportions for all countries in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, Soviet Union represents major danger, greater even than Western powers, as their actions are not inhibited by intricate mechanisms of democracy, but depends on a whim of their leaders.

Since I believe your military preparations have not advanced beyond the point of irreversibility, I urge Your Excellency to abandon any operations on Balkan front. Armed confrontation between Yugoslavia and Italy can only weaken our efforts to contain the Soviet Union by creating a dangerous rift in the Balkans. I must warn Your Excellency of adverse consequences that could ensue should you choose to carry on with your current plans. I already lay those on our previous meeting and they as valid today as they were then.

Furthermore, I implore with Your Excellency to use your friendly relations with Hungary in order to secure their help for the friendly Kingdom of Romania without insisting on impossible territorial demands on Romanians preying on their current vulnerability. If necessary, Germany is ready to back your advise with the deployment of troops on the Hungarian border.

Only two days ago, Badoglio informed Mussolini that preparations were ready, and Il Duce was considering launching the attack during the week. He already told Croat extremist to restart even more intensive terror campaign in Yugoslavia, and stir disorder, giving Italy cause to intervene. Placing Germans at fait' accompli would force them to commit to Italy. Of course, the Germans would be notified of Italian plans in advance - 24 hours in advance, too late to do anything about it. Now, the situation was impossible. It was too late to stop Pavelic, yet impossible to proceed with the Italian action in the face of German stark warning. Mussolini guessed the letter lying on his desk was highly sanitized version of Goering's true letter, done by some clerk in Foreign ministry.

During the day, Mussolini calmed down sufficiently to asses the problem with a cooler head. He realized that any war with Yugoslavia would be impossible if started in the face of German diplomatic opposition to it. 'Well, unfortunate mr. Pavelic will be left to dry.' thought Mussolini. At least Goering has promised to support Italians in the future. He called Badoglio and ordered him to prepare Littorio division to en-train in Venice and be ready to deploy to Romanian front immediately. The division was already mobilized and prepared for an anticipated campaign against Yugoslavia. The division will depart as soon as necessary diplomatic preparation is complete. Mussolini told Badoglio to select two more divisions to join Littorio, forming the Italian intervention corps in Romania. His next action was to call for Ciano and order him to depart to Hungary and negotiate the troop transit as well convince Horthy to abandon his Romanian ambitions for now. If Germany wants to handle the Romanian problem with gloves on, so be it. Italy will show them how to handle barbarian invasions from the East - in true Roman style and perhaps those Germans will learn not to treat Italians like their own puppets.

April 10th/11th Paris

As the reports from Romania filtered out during the day and late afternoon, French government met for a session. Daladier viewed the news of Turkish involvement and announcement by Caudillo of Spain that a significant number of Spanish troops volunteered to fight Bolsheviks in Romania with a mixture of confusion and worry. The two countries could not offer neither effective help nor decisive advantage to Romanians, yet both jumped into fray. Turkey's involvement was especially worrisome, because Soviet Union could now use the excuse to occupy Dardanelles and Bosphorus straits, a recurring nightmare of both France and British. Even if Soviets 'only' settled to occupy eastern areas of Turkey it could threaten French possessions in the Middle East. Both Syria and Lebanon could be exposed to Soviet propaganda and Arabs in the area were fiercely against French rule. Soviet presence at the border could undermine the entire French position there and if Arabs revolted, the Soviets could use the opportunity to establish client or puppet regimes in the area. By the looks of it Stalin had rediscovered Russian imperial ambitions as the Soviet Union has already more or less absorbed all former imperial possessions. Daladier got even more worried when the French embassy in Rome reported Mussolini has announced 'Kingdom of Italy will help fraternal Kingdom of Romania' to fight Soviet invasion.

Daladier was not prepared to believe Italians came to their decision alone and guessed they acted on the whim from Berlin. As Romania was a major producer of oil in Europe, outside the Soviet Union, potential German motives for decision were clear and they were stirring up entire Eastern Europe in the fight. The situation could escalate beyond the initial intention of either side, Daladier reasoned. French prime minister tended to believe the estimates of intelligence that Soviets expected to acquire as much territory as they could peacefully. Yet, their choice to go to war over a strip of Romanian land could only be construed as an evolution to violent means, once their coercion has been frustrated. Lack of reaction to such a behavior has already been disproved as a method and mild or conciliatory reactions only encouraged the perpetrators further. It seemed Germany best understood this lesson, they are on the receiving end of the stick. Daladier came to the conclusion that France will risk being excluded from the entire Eastern Europe and having no say in the future of the region. It would not be long before the Germans asserted their full political and economic domination over the region. If the only way to counter that was extending every sort of support to Romanians up to and including direct military support, that is what France must do, Daladier stated to the Cabinet. His declaration was met with approval, although Marechal Petain warned Soviet Union is different from Germany. There will not be military junta to take over Soviet Union even if it was possible to save Romania from falling under Soviet domination now. French foreign secretary presented an opinion of Foreign ministry, of which Daladier was the head, claiming an effort must be made to support Romanians or any other country in Eastern Europe that comes into danger of unprovoked Soviet aggression.

After weighing the options, ranging from condemning Soviet aggression to direct military involvement, the cabinet decided to take the following actions: Foreign ministry well send a clear warning to the Soviet government that current aggression is unacceptable and should be ceased immediately in favor of a peaceful solution along the lines already proposed by Romanian government. Since cabinet could not agree to issue an ultimatum, any mention of consequences was left out of French note - cabinet reached the conclusion to consider additional steps after Soviets respond. In reaching this decision cabinet was in the large part influenced by Petain's claims of having no option to defeat Soviet Union. Some cabinet members were convinced Soviets would stop at Prut river the line that would be reached in no more than a week and the problem they were facing would thus be solved. After the meeting finished, Daladier invited Petain and Darlan to stay and had general Gamelin, who was waiting in the lobby for the last half an hour summoned to his office. He ordered both men to prepare contingency military plans for possible actions in support of Romania. Of course, as in every army, French GQG has conducted the study of potential problems in confronting Soviet Union and General quickly listed them. It all boiled down to single thing - the bottleneck of all the modern armies. Oil. Soviet depended for almost 90% of their needs on the oil extracted from giant oil fields located in Caucasus region, within easy reach of French bombers based in Syria and even easier from British bases in Iraq. Daladier took obligation to coordinate common course with British government. Having consulted Chamberlain during the day he knew British Prime minister largely agreed with him in regards to the crisis. It was clear that any confrontation against Soviets would in large part involve naval and air forces. Gamelin remarked that geographical facts would force such development.

Admiral Darlan's stated his estimate of Soviet naval capabilities was very low, but that naval blockade of Soviet Union would be impossible and even if achieved, irrelevant. He also reminded them of Crimean campaign, where Russia was defeated by efforts of both countries on the ground as well as on the sea. References to this war sprang up in London press and despite British government denying this possibility, speculation abounded. Petain insisted France should not undertake any action unless British shared equal burden. Otherwise, French could end up being cannon fodder for Royal Navy. Daladier concluded the discussion with an order to the general to update and present the military options in three days. To Darlan he ordered to prepare for establishing supply route to Romania from either Lebanon or Syria that could be used both to provide material support to Romanians and to transport and supply French ground forces, should they be deployed to the theatre.

Meanwhile, Bucharest

The force of the Soviet attack took Romanians by surprise. It was obvious the operation has been planned for a long time. Romanian king was satisfied by the reports from the front so far. Romanian air force and army inflicted significant casualties on the invaders and if they could keep it up, there was no doubt that at least the first wave of Soviet invasion could be brought to standstill. The only real danger was being drawn into war of attrition Romanians could not hope to win. Every advantage was on the Soviet side in such a contest. They had more men, more materiel and Romanians lacked the space to trade for time. Germans promised support, but their efforts to help Romanians were clearly hampered by the desire of German government to retain relationship with Soviet Union. King was under no illusion of German motives. They made it abundantly clear when they insisted on deployment of anti aircraft batteries to Ploesti and deployment of their aircraft there. Neurath signed the treaty and promised Germany will help Romania and so far they have helped. Only their help was not enough to offset Soviet advantages. The weapons that arrived today were already finding the way to Romanian units, and airplanes Germans gave Romanians would be piloted by men who lost their machines in yesterday battles. The king had one more issue to address. Around noon Soviets called on Romanian government to save the people from further suffering and admit the defeat. They promised to allow remaining Romanian forces safe retreat, threatening to destroy them instead. After reading the note, king was tempted to imitate Spartan kings of old in his answer, but decided to formulate a counter proposal.

The statement Romanians prepared to announce on the morning called on Soviets to stop their forces and retreat to within their borders. Statement reiterated Romanian offer to conduct a referendum in the area under the auspices of powers both countries could agree on and determine the status of the provinces in accordance to the will of it's inhabitants. Furthermore, Romania will not accept any outcome arrived at by force, they proclaimed. Romanian ambassador to Moscow received instructions to submit the note to Soviet government at 0800 hours and failing to receive the response until noon, notify Soviet Union that Romanian government considers state of war exists between the two countries. Afterwards, he would destroy codes and communication equipment and together with his staff request Soviet arrange the safe transit to Romania for all embassy personnel. This gesture would just formally confirm what was in fact the situation. Soviets neglected to declare war and Romanians now just wanted to correct for this omission. Ambassador would also announce that war could be ended at any time under the conditions already outlined.

Night, April 10th/11th, Kremlin, Moscow

Voroshilov briefed Stalin on the situation on the front late that night. Loses were higher than anticipated, but the final outcome will never be in doubt. He spread the map of the battlefield and indicated spearheads of the 7th army converging on Chisinau. Aerial reconnaissance discovered no impediments to their advance tomorrow and by evening the next day city will be besieged. Same fate will befall Cernauti, spared only by the mud impeding the movement of mechanized forces. By tomorrow noon Red Army will complete encirclement and the city will fall. Molotov reported that foreign powers reacted as foreseen - French and British condemned Soviet actions debating on what to do. By the time they decided, problem will be solved. Germans made a show of helping Romania, but only to the end of securing the oil. Then, Molotov, in a sarcastic tone, reported that major problem has arisen.

"Comrade Chairman!" he said, in mock panic "Italians are preparing to deploy their troops to Romania. Beria has informed me the prisons are overflowing with enemies of the state. He wonders where to accommodate all the prisoners." Laughing, Stalin remarked that something will be arranged. Everyone in Soviet Union military knew of the fiasco Italian forces encountered in the Battle of Guadalajara.

News of Italian engagement, negligent as the effect on Romanian campaign might be, caused Stalin to wonder if perhaps the risk of further escalation has increased. The operation in Romania was supposed to be a neat little war and more of a police than military action. He wanted to show the world Red Army was not to be trifled with. Now, a delicate balance had to be found. Soviet Union could not very well retreat now, without going back on their proclaimed goal. To Molotov, Stalin ordered to contact German ambassador and feel the German attitude on the issue and to Voroshilov to push the Southern front to all out effort to wrap up the entire operation as soon as possible. Once territory is liberated, Red Army would establish defensive position and continue only air strikes on Romania until government there accepts Soviet terms.
 
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April 11th, early evening, Tokyo

After Japanese government announced negotiations on ending the hostilities in China are going to start in Manila on April 15th, military did not react as expected. Instead of vehement protests and even some violence, what seemed as a dejected silence followed. Yonai was aware that this was more ominous than dejected silence and instructed Zenga to increase the guards around government buildings and directed the police officials to augment bodyguards to all ministers by police officers. Yonai intended to order putting few of the army officers under preventive house arrest, but Tojo dissuaded him from taking this step, fearing this would provoke military to react violently. Fear of another 2/26 incident pervaded the capital. That evening in Tokyo bay Hiei, Kirishima, Haruna and Nagato arrived from their base in Hashirajima and moored offshore. Nobody from the shore could have seen it, but their crew removed protections of the secondary armament of the ships. Guns were zeroed in on Tokyo garrison and loaded, ready to fire. Battalions of naval infantry deployed in front of the Diet, Emperor's palace and other significant objects in Tokyo placed barricades at the entrances and spread out blocking every major intersection within 500 meters radius. The prime minister also asked Tojo to bar army units from entering Tokyo in formation and carrying arms. Tojo drafted the order, deciding to post it tomorrow morning. He also placed a telephone call to Eastern District Army HQ, informing them of the pending order.

Meanwhile, prince Kan'in met with Takuma Nishimura, chief of staff of the Eastern District Army, Abe Heisuke, commander of the Morioka Reserve Officer school and Korechika Anami, formerly vice minister of war. Other prominent army officers failed to arrive at the meeting. During the entire previous week the efforts to arrange a meeting of all the highest officers of the army opposing the current course the country failed. In the end, prince decided to make do with the bare minimum of the personnel necessary for the action he contemplated. Finally, they managed to shake off their followers and gather in secrecy at the barracks of Tokyo garrison. Nishimura played the host of the meeting.

After brief and to the point discussion, the officers decided to take drastic actions to forestall disaster towards which country drifted under the leadership of the Navy and cowardly politicians. "Gentlemen, action must be taken tonight. I am afraid those bastards sniffed out something is being prepared." said Kan'in. Nishimura laughed "I've seen those naval beach rats. My soldiers will brush them aside with ease." he said in a dismissive gesture. "I am sure they will, Takuma-san. You will go into action at 2200. Korechika-san, you will make sure Tojo cooperates with us. If he tries to act up, threaten him, though I think Hideki is an honorable man. He can't be all blinded by ambition. Takumo, your men absolutely must take Yonai, Nomura and Konoe. Preferably alive, so they can be 'enticed' to renounce their positions, but I will not be too cross if they were to meet the tip of tanto. Abe-san, you will bring some of your senior staff to take over the running of the government, especially Kanto prefecture. That is all, gentlemen. Good luck!"

April 11th, morning, Romanian front

All during the night Romanian Mobile corps marched to get into position to counterattack Soviet pincer north of the Chisinau. Low rolling hills provided an ideal environment for tank on tank engagement. The corps consisted of an armored brigade, mechanized brigade and a cavalry division. At the last moment, the unit was joined by a battalion of new German tanks arrived only few days ago. The vehicles were manned by personnel of the Romanian training armored regiment. They had only limited time to familiarize themselves with German tanks. Having learned the basics by a dozen German advisors who arrived with the tanks, the unit was dispatched to the battlefield on April 10th. Three of German advisors volunteered to take the lead tank and act as unit leaders, among them one Lieutant Franz Baeke. The entire corps sized unit assembled by 0600, near the city Calarasi and marched towards northeast along the road.

Soviet tanks were 12 km away from the Calarasi and after camping out for the night, prepared to continue their advance. Their objective was to reach railroad and then wheel off south in an attempt to link up with the 10th Tank corps, advancing north and northeast. 10th Corps would then proceed west, reaching the Prut river, where their motorized division would establish defensive line, while a tank brigade will be tasked with mop up operations and later released to the discretion of the Southern front commander.

Two forces started marching towards each other at 0630, as the first light broke. Fate of entire Romanian First Army hung in the balance on this one engagement and corps commander was told explicitly to put in full effort and demand the utmost from soldiers under his command. Winning this battle would not win the war for Romanians, but it would buy much needed time. Losing it would deprive them of any chance of holding the entire central part of the front and would force a full retreat to Prut.

Soviet 7th Army vanguards reached the outskirts of Chisinau the previous day and spent the night anticipating the charge to take the city by storm. Romanian defenders from the First Army were rattled and suffered 500 casualties from the artillery fire the previous day, and their night passed with sporadic artillery fire from the Soviet heavy guns. In the morning general Yakovlev, commander of the 7th Army received the order from Stavka to push on with all forces and that political circumstances warranted disregarding the losses to capture Chisinau at once. Despite his doubts, and spurred by pompolit, the general ordered his troops in front of the city to start an all out attack at once. Three divisions of the Soviet 50th rifle corps charged across five hundred meters of clearing into the city yelling "Hurrah!" in the manner of typical Soviet infantry charge. This was a grave mistake. In disbelief, 12.000 Romanian soldiers of an infantry division opened fire at the yelling, charging mass of humanity. Machine guns cut Soviets like the sickle cut wheat in the fields, yet they kept on coming. Four hundred meters away, Soviet soldiers, stumbling on the bodies of their dead and wounded, still run towards Romanian positions. Machine guns now rattled in long bursts, falling down hundreds more every second. During the night Romanians prepared fall back position and now a brigade of their troops received the order to fall back. The remaining brigade now fired every weapon available at their enemy, which continued advancing and now was two hundred meters away. In five minutes, their position will be overwhelmed by thousands of Soviets running at them, bayonets in front. The Romanian brigade commander thought 'It is time!'. He yelled "Fall back! Towards the reserve line!". As he said it, he fired off a red flare. That was the signal Romanian artillery waited for. Their guns were silent for an entire night in order not to reveal their positions. Now 6 batteries of 10.5 cm guns roared, covering the area with explosions. They fired off three salvos and then their crews raced to move the guns, before expected Soviet retaliation. Adding to this carnage were Romanian sharpshooters, targeting Soviet officers and picking them off. The commander of the lead Soviet division thought he lost his entire division. He was on the verge to order his men to fall back and regroup. The only thing stopping him was pompolit, with whom he was having an argument. Just as he was about to respond to political officers accusation of cowardice, he heard a wet thud and pompolit fell without a sound. The last obstacle to commanders decision removed, he ordered fall back. As the troops from the other two Soviet divisions saw this, they yelled "Run.." and nothing could stop them from panicking. Resorting to the last, extreme, measures, officers fired on their own troops. This caused the soldiers to regain their senses, and the panic stopped. By that moment, the Soviets were back at their starting position, but short one third of the troops they set out with. The corps was virtually broken and at least could not resume the attack anymore that day. Of 12.000 Romanian defenders, 1.000 were killed and almost every man was wounded in some way, though only 600 incapacitated and evacuated to the back.

Southern pincer advanced towards north facing weak Romanian resistance as troops there attempted to impede Soviet progress until mobile corps could come south, after hopefully dealing a defeat on the northern pincer. Two Romanian divisions deployed here proved too weak to stop the Soviet tank corps and a rifle corps following it. Soviets started the attack by 0700 and in three hours breached Romanian lines and proceeded to exploit with motorized rifle division, advancing 15 kilometers in the direction of north.

At the same time, fighting was starting again in the area of Cernauti. Heavy artillery fire has been falling on the city, but achieved little beyond redistributing rubble left after yesterday barrages. There was no building left undamaged in the city and many of the houses collapsed altogether. Soviet attacks on the city itself were met with fierce resistance by Romanian infantry taking shelter in the ruins and craters created by the explosions. The fighting here got Soviets nowhere, and six hundred of dead Red Army soldiers laid scattered on the streets of the city, while 2.100 were wounded. The attempt to effect breakthrough using tanks cost Soviet 30 T-26s and 10 BT-7m tanks, getting them nowhere. Not even the behemoth T-28, designed for the express purpose of breaking through fortified positions managed to improve Red Army's luck. Three of those vehicles managed to approach to within a hundred meters of Romanian positions, but then two were immobilized and knocked out by anti-tank guns, while the remaining one bogged down in the trench and eventually abandoned by its crew. Red Army got the first taste of using tanks in the street fighting and it felt better.

Simultaneously, the Soviets continued the efforts to surround the city and by mid morning, three Soviet infantry divisions linked up behind it, enveloping defenders. Romanians reserve infantry division almost shattered, but a timely reaction of the Romanian cavalry brigade and Soviet is pausing to consolidate the envelopment saved the unit from being overrun. A Romanian infantry division and one brigade of the guards infantry division remained isolated within the ring. They dug in, took buildings as shelters and prepared to face the inevitable Soviet onslaught. Expecting this eventuality, Romanians stockpiled some munitions and provisions in the city. It was calculated defenders will have a week to fight on before either being relieved or succumbing to Red Army, whichever happened first. Overall command of the units inside ring fell to the commander of the guards brigade. He immediately decided to break out if not relieved by the sixth day.

As a result of their experience in the attempt to capture Cernauti, Soviets decided to hold off their cavalry corps until the city has been captured. Once the route was free, they would unleash it in a breakthrough operation on the southern axis, along the Prut river.

Soviet breakthrough further to the northeast of Cernauti was contained for the time being as Third Army committed its reserves of two divisions, as the third still has not formed up. In the event it Romanians command decided to abort this formation and use the manpower as a replacement pool instead, making good for 4.000 losses suffered so far.

Soviet Twelfth army did not attempt another breakthrough over the canyon, wising up after the fiasco of the day before. Instead a corp was transferred to Rezina area, where chances of decisive breakthrough were much better. Unfortunately for them, this precluded possibility of attack in either place, despite the insistence of political officers.

Airplanes remained grounded on both sides, due to low overcast and fog, that made any bombing inaccurate and even dangerous to own troops in certain places. The clouds did not stop Soviet long range bombers from visiting Bucharest and Iasi. One group even bombed Constanta, attempting to put the port out of action. None of the attacks achieved anything of note.

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Situation on Romanian front by the 12 o'clock April 11th

April 11th, 10 o'clock, around Bravicea, Romania

Village of Bravicea lay some 20 kilometers from Calarasi, through which passed the sole remaining major communication line to Chishinau. Soviet attack on this front, aiming to cut off the city entirely, started in the morning. Romanians anticipated the attack since the previous day. The nature of terrain here precluded effective defense and realizing they could not resist the attack for very long, divided the forces holding the front. 12th infantry division was ordered to remain on the front and execute fighting withdrawal in order to slow down Soviet advance. Meanwhile, 16th infantry division retreated 10 kilometers during the night and set up defensive positions on the hills overlooking Bravicea. Romanian units were advised counter attack will come within hours. Finally, retreating Romanian infantry pursued by Soviet tanks, joined their comrades on the positions on the 300 meters high ridges dominating the village and narrow valley. This defensive position offered good field of fire for Romanian artillery and anti-tank guns, while also providing relatively good camouflage. It also had the virtue of blocking two main roads, one heading south to Cishinau, the other towards Calarasi.

Romanians expected main Soviet push on the east-west axis with tanks advancing across the valley towards Calarasi. In order to counter this, Romanian 1st army command came up with the plan of counterattack flanking the perspective front, and coming from the area of Calarasi, along the road leading to Bravicea. Units executing defense were notified of the plan and told to hold off Soviets for as long as they could and that further withdrawal should be undertaken only in case of the grave threat to the units.

Soviet artillery bombardment of Romanian positions started as soon as first armored cars from reconnaissance section of the Soviet 5th tank brigade appeared on the opposing hills. Romanians withheld their fire, but Soviet lieutenant commanding recon squad had keen eye for terrain and made an educated guess where Romanians troops were most likely to take positions. Within minutes, he radioed artillery batteries of the brigade the coordinates for fire and shells whistled over his head within minutes.

Shuddering in their foxholes and trenches prepared beforehand by engineers, Romanian soldiers endured as best they could. It seemed the very gates of hell opened above them for 15 minutes of bombardment. While it lasted, Romanian artillery stationed at the bottom of the ridge, opened up and replied in kind, plotting the suspected Soviet positions using sound ranging and plastering them with fire. This quickly devolved into an artillery duel between two Romanian and three Soviet artillery regiments. Unequal contest quickly came to an end, Romanian artillery pieces fell silent, their crew killed or forced to abandon them. Soviet fire then shifted back to the hills, but artillery exchange had caused heavy losses on the Soviet batteries too, so fire could not be sustained on the level from earlier minutes.

The artillery fire then ceased as three battalions of Soviet tanks appeared in force and advanced across the valley. Two batteries of Romanian anti-tank guns that survived the artillery barrage, silently aimed at the tanks. Gunners did not fail to notice Soviet tanks include a dozen of never before seen Soviet tanks, larger than both T-26 and BT-7m interspersed within the attack column of some 120 tanks and Soviet infantry charged together with tanks or event took to climbing to the sides of the tanks. After Soviets approached to within effective range of under 1.500 m, Romanian gunners opened fire first on the T-26s, the only tanks they could hurt at the longer range, knocking one by one out. Romanian mortar fire opened up too, with highly deleterious effects on the Soviet infantry that attempted the novel approach to the mechanized infantry concept, hanging on the sides and hulls of the tanks. Tanks themselves started returning fire, though inaccurately and ultimately without the desired effect of abating Romanian fire.

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As Soviet tanks approached, their fire became more and more precise, and one by one Romanian guns were being knocked out. Now, only four remained to hurdle rounds at oncoming Soviet armor, only 750 meters away. All attempts to knock out new Soviet tanks were unsuccessful. All shells were harmlessly deflected by the front armor of the large tanks. One lucky gun crew immobilized one by hitting the left track of the tank, but the tank just stopped and acted like pillbox, spitting fire, despite three more hits on the hull and turret.

Half an hour into combat, with 70 Soviet tanks within 100 meters of Romanian positions, sudden explosions hit the Soviet tanks positioned on the right flank. All heads turned to see where it was coming from and saw a column of 40 Romanian tanks heading towards the scene of combat, approximately a kilometer away. Half were German produced Panzer III and half Panzer IIs that arrived to the scene of combat first. Romanian infantry cheered, while Soviet tanks started maneuvering frantically to face new threats. This was in large part a slow process, as Soviet tanks had no means of communication beyond their own sight. Attacked from flank and front, with Romanian tanks closing in fast, Soviet attempt to fight off sudden counterattack was doom to fail. Not without fight though.

Soviet brigade commander pushed his fourth battalion of T-26s, held in reserve, into fray, while at the same time another battalion of Romanian tanks appeared from the westerly direction. As tank forces closed the distance to mere tens of meters, the fighting then developed into virtual melee, an armored equivalent to hand to hand combat. This largely negated Soviet disadvantage in communication gear, as each tank now maneuvered independently. Soviet infantry, that clung to their tanks, turned to run from the oncoming tracks of friend and foe alike, quickly leaving the field of battle to armored vehicles alone.

In terms of quality Soviets held the advantage with some 13 T-34s still around the battleground, the rest being 28 BTs and 10 remaining T-26s, with additional battalion of 25 T-26s arriving. Romanians had 32 German vehicles left - 17 Panzer III and 15 IIs, with additional battalion of 28 R-2. T-34s proved to be formidable, even unbeatable, opponents and none of Romanian vehicles could so much as scratch the paint off them in frontal engagement. However, being caught off guard, five T-34 were hit on side and rear of the hull in the first salvo, knocking them out and while three were immobilized, to be destroyed with ease as Romanian tanks passed them around. The remaining 5 T-34 dealt damage in total disproportion to their number despite additional 3 being immobilized by mechanical failure. They managed to take out 14 Romanian tanks within five minutes. After ten minutes of furious fighting, Romanians were down to 38 tanks, 12 Panzer IIIs, 6 Panzer IIs and 20 R-2s. Soviets were left with only two T-34 mobile and one immobilized, 22 BTs and 15 T-26s. Both sides now had no other choice but to continue fighting, as withdrawal was out of question. In desperation, tank battalion of Soviet motorized division, supposed to have 20 T-26s was called up, but it only consisted of 27 T-37s, useless amphibious tank, armed with machine guns. This decision was hastily reversed, but not before 5 feeble vehicles were destroyed.

The battle would surely go Soviet way, except for anti tank guns and nimble Panzer IIs that evened the odds, taking out T-26s one by one. Panzers III, meanwhile attacked immobilized T-34s and after losing three more of their numbers destroyed Soviet tanks by shots from behind. Meanwhile Czech originated R-2s found their match in the form of BTs and destroyed 7, losing 9 in return. Seeing the writing on the wall, remaining Soviet tanks started retreating and in the end only a dozen escaped the field with only two T-34s.

Both sides suffered grievous looses, but Romanians claimed tactical victory as they remained in control of battlefield. They weighed the option to go into counterattack, but decided against. It was obvious that fighting tanks and anti-tank guns in close proximity was not advisable and Romanian commander did not want to get stumble into similar predicament. German battalion commander, lieutenant Baeke, scored six kills with his tank and his small unit made decisive contribution to the fight. Romanians regrouped and reinforced by the rest of their force that arrived by now, with reconnaissance pointing that Soviets were in vulnerable position, commenced a counterattack to drive Soviet northern pincer off and remove the threat to Chishinau.

Romanian tanks advanced into direction of Soviet lines and soon hit the two rifle division of the Red Army and the remnants of tank brigade. One battalion of Czech tanks uncommitted in the battle with Soviet tanks earlier, engaged Soviet tanks, overwhelming them. Armored regiment, equipped with French R-35 tanks, stormed into infantry marching into attack totally unprepared to meet armored attack. Despite urges of their officers, cursing of political officers and military police section firing into soldiers with their machine guns, panic erupted and division could not be controlled any more. Command section of the division lost all contact with regiments and the very squads disintegrated as soldiers dropped their rifles, running away. Soviet artillery then fired, spreading carnage, hitting few Romanian tanks, but mostly killing their own troops. Commanding general draw his service pistol and firing wildly, called on his soldiers to turn around and fight. He was knocked unconscious shortly thereafter by nearby explosion and later captured by Romanians.

Seeing Soviet division shatter in disarray, Romanians pressed their counterattack further and rounded up nearly 5.000 prisoners by the end of the day. After reconnaissance section reported Soviet infantry has taken prepared defensive positions at the banks of Raut, Romanians decided to stop. As daylight dimmed, Romanian tanks retreated to where they came and both sides analyzed the results of the day. The battle, later to become known as one of the first clear tank on tank engagements recorded, ended in less than two hours. In a vigorous counter attack Romanians managed to overwhelm Soviet tank corps and turn back the threat to their communication lines. Losses that seemed quite heavy at the first look, turned out much more moderate as many German and Czech tanks could be recovered and put back into action. Total unrecoverable losses on Romanian side were 5 Panzer IIIs, 12 Panzer IIs and 5 R-2s. Romanian infantry suffered 3.500 losses before Romanian tanks showed up, while Romanians lost 4 batteries of heavy artillery and a battery of AT guns.

Soviets lost the tanks of an entire brigade, most seriously T-34s. Only 6 BTs and 10 T-26s remained in total out of nearly 200 they started with. After making this report, Soviet corps commander disappeared, being last seen in company of two NKVD officers. After accounting for infantry and artillery losses, two rifle divisions were relegated to a reinforced brigade size mixed formation and brought back to Odessa to receive replacements, while 5th tank brigade was eventually disbanded, remaining personnel and vehicles to be used to form a new brigade. 51st Rifle corps now consisted of one division and could do no more than attempt to hold on the Raut until the recomposed divisions rejoined it.

Southern pincer has stopped at Bujoru, where they were supposed to wait for northern pincer to close up, according to Soviet plan. There Soviet 10th Tank corps regrouped, with all 176 tanks it had operational ordered to use remaining daylight to prepare the tanks to proceed with the advance by tomorrow morning, once expected link up was achieved. Their orders were changed by the morning, as the fate of Soviet northern pincer became known.

Under pressure from Germans, who deployed a mountain division on the border, Hungarians agreed not to come with their demands on Romanian territory and accept future German mediation on the issue as well as to agree to allow German supplies and forces to be routed to Romania over their territory.

Italians composed the corps consisting of Litorio armored division, Piave motorized division and an Alpini division Taurinese. All three divisions were already mobilized and ready for combat operations. Litorio and Piave were already en-trained and travelling to Romania after Yugoslavia allowed transit. This was only possible thanks to German guarantee to Yugoslavs. Italians had to agree the units were not to disembark the trains and to travel separate from their equipment. Taurinese division meanwhile embarked Italian troop transport ships and set sail from Trieste. Once the convoy approach the mouth of Adriatic sea, First squadron of Italian first fleet, cruisers Zara, Fiume and Gorizia and attending destroyers would join it and escort it to Romanian port at the Black Sea, to whichever port is available at the moment.

April 12th, morning

Meanwhile, Turkish cavalry division started disembarking in Constanta, after night and day of sailing across the Black Sea. Near the port of Constanta, a Soviet submarine fired two torpedoes at the convoy, zig-zagging the route, but they missed. In the morning, as the ships moored in the harbor, Soviet bombers attempted bombing the port again, but they were not able to significantly disturb disembarkation. One Turkish transport suffered damage from near miss by Soviet bomber, suffering 12 casualties and 17 horses killed.

Slovakia, encouraged by Germans also contributed a regiment of their mountain troops, but they had to be airlifted to Bucharest, due to Hungarian refusal to even consider giving them transit rights through their territory, in spite of German urging.

Meanwhile, Tokyo

Darkness engulfed streets of Tokyo and city traffic has died off, streets being silent. At stroke of 10 o'clock, gates of Tokyo garrison opened and a convoy of ten trucks, two of them trailing artillery pieces drove out, lead by a car with IJA markings. They turned towards Imperial palace and picked up speed. They were followed by five more two truck convoys which went to different directions. At the same time, prince Kan'in drafted a resolution proclaiming military government and establishing the state of emergency throughout Japan. As soon as the troops dispatched completed their assignments, he would read it on the radio and hopefully secure the support of remnants of civilian government or have their heads. He was sure Emperor Showa would tag along if all went according to plan.

Convoy first to make contact with naval personnel guarding important buildings was also the largest one. Having been informed of positions taken by naval detachments by kempeitai who reconnoitered the buildings during the day, Soldiers disembarked trucks and formed up to brush any resistance off. Two guns they brought were detached from the trucks and pushed on the street looking towards the building of Imperial Diet, 800 meters away. Soldiers then marched off down the street and reached the barricade. Navy troops called on them to stop, surrender their weapons and turn back. Soldiers returned this call by calling on navy detachment to surrender their weapons and leave or join the army in averting traitors to the Emperor from delivering Japan into western hands without a bullet being fired. Lieutenant in charge of the navy unit had orders what to do in case any attackers failed to comply to his order. He ordered 25 of his men to aim their weapons on the army unit, composed of some two hundred soldiers and drew his katana. Army soldiers responded in kind and a shooting started.

Within five minutes, navy barricade was overwhelmed and 34 bodies laid around, while 15 men held their arms on the spots were bullets hit them. Army captain approached few apparently alive navy men and muttering "Traitorous dogs!" shot them in the head from his revolver. Suddenly, from the direction of Diet more troops appeared, training their rifles at ready. Army soldiers, their numbers reduced by 20, set off to meet the group head on, bayonets extended in front of them. Sudden machine gun fire caused them to scatter and lie on the ground. Those close to the walls ran for shelter, while others opened fire lying on the ground. Confused fighting broke out and within 10 minutes, more troops were dispatched from Tokyo garrison. Meanwhile, navy personnel evacuated Diet building, Emperor household and ministers with their escorts. Everyone was loaded into bus prepared for that purpose and escorted by two trucks of naval infantry driven off to port and transferred to Yokosuka naval base. Meanwhile, army captured Tokyo radio station and delivered the announcement.

The announcement was tad premature. Navy set up an alternative transmitter within the base and Emperor delivered his speech, calling on Army to cease the mutiny or face the consequences. He also called on everyone in the army as well as civilian population to support legitimate government. The speech was played incessantly for the following 24 hours along with information on army units within the capital. Navy declared Japanese mainland was under blockade from the world and stopped transferring the supplies to China until mutiny is subdued.

The first military commander to join the government in Yokosuka was general Yamashita. His presence in the capital was lucky coincidence as the general was presenting the situation in China to the Emperor. Yamashita was promoted on the spot and named commander in chief of Imperial Army. Emperor announced his great uncle has been stripped off his military ranks. Prime minister Yonai declared special court will be established and people responsible for the mutiny apprehended and tried. In the morning naval forces assisted by two defected army companies managed to reclaim control over the Imperial Diet and Emperor palace and chase off army units there. Tojo appeared from the government building in the company of four Kempeitai from his personal escort detail. Cuffed behind them and led by two Kempeitai was Korechika. Tojo declared his allegiance to the Emperor and presented his prisoner, recounting the hours of pretending he was on the side of the army in the attempted coup. His story was, incredibly, confirmed by search of Korechika pockets where they found an unsigned document that named Tojo a prime minister. According to Tojo he refused to sign the paper and accept the position out of loyalty to his Emperor and would not do anything contrary to Emperor's wishes. Suspicion that he was playing for both sides in expectation to see who will win remained with some, but that could never be proven. In reality, though, Tojo was waiting to see if Kan'in could get Emperor on his side.

During the following day low intensity fighting continued, as opposing units encountered each other in the city streets. By morning of April 13th, Tokyo Garrison, Ministry of Army and Army headquarters were surrounded and soldiers and officers invited to surrender. Navy airplane flew over barracks dropping the leaflets promising no harm will come to those who were misguided by their superiors and only listened to orders. Radio Tokyo has been retaken during the night and now incessantly played Emperor's pronouncement to the nation. By noon, last army holdout, Tokyo garrison has fell after two salvo from Kirishima's secondary armament. Inside, they found prince Kan'in lifeless body, his stomach ripped apart with tanto knife and several other generals lying around, also dead. The incident, later known as 04/12 incident was thus over. Not many were left to prosecute, but ultra-nationalist core was either dead or thoroughly discredited.

April 12th, morning, London, United Kingdom

The rapid succession of events took Chamberlain and his cabinet by surprise. Before they even considered the issue of helping Romania or staying out of the mess, situation has escalated to a armed conflict. British guarantee given to Romania in March was conceived with purpose of keeping Germans out and issued in an entirely different geopolitical circumstances. On close inspection of the guarantee, one could deduce at least three conflicting conclusions. Consensus of experts on international law, whom Foreign Office consulted, was that unless Soviet attack represented the clear threat to independence and sovereignty of Romania, United Kingdom was under no obligation to assist them. The language of the conclusion was roundabout and included such leaps of logic as trusting the declared intentions of Soviet government and assigning them limited objectives. At least two of the experts agreed that the the attack alone threatened Romanian independence, making any decision of Romanian government invalid and made under extreme duress.

Chamberlain tended to side with minority here. By now he was thoroughly disappointed in the appeasement as diplomatic option and in any case, the time to appease Soviets has run out on April 10th. Prime minister detested Soviet Union to begin with, and his view on the Soviets has become heavily influenced by the espionage scandal. The information that some members of Foreign office were spies on behalf of Soviet Union has heavily burdened Chamberlain and not only as Prime Minister. He ran the Foreign Office for a period of time, so he felt the blame for such leaks and imprudence partially being his own.

Halifax himself also tended to read the text of Guarantee more to its spirit than to the letter. He took sides with Prime Minister on the issue and recommended Government attempt to force Soviets to the table by diplomatic means. Failing that, provide direct assistance to Romanians in form of arms, ammunition and whatever supplies could be spared at the moment. The news that on 11th, Romanian government has declared war on Soviet Union tended to simplify things for them. Halifax remarked that since Romanian government declared war on Soviet Union, this brought the conflict to a new level entirely. It was obvious that Soviet goal could now only be achieved through decisive defeat of Romanian Army. Romanian government has declared that they would only agree to cessation of hostilities if Soviets agreed to retreat and allow the dispute be resolved by plebiscite of population affected by it. The chance Soviets would accept this demand was diminishing with the speed of their advances on the ground. By all indications, Romanians fought with valor, but the reports coming from Romania were bleak. Their northern front was on the verge of collapsing and the city of Cernauti was surrounded by Red Army. Kishinev was on the verge of being surrounded. General Ironside considered Romanian situation hopeless and thought they would retreat across Prut within days.

Chamberlain decided to consult French Government and attempt to form common diplomatic policy on the Romanian issue. He conferred with Daladier over telephone and both Prime Ministers agreed to issue a joint statement condemning Soviet aggression and demanding Soviet troops withdraw, endorsing Romanian proposal for peaceful solution. Daladier expressed worries of French government that German and other fascist block governments offering direct help to Romania was undermining position of both democratic powers in Eastern Europe and could ultimately lead to consolidation of an entire block of countries behind Germany. This possibility invalidated mild approach and required more forceful action by the Allies. This coincided with Chamberlain's own view of situation. Yet a diplomatic approach had to be attempted since rushing headlong into possible war without exhausting all other options would be hard to justify to the public in democratic countries. Chamberlain proposed both cabinets meet again either in Paris or London and discuss joint plans in eventuality diplomatic initiative bears no fruit, an outcome both Chamberlain and Halifax considered likely. Daladier agreed and invited British to Paris on a joint conference on April 13th indicating his desire to review possible joint actions should everything else fail.

Moscow, Kremlin, 1400h

On the noon of April 12th, a joint statement of British and French governments was delivered to Soviets by the ambassadors in Moscow. Ambassadors added that the answer from Soviet government was expected within 24 hours. The answer should contain a concrete proposals on how to solve the existing dispute in a peaceful fashion. Otherwise, French and British governments would be forced to consider other measures in order to secure peace and stability in the region and in Europe as a whole.

Stalin received the declaration and immediately called the meeting of Poltiburo. Both Stalin and Molotov declared their belief that Allies would not take active part in the war, but would limit their involvement to occasional arms deal to the profit of capitalist owners of their arms industry. No country has declared war against Soviet Union so far and only Turkey, Spain and Italy offered any concrete help to Romanians, a help that would either take weeks to manifest or would not make a difference at all.

Voroshilov reported heavy losses accompanied the advance of armies on Romanian front, adding that commanders on the scene were confident that Romanians were on the verge of break down. He assured Stalin that, in few more days, Soviet objectives will be reached. Marshal did not dare to expose full extent of losses and he genuinely believed them to be of no consequence as to the final outcome so deliberately downplaying them for the Politburo consumption. He already took care of the most flagrant failures as well as ordering Semyon Budyonny to press forward more vigorously and throw reserves into battle. When questioned on the threat Britain and France presented, he opined that Stavka considered the options for both countries seriously limited, as neither could stage even a limited offensive from the lands where they bordered Soviet Union.

Molotov opined initiative France and England embarked on in Romania dispute was forced in large part for fear of Germany dominating Eastern European and so represented continuation of bickering among capitalist forces, so could be disregarded. Stalin added that in any event, Communist party in France would see to it that any French action would be paralyzed. Furthermore, Soviet Union could step up support of irredentist movements throughout the European colonial empires, giving both countries something to worry about instead of meddling into Soviet's sphere.

Molotov proposed a declaration be formulated and announced in order to placate Western powers and make their political position untenable. Soviet declaration called for immediate cease fire, Romanian withdrawal and negotiation of status of illegal settlers to the territory occupied in 1919. Soviet Union magnanimously offered to finance their repatriation as part of staged integration of the disputed territory into Soviet Union. Also Soviet Union offered to forego any demands on reparations for unlawful occupation of the territory by Romanians for the period of 20 years.

Meeting then turned toward the question of Germany. Molotov reported Germans too expected peaceful solution and strongly objected any forced conclusion to the war. Neurath expressed his hope that compromise solution would be possible, adding that Germany did not expect Soviets demands extend to Nortern Bukowina. German Foreign minister declared German government finds this breach of earlier agreement disturbing and demands Soviet troops retreat from the area.

The meeting ended with unanimous approval of Molotov's proposal for declaration. Stalin praised Voroshilov's report and expressed his satisfaction that operations were proceeding satisfactorily. In response to German objection, Stalin told Molotov to establish what Germans want in return for their acquiescence to Soviet demands.

Romania, April 12th

Rain continued to pour over the entire battlefield, so skies remain devoid of airplanes. Forecast, however, anticipated clearing by April 13th, and both sides rushed to make as many airplanes operational as was humanly possible. The day started with renewed Soviet efforts to reduce Cernauti. On the ground Soviets second attack by tanks on Cernauti was again repelled by soldiers of Romanian Guards division, proving beyond any doubt that using tanks in urban areas was a singularly bad idea. However, obtaining this proof cost Soviets further 34 tanks to little gain. Attempt to employ flamethrower version of T-26 ended in a fireball when its fuel storage exploded after hitting a land mine.

Soviets then laid an artillery barrage, but the lack of ammunition hampered Soviet artillerymen. Optimistic assesment of operational requirement took its toll as logistic preparations for attack proved lacking. After proficient use of artillery in the previous days, Soviets now had only few dozens of shells per gun left. These had to be husbanded carefully to see them over the interval of a week before substantial new quantitities of ammunition found the way to the front. Around ten o'clock two divisions of Soviet infantry charged the city defenses from two directions simoultaneously, hoping to catch defenders of guard. However, Romanian commander used the circular defense to his advantage, shuffling troops from one crisis spot to the other. Romanians first tackled the attack from the eastern sector, while allowing Soviets some gains on the northern sector, where he had some ground to spare.

After suffering 1.400 casualties in the attempt, eastern part of the attack falters among the houses of Cernauti suburbs and Soviet troops return to the starting point to lick their wounds. Northern attack at first appears promising and Soviets cross Prut, throwing in a reserve rifle regiment in hopes the Romanian line would rupture. After two hours of fighting Soviets reached the second of four Romanian lines, suffering 'only' 870 casualties, when Romanian infantry brigade arrives from the other end of the line to bolster the Romanian troops engaged here. The sudden appearence of over 2.000 men manages to make a difference and Soviet attack was stopped once again. Soviets suffer additional 300 casualties, while Romanians, being on defense, suffered total of 490 dead, 59 captured and 200 wounded.

After taking stock of ammunition, Romanian commander realises that the initial estimates grossly underestimated ammo expenditures required by modern battle. The revised figure now stood at four day ammunition stock. He reported this to Supreme command right away, receiving order to hold out at all cost and surrender only in the specific case further resistance rendered impossible.

Failing to reduce the envelopment by outright attack, Soviets decided to send off the three infantry divisions to advance further down the Prut valley and increase the separation between Cernauti and the rest of Romanian Third Army. Bolstered by a cavalry division those forces made some initial gains, pushing two kilometers towards the town of Sulitsa Nova. Here, they again met determined resistance of Romanian infantry and were stopped as night fell.

Further to the northeast, Red Army managed to form a huge bulge after initial brakethrough near Raspopintsi on the first day of fighting. Red Army units reached the road near Vaskauts on the second day and commanding general of the corps plotted an attack in direction of Lipkany, aiming to cut of the rail link and road communications of virtually the entire Romanian 3rd Army. Soviet troops started an advance in the morning of April 12th and made the first gains as they moved the line 10 kilometers down the road. They were only stopped as they ran into Romanian reserve division deployed near towns of Berlitsy and Gromadzeni. Romanians troops formed the line along the river Viliya and covered by artillery whose fire was observed from 300 meters high hill, managed to hold it after vicious fighting cost Soviet 2.350 and Romanians 1.300. Red Army continued to pummel the line stubornly throughout the day, but achieved nothing of significance. Here the nightfall stopped further actions and both sides dug in during the pause afforded by night. Romanians dedicated the single remaining reserve brigade to the vital spot.

Romanian general staff observed the situation with despair. It was becoming clear that northern front was too long for the forces deployed there. The general staff started considering the decision to begin shortening the front in the area. Withdrawing troops that still held Dniester line in the northern sector and now in danger of being cut off by Red Army advance towards Lipkany beaconed as the option, but the trouble was the only line to were they could be pulled was Prut.

Situtation on the central part gave less reason to dispair. Having defeated Soviet northern pincer, Romanians regrouped and during the night the mobile corps was deployed to the west of Cishinau. Their intention was to attack Soviet southern pincer and defeat them in the same way. Soviets had other plans, however. The 10th tank corps was also preparing to attack. Its 176 tanks were also fueled and with full complements of ammo, readied to resume the advance in the morning. Defeat of their northern counterpart caused their orders to change and their axis of advance was now directed towards Cishinau with intention of link up with Soviet forces on the other side near Gidigich. This manouver would cut off the city, though it would be much smaller scale encirclement than initially envisioned.

This plan started disintegrating almost as soon as the operation began. First, Soviet troops on the oposite side of the link up failed to make any advance, much less approach anywhere near their objective. More seriously, Soviet tanks almost at once ran into Romanian tanks. Having roughly equal numbers and equal tanks the decisive element was leadership and tactics. The battle lasted for exactly 38 minutes and ended in resounding Romanian triumph. Soviets lost 134 tanks (82 T-26 and the rest BT-7), while Romanians lost 78, mostly Panzer II and R-2s, with 11 Panzer IIIs immobilized or damaged. Once again, it turned out a quarter of the losses was recoverable. Tank corps followed the attack by R-35 into the Soviet motorized infantry and shattered the 7th Motor rifle division in short engagement, aided by Romanian cavalry brigade. The front around Cishinau stabilized for the day, and Soviet 7th Army lost its armored fist. In the afternoon, their defeat becoming clear, Red Army tried one more infantry charge into Cishinau by remaining division of 50th Rifle corps. The attack was stopped again and this concluded the action on the front for that day.

Soviet reenforcements started arriving and a new Tank corps and a rifle corps to replace the battered units joined 7th Army.

Lubyanka prison, Moscow

NKVD lieutenant opened the door to the cell. Konstantin Rokossovsky lifted his eyes from the floor and turned toward his tormentor. They held him in this cell for four year already. He has suffered numerous tortures at hands of his captors. They have even taken him out to the prison courtyard a couple of times to observe shootings from close distance, not knowing if he would be next. He almost wished it was the case, for it would bring merciful end to his wretched existance. Well, maybe today he'll get lucky and instead of his share of beatings he would receive a 'nine milimiter cerebral hemmorhage' as current euphemism went. "Prisoner, get out!" lieutenant shouted. Slowly, he rose to his feet and limped towards the door.

April 13th, brake of dawn, near Iasi, Romania

Major Otto Skorzeny received his promotion few months ago, skipping ranks. High brass choose him to lead newly formed unit numbering 1.137 soldiers of former SS. Only two days ago the unit received its first combat deployment order. Otto wondered as the arms they received were distinctly un-German in look. It was all clear when he read the order. The unit was deployed to Romania. They embarked on the trains and within 32 hours arrived to their destination, near Romanian city of Iasi. In the Romanian uniforms and carrying standard issue Romanian rifles the unit was indistinguishable from Romanian troops. In addition to small arms, unit was equipped with leGrW 36 mortars and a battery of light artillery in the form of 7.5 cm GebG 36. Next leg of their trip was to take place on the night of April 13th/14th on the Romanian trucks. The trip was supposed to be at night in order to avoid interdiction by Soviet air attacks that were expected on 13th, as cloud cover was braking up over Romania. So on the morning of April 13th, German unit camped out in the woods near Iasi, astride of the main road and rail communication connecting Balti and Cishinau to the rest of Romania, with very little to do.

Skorzeny was accustomed to waking up at first light and take a shave undisturbed. This morning was not very different at all. He emerged from his tent carrying a bowl and a razor in his hand. He placed it all neatly at the trunk of a tree in front of his tent and took out a small mirror from his pocket. After spreading the shaving cream evenly on his face, German major took the razor and started shaving, slowly and methodically. In the forest all around him, he could see tents of German provisional camp and a few soldiers and officers emerged slowly. He planned to ocupy his subordinates with physical excersises and firing the weapons to improve marksmanship that suffered from using guns his men where not trained to use. But first, he will finish shaving and have a cigarette. Just as he made the last swipe with the razor, he heard familiar monotonous drone of airplanes approaching.

'Probably another of Soviet air raids on the bridges.' he thought.

He has seen hundreds of holes on the terrain around the railroad and road bridges. Russians did not manage to hit and disable any of the obvious targets and a dozen of the machines where splashed in the surrounding landscape, hit by the flak deployed around the bridge.

Few minutes later, as the drone became louder, a siren joined in from the direction of the city. Skorzeny, curious to see an air raid climbed the mound in vicinity of his tent, from which he could get better view of surroundings. He immediately saw few dozens of large Soviet airplanes, he later found out were known as TB-3, coming in low from the direction of the East. Romanian flak opened up and plumes of smoke errupted in the sky around the airplanes. Contrary to all expectations, 'bombers' continued over the bridges without dropping their deadly cargo. They made a sharp turn to the south and perceptibly slowed down. Skorzeny realised the planes carried cargo, all right, but not bombs.

Paratroopers_jumping_from_Tupolev_TB-3.jpg

Soviets paratroopers jumping from TB-3

He turned around and shouted "Alarm! ALARM!". Then he saw dots behind the airplanes which became larger a few seconds later, as their parachutes opened.

"Get up! Get up, you bastards!" he shouted further and all of a sudden camp sprang alive. His soldiers emerged from the tents, some of them half-awake. "The city is under attack by Soviet paratroops. We shall join in the combat and help our allies. Form up in five!"

soviet+air+drop+on+Iasi.png

Red rectangulars on the map are Soviet drop areas, black is location of German camp

April 13, 0630h, near Iassi

Soviet paratroopers slowly descended upon the flat landscape bellow. Their transport airplanes dissapeared into the distance, and few scary minutes later most of them landed upon the ground. Their intensive pre-war training paid off and they suffered remarkably few casualties landing. Of over 2.000 paratroops dropped in the first wave, 1.800 formed up on the ground, at two locations. Later count of the casualties indicated that well over 50% were paratroopers that ended up in the swollen Prut river and drowned. The rest were killed by grenades of Romanian AA that tried to engage them as they hang in the sky. Paratroopers however, quickly descended bellow minimum declination of Romanian guns. The landing spot selected for the landing was risky, but it was the only possible one within the easy reach of their objectives. One was obvious - the bridge crossing the Prut. The second objective was nearby airfield, needed to bring forth reinforcements and some bulkier items that could not have been air dropped.

The airborne attack caught Romanians totally by surprise. Airborne attacks were expected at the opening of hostilities and once it did not materialize, reserves were transferred to the front. Now, they had no units other than company sized unit guarding the airfield and city garrison in Iassi or its vicinity. The garrison itself was depleted as personnel deployed to the front line. What notionally was a battalion strength unit was relegated to mere oversized platoon. In view of this situation, planned counterattack on Soviet positions to the north of Cishinau was aborted and tank battalion equipped with R-35 ordered to redeploy to Iassi crossing at best speed, followed by a single cavalry brigade still held in reserve at Balti. The first good news for the morning came as German volunteer unit reported they were engaging the Soviet paratroop brigade at the crossing. The other brigade, however was free to capture the airfield.

The fighting that broke out at the river crossing was confused. Romanian bridge security detachment was on the verge of blowing both bridges up with preset charges, when a unit emerged from the woods in column, singing a catchy tune in German, with 'Erika' booming at the end of refrain. They quickly marched across the bridge and headed towards the battlefield. Barely a thousand meters from the other side of the bridge, Soviet paratroop infantry formed up and marched towards the bridge. Germans, managed to cross in time to meet the Soviets head on. Machinegun teams deployed on the bridge embankment, setting up their weapons and broke open the ammunition boxes. After loading the ammo belts into the MG-34 breaches, they reported readiness to open fire.

SMG teams and rifle platoons proceeded to develop into assault formation, while German mortars opened up from the other side of the crossing. Muffled explosions of mortar grenades propellant charges were followed with ominous whistling overhead and then erruptions of dirt in front of Soviet troops as grenades fell to the ground. In spite of appearing dangerous, explosions of 6 cm grenades caused very little damage and inflicted only about a dozen casualties, as most got burried into muddy ground, their effect dissipated. Soviets infantry adopted a low hunch and advanced quickly towards Germans, at the same time opening fire with their own machineguns and mortars. Soviet mortars enjoyed much better effect as their grenades landed upon the surface of the road, sending shrapnel flying around. Of the six German machinegun crews that took position of the bridge, two were incapacitated by near hits of Soviet mortar fire. The rest switched positions and crossed the road, reducing their exposure to Soviet fire, while maintaining the view of the killing field.

Soviet and German infantry ran into each other like whirlwinds. In a wild firefight that ensued, both sides suffered large casualties in proportion to their unit size and broke off the meeting engagement, amounting to 300 dead and wounded, each. Germans retreated to organize a defense of the bridge and Soviets decided to reorganize and await arrival of the paratroop detachment from the north, which should be securing the airfield.

Meanwhile, to the north of Iassi, Soviet paratroopers started for the airfield. However, the unfamiliar terrain and loss of their commanding officer caused the unit to get lost in the terrain. They missed the airfield and marched of in the direction of the north west, then west. After three hours of futile marches up and down, facing no resistance, unit radioed for help, asking for coordinates. After triangulating the emission, Soviet command responded, chastising the unit acting commander. Unit reorganized and headed towards the airfield, that was 10 kilometers to their south, exhausted by the long circular march of the morning. By 12 o'clock they succesfully engaged the airfield security company. After half an hour of intensive combat they secured their objective.

It was however, empty of any Romanian airplanes that by now had flee to alternate locations. Worse than that, Romanians set fire to the large fuel tanks located near the airport. Soviet paratroopers couldn't extinguish the fires and and their fire continued long into the night, towering over airfield buildings. Soviet plan of transferring airplanes here thus failed. It was impossible to transport aviation fuel by air in quantities sufficient to enable sustained operations. Air support would have to come from home bases, limiting the overhead time of Soviet ground support aircraft and fighters.

Meanwhile, on the front in the vicinity of Balti

Soviet artillery opened up from guns of 30 batteries early in the morning. This time they gathered enough ammo to maintain a steady rate of fire throughout the day, but at the expense of their other sectors of the front. The roar of the artillery deafened Romanian defenders. Cannonade lasted for an hour and the tame landscape was turned into a brownish mess. Then, Soviet airplanes zoomed in, dropping bombs at the positions occupied by Romanians. Once more, Romanian airforce took off to contest the skies. Though outnumbered, their more than evened this out with determination and quality of their machines. They shot down 69 Soviet bombers and 19 fighters in exchange for 27 of their own, but mostly older machines. Hurricanes and Messerschmits remained almost untouchable to Soviets with their manouverability enabling their pilots to fly in circles around Soviet airplanes. However they expanded ammo very fast, so they had to leave the engagement with Soviet air attack still in full swing.

Soviet airplane attack on the Romanian defenses caused little real damage, but managed to spread panic. Romanian soldiers were rattled and when Soviet tanks emerged from the ridge and charged towards their line, any semblance of order and organization of the unit dissapeared. Soldiers got out of their trenches individally or in groups and retreated. Those that were courageous or foolish enough to stay and fight were overrun by Soviet tanks within 20 minutes. Soviet infantry closely following the tanks spread out securing the flanks and created a breach more than 5 kilometers wide and advanced over 20 km in depth. They were halted here by Romanian lone reserve division that has managed to improvise some quick defense. Soviet tanks stopped to regroup and await their artillery to arrive again, as well as infantry to catch up.

Romanian mobile corps has been engaged in battle for two consequtive days and its vehicles desperately needed some maintanance and their crews some rest. They were not to be given respite, however. Romanian tanks were ordered to intervene once more and impose themselves between Balti and Soviet 14th Tank Corps. They needed to traverse more than 140 km in broad daylight to reach the scene of battle. On this journey they were pounded hourly by Soviet ground attack airplanes, the Su-2 and SB. The planes dropped bombs and even launched rockets, but all they achieved was knocking 3 Romanian tanks out and destruction of several trucks and armored cars. After first few attacks, Romanian tank crews learned they could safely ignore the air attacks. Romanian command expected to deal another crushing blow on the Soviet armored formation next day.

April 13th, around noon, Paris, Elysee Palace

Once more, British and French cabinets gathered in spacious conference room of Elysee Palace. Accompanying heads of governments were the ministers and chiefs of all branches of military forces, personnel from intelligence services and foreign office staff. The major topic of discussion was situation that developed in Romania as a consequence of outright Soviet aggression. Whatever pretext Soviets used, both Prime ministers concluded that armed attack against Romania was unwarranted and unprovoked since Romanian government has shown enough goodwill to come to terms with Soviets. The joint demand by France and UK to cease hostilities and withdraw Soviet forces from Romania coupled with opening a dialog with a view on peaceful solution of the dispute was rejected by Soviet Union. In a short note Soviets stated their desire to once and for all solve the long outstanding dispute. They were not willing to suffer Romanian intransigence and only negotiations they could agree on was perhaps on recompensation Romania was willing to accept in return for any economic asset they've built up in the territory. Soviets further denounced any referendum as 'simple delaying tactics that would enable Romanians to influence national composition of the region and retain it under the umbrella of legality'. The only referendum Soviets would accept was one organized under the supervision of Soviet government.

Chamberlain and Daladier now agreed that something had to be done to show support for Romania, beyond the innefective moral and diplomatic efforts. Already, certain officers of the French Army demanded to be allowed to volunteer their services to Romanian army. Many influential French industrialists also demanded something be done to protect Romania from Soviets, fearing their financial interests in that country would be threatened. Daladier felt pressured by his party base to do something. Chamberlain on the other hand, nurtured deep seated distrust of Soviet Union and Communist ideology in general. He refused to trust Soviet promises they only wanted to reacquire the land that rightfully belonged to them. British Prime Minister used this oportunity to point out to unprecedented humanitarian disaster unfolding in Romanian province, as close to a million refugees took to evacuate from the area overrun by Soviet forces. Reports from the area were sketchy, but rumors of mass arrests and abuse of population seemed credible enough. Authorities of the Soviet formed Moldovian SSR demanded of population obedience and copies of leaflets, announcing liberation from their capitalist overlords to the people of Moldavian Republic, found their way to Romania. In them, anyone in possession of more than 5.000 square meters of land was required to report to the Office of agrarian reform. It was obvious that Romania was threatened substantially and that Soviets aimed to expand their system outside their own borders using force. Both heads of government now turned to heads of military forces to get an opinion of options at their disposal. Generals first took to present the military situation on the ground.

French GQG operations officer delivered the latest available information on the Romanian front. Military missions of France and UK have not been able to get anywhere near the front line as yet, but they managed to draw an approximate map of the situation using various sources from Romanian and Soviet side. Situation seemed to have worsened considerably during the early morning, as Soviets crossed Prut river in two places now. Two hours ago, reports came of airlanding attack near city of Iassi and simultaneous assault on Romanian lines to the east of the city. Paradrop at this communication line could mean only one thing - they intended to cross Prut in force and paras were supposed to secure the bridges before the Soviet main body arrived. Despite displaying unexpected incompetence in the campaign so far, Soviets were hammering through with massed columns and massive artillery barrages. War in the air reignited again and it seemed Soviets kept upper hand only through sheer numbers there. Wherever they appeared, modern Romanian airplanes, while seemingly hopelessly outnumbered by Soviet air force, gave much more punishment than they took. Had more airplanes been available, Soviet would find it hard if not impossible to provide ground support and maintain air superiority over Romania.

Capture of Cernauti and Cishinau would mean majority of area has fallen to Soviets and any resistance beyond Prut would be meaningless. All indicators pointed to imminent fall of Cernauti, as city was surrounded by elements of two Soviet rifle corps. Cishinau was not surrounded ("Yet!" added Gamelin), but Soviets could cut it off within day. Consensus of GQG and Imperial General Staff was that Romanian resistance would become pointless once Soviets reach Prut. They concluded that if Soviet victory was undesirable outcome, precious little time remained for something to be done.

It was clear that at this point neither France nor UK could offer much in the way of direct intervention with ground forces. Officers reported that, in case civilian officials decide to intervene, perhaps a joint division could be deployed within a week. Within a month both countries could deploy a corps, consisting of a British armored division and one French Light Cavalry division. The troops could be deployed and supplied by navy through the Straights. The navy detachment based there, would also serve to inhibit Soviet attempt to take this vital area, using Turkish involvement as a pretext.

Commanders of French and British air forces also presented a strategic option to really put a dent into Soviet war effort. Their proposal was already known to Daladier and presented to Chamberlain as a rough draft. It boiled down to an attack on Soviet principal oil-fields in Caucasus area. The attack could be mounted from British bases at Mosul and Baghdad, within easy reach of British and French bombers. It would take at least a month, more likely two to set up the forces necessarry for the proposed operations and conduct aerial recon of the targets. All military options, of course depended on civilian authorities approval.

After short discussion, it was decided to commence the initial preparation of forces to be deployed to Romania and GQG and Imperial General Staff instructed to select the units most adequate for the purpose. RAF received approval to commence secret photo-reconnaissance of targets in the Caucasus and build up in Iraq. Furthermore, both Prime ministers decided to initiate one last diplomatic action and warn Soviet government of imminent direct military action to support Romanians, should Soviets continue their aggression.

Meanwhile, Black Sea

Having disembarked Turkish cavalry division in Constanta, a Turkish squadron of a battle-cruiser, two destroyers and transport ships sailed out of Constanta at early hours of April 13th. They were sailing south for four hours when they received messages from Romanians that air reconnaissance of Sevastopol revealed major units of the Soviet Black Sea Fleet were no longer anchored in the base. The Romanian scout airplane was forced to return before precise whereabouts of the Soviet fleet units could be established. They assumed the Soviets sailed out with at least 9 ships in order to intercept Turkish fleet on its way home.

Around the same time, Italian military mission, whose members arrived to Bucharest earlier, announced that ships carrying Italian alpini division Taurinese have entered the Black Sea, early that morning. Romanians immediately proposed Italian division disembark in the southernmost port to reduce the threat of Soviet air attacks and more importantly free Italian escorts to join Turkish fleet and face the Soviets. Turks, for their part, ordered their transports to scatter and run home at best speed, while warships took a direct course to meet Italian units. Initially, Italian Admiral Matteuci was reluctant to join his ships with the Turks. When the entire situation was communicated to him, he immediately radioed Italian Regia Marina and got permission to join forces with the Turks, provided he retains overall command. Having no time for drawn out negotiations and quarrels, Turkish Admiral accepted it.

Within an hour, both forces steamed towards each other. Italian troop ships peeled off the formation much earlier and scattered to run for Mangalia, escorted by Romanian destroyer and a coastal defense vessel. By early noon, combat vessels met with Turks and formed a composite task force. Consisting of three Italian heavy cruisers, Turkish battle cruiser, squadron of Italian destroyers (four Oriani class) and two Turkish destroyers, it was quite a capable formation. According to the best of intelligence estimates, they would face a Soviet task force of equal strength, consisting of six destroyers, at least four cruisers and a battleship. On paper, both forces seemed equal and the outcome of the battle would be determined by intangibles such as leadership, tactics, crew training and quality of the individual combatants.

Soviets steamed out of their base before dawn with the intention of intercepting Italian fleet, of which they received reports from a submarine, deployed near the entrance of the Black Sea. Steaming at 20 knots, they reached the point 70 nautical miles to the Southeast of Constanta by noon. Their light cruisers launched scout airplanes attempting to detect the Italian fleet. Just minutes after one of KOR-1 airplanes from Krasnyi Kavkaz reported 'Many ships sighted, direction 180 from the fleet, distance 50 kilometers!', observers from Soviet battleship reported seeing an Italian airplane flying high.

Both fleets increased speed and steamed towards the same point in the ocean at combined speed of almost 50 knots. Their encounter was imminent in less than half an hour.

April 13th, noon, Romanian front near Balti

Red Army was quickly becoming aware of inadequate supply of artillery ammunition. Offensive actions were scaled down on the entire front. Only the attack in the direction of Iasi and efforts to reduce Cernauti pocket continued. Even there, 300 odd Soviet artillery pieces had only enough ammo for three to four fifteen minutes barrages at full rate of fire. Tanks advanced with half the battle complement of ammo. Romanians tanks arrived to the battle in the late morning, although decimated by mechanical failures. On the 100 kilometer long stretch of the road, more than 60 Romanian tanks were stranded by the failure of engines or treads. Nonetheless, 70 R2s somehow reached the front and in a short but violent fight, they managed to stop Soviet 14th Tank corps advance short of Balta. Since those tanks were beyond their projected track and engine life, any notion of attack on the Soviets was rejected out of hand by Romanian general commanding the tanks. The front stabilized as the Soviets, having suffered losses of almost 60% of the tanks, retreated to regroup. Corps commander was reluctant to report his losses.

Attacks on Cernauti failed once more to deliver results. Artillery support was insufficient to brake Romanian defenses and infantry attacks incurred losses similar to the ones of previous days. Finally, 10th Army decided to besiege the city and transfer entire offensive to the front southwest of it.

Soviet paratroopers, who hoped they would be relieved by the end of the day were informed that there was an unfortunate delay in 14th Corps advance towards Iasi. However, the 7th Army commander dispatched 10 T-27s by TB-3s and they were delivered to the airfield north of Iasi. Soviet command hoped it would be enough to enable paratroopers to hold out for another day.

Romanians still debated whether to execute a tactical withdrawal and shorten the front. Soviet airborne attack at Iasi, temporarily stopped by Germans needed to be contained and after realizing there were no meaningful reserves left, Supreme command advised the king to undertake withdrawal from the most exposed lines in the northeast. Here, Romanians still stood on the Dniester, where they dealt serious losses on Red Army. Three divisions and mountain brigade deployed on this front suffered very few losses themselves and remained largely intact. Their flanks were increasingly threatened and most recent Soviet advance toward Iasi and from the direction of Cernauti could potentially cut them off entirely, as now only a single major road connected them to the rest of the country, they received orders to commence staged withdrawal. To fool the Soviets, two battalions of volunteers were left behind manning the line, while the bulk of the forces retreated 20 kilometers back, forming more or less straight line, shortening the front. The retreat would start at night, hoping that the Soviets will not notice the activity.

Slovakian troops deployed to the area south of Cernauti and set up the defensive positions to inhibit further Soviet exploitation in the rear of the Romanian main position.

Air war continued in much the same way as previous days. Soviets attacked in both strategic and tactical operations, losing many airplanes, but inflicting further casualties on Romanians. Romanian air force received more Bf-109s from Germany, bringing their current numbers to 50. Soviet attempt to attack Ploesti ended in disaster for Red Air force. Of 120 bombers sent to attack, 70 were destroyed to two German fighter squadrons and anti-aircraft fire from German 8.8cm batteries. 30 more failed to reach friendly airports due to damage. Many Soviet airplanes damaged in previous days remained grounded as spare parts were lacking and their replacements also lacked many parts. The situation with the pilots was getting desperate as many were lost in the battle. Their replacements had hardly an hour of flying experience and in combat tended to group together, cowering like a flock of sparrows when faced by Romanian pilots in better airplanes. Romanian fighters often encountered large formations of tightly grouped Soviet airplanes and proceeded to fire into them with every shot finding a target.

Soviets entered operations with 1.200 planes available. Only 854 remained by April 13th. This number included the planes that suffered battle damage, so the final number was short of 750 operational airplanes. Only 120 fighters remained operational, and fewer than 50 long range bombers. Most ground attack airplanes were damaged. Replacement machines and pilots started arriving along with another division of fighters transferred to the front from Leningrad area, increasing the number of operative planes to 900.

Black Sea

Fleets maneuvered for a better firing position as they approached each other. The Italian commander allowed the Turkish captain to detach his ship from the formation to allow him to maneuver independently. Battle-cruiser was four knots slower than his cruisers and he did not want to be slowed down by her. Soviets acted in similar fashion, but their cruiser group consisted of four ships of three different classes. Most modern one was Voroshilov, Kirov class cruiser. The ship was not officially commissioned yet, but since she lacked only her airplane, the Soviets decided to sail her in this battle. Two, Krasnyi Kavkaz and Chervona Ukraina were modernized Imperial ships and Komintern, another old ship. Only Voroshilov was able to stand up to Italian cruisers in quality. The contest was entirely unequal. Soviet commander, Admiral Filipp Sergeyevich Oktyabrskiy hoped however his battleship could defeat Turkish one and bring superior firepower against Italian cruisers. He also thought his two large Leningrad class destroyer leaders Moskva and Kharkov would even the odds.

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One of the last photos of Krasnyi Kavkaz, photographed from Soviet destroyer Bystry

Within 20 minutes, Italian cruisers Zara, Fiume and Gorizia were the first ships to come within the firing range. Their 24 8 inch guns started firing, trying to bracket Soviet cruisers, already visible. A first salvo fell well short of their targets and second scored a hit on one of the four Soviet cruisers. Soviet cruisers started to respond, but their crew consisted mostly of conscripts and their gunnery left a lot to be desired. First two salvos fell well short of the Italian heavy cruisers. The Italians continued to pound on Soviet ships and after the fifth salvo, only the modern Voroshilov was able to continue the fight, despite receiving ten hits on the superstructure. Three obsolete cruisers were immobile burning hulks ten minutes into combat.

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Italian cruiser Zara, seen firing on Soviet cruisers

By this time, Soviet battleship Parizhskaya Kommuna, modernized ship, but still relic from World War I, opened up with its powerful battery of 12 12 inch guns, trying to bracket Turkish battle-cruiser of German origin, Yavuz Sultan Selim - ex-Goeben. Fountains of water exploded around the ship, with a deafening roar, but Soviets scored no hits on their target until fourth salvo, when single AP projectiles hit the B turret, disabling it.

Turkish ship was at a disadvantage as her guns had a shorter range than those of the Soviet ship, so she couldn't return the fire yet. If the Soviets could damage her more, she might have been taken out of action by the time her guns came into range. Fortunately, Soviet fire remained inaccurate, helped by Turkish captain frantically maneuvering his ship at full speed.

Within five minutes, battle-cruiser closed the range and opened fire with her 8 11 inch guns, scoring a hit on target in the second salvo, but without serious damage to the ship. Third salvo managed to hit the aft superstructure and C turret, causing a minor fire.

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A near hit on Parizhskaya Kommuna from guns of Turkish battleship

Soviets managed to place a hit with three AP shells on the Turkish battle-cruiser, penetrating it below waterline, which flooded IV and V compartment causing the ship to list a little, but with no effect on battle worthiness. Next salvo from the Turkish ship found the target too, and Soviet ship received a hit near the anti-aircraft ammo magazine, causing fire to break out. Soviet efforts to put it out proved inadequate and within minutes, fire engulfed 45 mm ammo, causing it to explode. The explosion rocked the ship violently and her speed dropped to 10 knots, as five boilers were disabled by the shock. Next Turkish salvo took out two of her turrets. Admiral Oktyabrsky decided to disengage his remaining forces. He ordered the destroyers to lay smoke screen and disengage and called to Sevastopol to make air strike on enemy fleet.

Italian cruisers meanwhile plastered Voroshilov with concentrated fire and Soviet ship succumbed to it, sinking bow first, by the time order to disengage was issued.

Soviet destroyers salvaged some honor of the Soviet fleet, as they managed to sink one Turkish and one Italian destroyer while four Soviet destroyers were damaged, one severely. As they turned around to comply with the new order, they were met with fire from Italian cruisers which sink three more. Remaining destroyers put smoke screen and fired their torpedoes, causing the enemy formation to reverse course and take evasive actions. It became clear very quickly that Soviet battleship could not be saved and Admiral ordered it to be abandoned and scuttled. He and captain Gorshkov remained on the command bridge of the sinking ship, as remaining destroyers picked up survivors. Having completed this action, four Soviet destroyers turned home and ran at close their full speed.

Italians meanwhile attended to picking up survivors from their destroyers and refused to go in pursuit.

The battle cost Soviets five of their capital ships, effectively the bulk of their Black Sea Fleet. Furthermore, those ships were irreplaceable. Black Sea was inaccessible from the outside and Baltic fleet could not send reinforcements. They had one more Kirov under construction, but she could not be completed until 1941. Soviet Union has effectively lost any ability to use the Black Sea.

An hour later, Black Sea

As the rescue operations of the Italo-Turkish task force continued, they fetched people from the water, friend and foe alike. Losses on the Italian destroyer that sunk were 46 sailors, while 161 survived and was picked up by Fiume. Of 149 crew from the Turkish destroyer Zafer, 122 perished with the ship, after it sunk in less than three minutes, hit by two torpedoes from the Soviet destroyer Bodry. The other Turkish destroyer Tinaztepe, slightly damaged picked up the two boats with survivors and a dozen or so people swimming in the cold water.

A mere ten miles away, two Soviet destroyers, hidden behind a smoke screen created by the other two, picked up survivors from the Soviet battleship, as she went down. Their rescue operation was cut short as the smoke dissipated. Chased by the guns from Zara and Gorizia, Soviet destroyers left remaining Soviet sailors to be picked up by their enemies. Italians did just that, resulting in over 800 Soviet sailors ending up on Italian ships. They were equally distributed on all the ships and given proper medical care.

Just as the small fleet was wrapping up search and rescue, observers from Italian destroyer Lampo reported enemy airplanes approaching from all points.

Abandoning further rescue efforts, the ships increased speed. Soviet airplanes descended to a low altitude, bare meters above the water, and continued towards the ships. Their profile of attack betrayed them as torpedo bombers and Italian admiral immediately recognized that the best defense against this form of attack was maneuvering. He gave orders to all ships to increase to the best possible speed and take evasive actions to throw off the torpedoes that would be incoming at any moment now. Italian ships complied immediately, having been trained for this.

After some confusion, the Turks managed to divine the meaning of the order, by which time Soviet airplanes had already released their torpedoes.

Air above the formation

Soviet airplanes that attacked the formation belonged to the 5th torpedo air division of naval aviation. The unit was equipped with 38 DB-3T airplanes, modified long range bombers carrying torpedoes. Attack profile necessary to successfully launch a torpedo was a risky proposition. The planes were required to maintain altitude at 30 meters and 24 bombers managed to do this, the rest knocked out of sky by AA fire from the ships below. The Soviet bombers homed in on the largest ships in the formation, at once being the most valuable and the easiest targets in the formation.

Five aimed at Zara, six at Fiume, four at Gorizia and the remaining nine focused on the Turkish battle-cruiser. Their torpedoes splashed into the water and 17 proceeded towards their targets, while seven failed to initiate.

Turkish battle-cruiser Yavuz Sultan Selim

After being hit by Soviet battleship, Turkish ship had to reduce the speed in order to prevent further flooding and damage to her hull. The effort to pump the water out of the compartments IV and V were brought to an abrupt end as Italians reported incoming air attack. Soviet airplanes passed overhead and the Turkish captain realized they were being attacked by torpedoes. He ordered immediate course change and increase of speed, regardless of flooding. A sudden explosion rocked the ship. Drops of water fell everywhere on the deck, and huge splash towered over the ship, hanging there for what seemed as eternity. Then came the report of the damage control officer.

"It exploded in our wake, sir! We are all right!" he shouted, seconds from the explosion.

"Slow to 10 knots. Lay smoke in case some of their friends decide to show up."

Aboard the Soviet observer airplane

Soviet observer watched in amazement as the ships bellow danced in an attempt to evade the projectiles hurling toward them. The largest ship was a little slow and it turned clumsily, obviously damaged. A minute later a huge splash obscured the view of the target.

"Hit!" observer shouted.

The three men inside the airplane cheered in unison. The observer saw large quantities of smoke rise from the large ship, and her speed visibly dropped. As plumes of AA exploded around them, the pilot decided they'd seen enough and increased the throttle, turning the aircraft towards home. At least one torpedo found the target and exacted revenge for their comrades from the blue water.

Black Sea, 1430h

Soviet Leninec class submarine L-4 sailed at periscope depth and her captain scanned the relatively calm surface of the sea through a periscope. Suddenly a group of ships came into his view. He knew from the reports that Italian and Turkish fleet was operating in the area and that the Soviet Black Sea Fleet was on the sea. Consulting the books, he positively determined that none of the ships he could see were Soviet. Fast moving ships approached his position quickly and they were within 1 km range. They would have one chance to attack, and he was not about to waste it. He ordered his crew to launch two torpedoes at the nearest large ship and within a minute, the torpedoes were on the way. Captain turned his periscope around and suddenly, a destroyer came into view, barely 300 meters from the sub.

"Dive, dive, dive!" he shouted. They dived to the depth of 100 meters and reversed course increasing the speed to 10 knots. 45 seconds later, they heard two loud explosions and then twelve smaller ones much closer. They shook the submarine, but caused no damage. Captain decided to remain submerged, guessing it was the reaction from the destroyer he has seen before they dived. He waited for 30 minutes before he brought the ship back to periscope depth to observe. All he could see was a solitary destroyer, running in circles at high speed. No other ships were visible.

After night fell, L-4 surfaced and captain made a radio report to the command.

April 13th, late night, Kremlin, Moscow

The meeting in the Kremlin that began in the late afternoon lasted for a few hours in an extremely turbulent atmosphere. Stalin demanded to know why Red Army has not as yet accomplished not a single goal it was given at the start of the campaign. During the four days of campaign neither Kishinau, a city that was supposed to be captured by D+2, nor Cernauti, supposed to be in Soviet hands by D+1 was as yet captured. Red Army invested Cernauti, but Kishinau was still holding. Stalin ascribed all the guilt for the Kishinau to the 7th Army command. He gave an order to Beria to relieve the entire staff of the army and immediately signed the papers to this effect.

If this alone was not enough to infuriate the dictator, Admiral Kuznetsov, in a shaky voice and pale faced, reported the loss of virtually the entire Black Sea Fleet. Stalin ominously quiet, asked for details and Kuznetsov quickly gave the account of the battle, presented by the captain of the destroyer Moskva. The death of commanding admiral and most of the senior personnel, deprived Stalin of the opportunity to punish the people directly responsible. He directed his fury on young admiral, who attempted to defend himself. Admiral Kuznetsov explained that Italian and Turkish fleets could not be allowed to roam the Black Sea and had to be confronted by fleet action. The battle was lost through a misfortune, and it now could not be reversed. The precious Black Sea Fleet ships now lay at bottom of the sea.

Admiral offered some consolation in the fact that follow up air strike on the enemy was conducted by three squadrons of DB-3t torpedo bombers. According to the report of the division commander, the action resulted in sinking the battle-cruiser and damage to three other enemy ships. Additionally, a submarine reported putting two torpedoes on the side of Italian heavy cruiser and sinking it. Clearly the coast of the Black Sea was in no imminent danger whatsoever. Marshal Voroshilov added that loss of the fleet, while unfortunate, was by no means decisive to the campaign. Stalin reluctantly accepted the explanation and warned the Admiral that such disasters in the future will not be tolerated.

Turning his attention on the ground campaign again, Stalin chastised the commander of the 9th Army, General Matvei Vasilevich Zakharov, for insufficient use of artillery and snail pace of the troops on this front. He ordered Grigory Kulik to visit the area and determine the reasons why the city was not flattened by now and captured. Voroshilov explained that the ammunition expenditures exceeded projections by a large margin. Corrective actions are being undertaken and situation would improve in a few days. In the meanwhile, only limited offensive on the ground will be possible and the major objective would be the reduction of Cernauti pocket. He agreed that 7th Army command failed to take the initiative and use favorable conditions. A change of the command would certainly be beneficial. He proposed General Rodion Malinovsky as a replacement. Stalin agreed to this appointment and authorized the transfer.

The campaign was apparently to be stalled by vis maior, a fact Stalin found hard to accept and he still insisted on continuing the offensive. Unable to say no to him, Voroshilov concurred and promised further attacks on Kishinev and link up with the paratroopers at Iassi.

April 15th, early morning, Berlin, Soviet Embassy

Soviet ambassador to Berlin Alexey Shkvartsev settled in his comfortable chair, behind a large, intricately ornamented, wooden desk. In his hands he held the message from Molotov, instructing him to ascertain at once the German position regarding Soviet-Romanian 'dispute'.

'The shooting is four days old and they still use the word dispute, as if it is some kind of shouting contest.' thought the ambassador.

The message further gave him the authority to offer Germans further economic concessions and diplomatic support, within the frame of previous agreements, in exchange for their mediation in order to secure Romanian acceptance of Soviet terms. Alexey was stunned by the realization that Moscow thought the situation called for this. Wasn't the Red Army strongest in the world? How could a country the size of Romania has stopped the Soviet Union? The questions multiplied in his head and the answers were not forthcoming from the short message. Molotov mentioned Italian and Slovak meddling in Romania, it implied German hands, since the Ambassador knew well enough that very little in Slovakia was happening without German blessing. Sending Slovakian military units in the neighboring country certainly should be considered one of those things. So, his ultimate goal was clear enough - securing German acquiescence of Soviet demands to Romania and an end of any assistance, by proxy or otherwise, to Bucharest.

Soviet ambassador proceeded to read the summary of the Nazi-Soviet cooperation his staff prepared yesterday. He needed to familiarize himself with this matter before approaching the German Minister of Foreign affairs, von Neurath.

Cernauti, suburb, 2 kilometers from city center

Nicolau Baboescu, a sergeant in the 6th guard infantry Regiment of the Romanian Guard infantry division hunkered with his squad in the ruins of what used to be a cozy family home. The house was destroyed by the guns of Soviet tanks on the second day of this war as the Red Army commanders thought it would help them advance. Inadvertently, however they created a shelter for Romanian soldiers to crawl into. They occupied this position during the night, as battalion commander wanted to have some forward observers. The Soviet attacks grew more serious every day. Only 200 meters separated them from the Soviet lines.

Sargeant was lying down, using his binoculars to peer out of the narrow slit in the basement window, left after the house collapsed. On his right hand side, private Silviu held a rifle with telescopic sight, aimed in the direction of Soviet lines. On it's stock 41 slits marked the number of lives he has claimed already and he was itching for some new targets. It looked like he's waiting will not be long.

During the morning they spotted unmistakable signs that the Soviets were preparing for another attack. First of all, their lines were quiet, ominously so. Secondly, Silviu saw a few runners arriving to Soviet lines, doubtlessly delivering orders, something that, in their experience, immediately preceded the attack. Finally, they caught flickers of field glasses on the hilltops over the Soviet lines, as their observers reconnoitered lines.

Suddenly, the ground shook and the familiar noise of artillery grenades flying filled the air.

"Incoming!" shouted the sergeant.

They were in no real danger he knew, unless directly hit, in which instance nothing they do would make an iota of difference. His shout was merely a result of reflex, drilled into him by years of training.

Seconds later they heard the explosions further back, as 122 and 152 mm shells hit the ground. Nicolau stopped counting the grenades as explosions merged into one continuous roar. The ground was shaking and pieces of plaster fell from the walls around them, as the air filled with fine particles of dust. The bombardment lasted for minutes, which stretched into an eternity for the ten men in the small room. Gradually, the bombardment started to shift further back.

'So, they seem to be more serious now. They are laying a barrage fire.' Nicolau deduced.

"Be ready, men! They'll be coming any moment now." he warned his troops. Since the enemy fire has not targeted their spot directly, he deduced Soviets were unaware of their presence.

Roughly 200 meters behind them was the first line of the defense, a line fortified by rubble and held by four machine guns. By now, all the artillery support they had were three mortars. They could count on the artillery deployed in the mountains above Cernauti, though their fire needed to be observed and called in by radio. Only the regiment commander could do that and process was rather lengthy. In spite of this, the artillery saved Romanians lines from being overrun quite a few times, at least twice being the decisive factor in repulsing the attack. Still, Nicolau would have preferred to have ability to call in at least some artillery support by himself.

Soviet lines, 250 meters away

Lieutenant Alexei Iegorov watched his platoon as they were preparing to advance. The order arrived last night and 1st company of the 49th Rifle Division was selected to lead the assault and probe the Romanian lines before the bulk of the 49th and 52nd Rifle divisions charged. The 49th was freshly deployed from Leningrad district, where it was slated for attack on Finland. The division was first demobilized after the operation was cancelled, but the failures in Romania necessitated it being mobilized again and deployed to Cernauti to join 9th Army, attempting to reduce the 'Cernauti pocket'.

Alexei watched as artillery plowed the battlefield in front. He would have sworn that no one could survive the barrage, but the people who spent more time here than he did, convinced him otherwise. Platoon under his command numbered 36 men and they finished their preparation. Quietly, he motioned them to crawl out of their positions and proceed towards Romanian lines. They would approach as close as they could and try to direct artillery fire more precisely on machine-gun positions, the main obstacles to penetrating the Romanian lines. Czech ZB53 machine guns proved to be a murderous weapon in the hands of Romanian Guards infantry and had to be eliminated if the attack had any chance of success.

Platoon crawled for 25 minutes and crossed 100 meters, hiding between the bushes and low vegetation, interspersed with holes from artillery fire. The pointed they wanted to reach was a small heap of rubble in front of the Romanian lines. Despite starting at the lead, lieutenant ended up in the middle of the row of soldiers crawling.

Just 80 meters short of their objective, a single shot hit one of the soldiers at the front, a sergeant giving hand commands to the squad to split and approach their objective from two directions. Everyone froze. After a momentary hesitation, Alexei decided the only security lay in the movement. He realized quickly that the shot could only have come from somewhere nearby, since the main Romanian lines were clouded by thick smoke screen, laid by Soviet artillery.

"Platoon! Listen to my command!" he shouted, over the roar of artillery, falling 300 meters away "Run towards the objective!"

Rising up, 18 men broke into a run towards the rubble heap. Zigzagging, they closed in on their objective. Another shot cracked and a soldier stumbled and fell, then another one. Realizing the shots were coming from the place they attempted to reach, half of the platoon hit the ground, opening covering fire. The rest continued to zig-zag over the remaining 50 meters.

Inside Romanian shelter

"Silviu, it is time to leave!" shouted Nicolau to the sharpshooter on his side.

"Sure is, sir!" the men agreed. "A few of bastards has already reached the dead angle."

The squad used the narrow trench to abandon their forward position and retreat to the line. They moved as quickly as they could and halfway to their line, they heard two hand grenades go off. Nicolaus ordered two men to turn around and cover their retreat in case Soviet decide following them was good idea. They didn't though and squad reached the safety of their line few minutes later.

The entire regiment was alerted and soldiers took their spots along the line. In a few places the trench was devastated by direct artillery hits and the regiment has recorded over 60 casualties in the initial phase. They knew the real test was about to begin.

Soviet platoon

After occupying the position, the Soviet lieutenant did the head count and determined he lost five of his men. The loss of sergeant Iashin hurt him the most. They observed the line of Romanian infantry and lieutenant fired off the green flare.
 
Nuremberg, DAF local branch office

Werner Weiss was one of the people who joined the Nazi party in 1933, when it became clear they will be the future of the German people for a foreseeable period of time. He gradually advanced through the ranks of Nazi bureaucracy and by 1936, he found himself in the position of the head of the local branch office of Deutche Arbeitsfront, nazi version of the trade union. He viewed his work as an important service to the Fatherland and the Fuehrer and took pride in doing it. His task was made easier in the years prior to war as military industry caught steam and absorb workers to the point of actual shortage. It all changed with the signing of the peace treaty. Suddenly, all local branches were getting overrun by thousands of young men, demobilized from the rapidly downsized army. Over fifty divisions were deactivated and over a million men of the prime working age appeared on the market in January and February.

Werner's office managed to sort out the applications, numbered in thousands, only a week ago. He now had to find productive employment for those people. Leaving them to idle in the streets was the worst possible solution and would in the long term lead to increase of crime and political instability. Infrastructure work, while appearing big, actually amounted to very little in actual employment. It seemed that heavy industry, mostly in the business for military purposes had to downsize if the peace treaty terms were to be implemented fully. It was not Werner's business to worry about the general policy of the Reich ('And thank God for it!' he thought to himself), but it reduced his options.

From the discussions within the office and his counterparts in neighboring branches, he knew the problem was not his own, but faced by the entire DAF and the solution would have to be found by people on top. He even heard rumors that Ley himself was dedicating his full attention to the issue.

Cernauti, later that morning

The Soviet attack fell on Romanian lines, mostly manned by the members of the Guards division, like a hammer. The Red Army came with two divisions, tanks interspersed with advancing infantry, their movement shielded by a blanket of smoke and an artillery barrage. Romanian artillery attempted to engage the Soviet batteries by counter battery fire, but failed, as Soviet 12.2 and 15.2 cm guns were positioned just outside of their reach. Then came the Red Air Force's Su-2s and attacked artillery positions, first with bombs and then strafing them once their loads were released over Romanian positions. Although only three positions were taken out, the attack silenced Romanian artillery for the time being.

When, finally, Romanian defenders were able to engage Soviet forces, it was in close quarters, with the Soviets virtually on top of Romanian trenches. Despite the first wave being decimated, subsequent attackers were able to throw in hand grenades and near the machine gun nests Soviet T-26 tanks appeared, but instead of shells, their gun tubes spat meters long infernos of fire. The Romanians were unfortunate enough to be on the receiving end of the first combat deployment of flame-thrower T-26s. The space around the AFVs emptied as both friend and foe was horrified by the sound of the fiery inferno emanating from the machines and tremendous heat that could be felt meters around. Soviet soldiers were also worried by the possibility of the enemy hitting fuel tanks of the vehicles, with catastrophic results ensuing all around. Within two hours of intensive fighting , Romanian defenses began faltering. An hour later, after falling back to the third reserve line, only one more line of trenches separated the Red Army troops from reaching the city center. Less than a kilometer from there, there lay the opposite line of Soviet troops and reaching it would divide the defensive perimeter of the city in two independent packets.

Red Army did not achieve this without losses, though. Before being subdued by air attack, Romanian artillery, zeroed in on the area of Soviet advance, fired hundreds of shells. The 49th division, slowly traversing the hole-ridden terrain suffered severely, with over a thousand casualties. 52nd division, trailing them immediately behind, was spared the bulk of the impact.

Lieutenant Iegorov's platoon, exchanged roles with the previous occupants of their position. They rode out the bombardment in the shelter, a horrifying experience for most of his conscripts, never subjected to a real, live fire. . Having survived the experience unscathed, the men under lieutenant's command acquired new self confidence. They have, as the old saying went, seen an elephant. Emerging from their shelter, they shook off the dust and joined their comrades in the advance.

Once they reached the Romanian lines, artillery fell silent and Soviet attack developed. Red Army occupied the first two battle lines within an hour and then the attack ran out of steam. The area behind was littered with dead, dying and wounded soldiers. Less than two thirds of their initial numbers reached the final line. The combat complements of ammunition the troops carried have been expanded and the reserve regiments took over the defense in case Romanians should get the foolish notion of counterattack. The final attack would start the next morning.

Realizing the full gravity of the situation, Romanian commander general Teodorescu called his remaining regimental commanders for a quick meeting. Within 15 minutes they came to a quick and inevitable decision - breaking out of a pocket will be attempted. All efforts would be exerted into keeping the line until the night fell.

Having come to this decision, the general communicated this decision to the headquarters, asking for permission to retreat. He emphasized that, if deemed necessary, Guard division will fight to the last man. The fate of the pocket was all but sealed. He added that window of opportunity to make a decision was shrinking rapidly. This message caused the consternation in Bucharest. Although everyone was aware of the precarious situation of the pocket, the message came as an unwelcome surprise. After an hour of frantic discussion and agonizing, the King finally authorized the breakout, details to be left to local commanders. General staff recommended to Teodorescu to take advantage of the night and try to breakthrough in the direction of the northwest, where they would be met by Slovakian mountain regiment.

The phased withdrawal from northeast has been largely completed by this point and netted a brigade of troops being freed to join a reserve on the northern front. In order to create a diversion and draw the bulk of Soviet troops away from the breakthrough, the forces on the outside of the ring are ordered to start a mock attack on Soviet lines on on Soviet lines on the southeast side, on the opposite end of the breakthrough attempt. The proposed time of breakout would be 20:00h.

Same day, late afternoon, Berlin, Reichkanzlei

Goering gathered the most important ministers to discuss the Bessarabian war as it came to be referred to in Berlin. Earlier that day, Neurath received the Soviet ambassador, who submitted an inquiry on the conditions under which German Reich would cease the unofficial diplomatic and logistical support to Romania. He was able to offer significantly improved commercial terms of a number of crucial raw materials. Neurath branded the offer tempting, yet warned that its usefulness should be weighed against the anti-Soviet feelings that were sweeping across Europe in response to their unprovoked aggression.

Goering tended to agree with his foreign minister in this respect. Any further compromising with the Soviet Union would brand the German government as their cynical accomplice and diminish any influence gained so far, not only in Romania but in other East European countries. It seemed even German former enemies viewed Germany more favorably in this context. Only Poland remained equally suspicious to both of her neighbors. Their attitude was welcome by Goering and Neurath. Both men figured that the existence of independent Poland between them and the Soviet Union was preferable to shared border. The only danger stemming from worsening or braking the relations with Soviet Union seemed to be reducing the imports of raw materials.

Despite years of attempts to create an autarchic economy, Germany has not been able to survive being completely cut off from outside sources of raw material. Once again, Todt was quick to point this fact out, much to the annoyance of Goering. He repeated his conviction that without alternative supplies, German industrial output will be halved within three months should the deliveries of critical raw materials from Soviet Union be stopped.

In response to Todt's objection, Goering answered that surely Germany will not be isolated in this case. It seemed even the United States were about to cut their ties with the Soviet Union. Thus, the decision was made to demand of Soviets to retreat from Bukowina and enter negotiations with the Romanian government.

Meanwhile, Tokyo, Japan

In the Imperial Grand Headquarters a Liaison Conference took place. The primary aim of it was to decide on the terms to offer to China. Earlier, Tojo and Yamashita have met with the generals that remained alive after the coup attempt and secured their acceptance of the new policy of deescalation in China. All protest was quelled when the generals who have loudly objected to the new policy were offered the alternative for them - to be relieved of their post and given a tempting new post of guarding some small island or retired. Faced with this, most of them reconsidered their objections and found that adjusting to new realities is preferable to the isolation or dishonor. Those who wouldn't budge (and very few of those remained alive) were simply dismissed then and there. Thus, the Liaison Conference passed in the calmer atmosphere and, for the first time, without blackmails from the army leadership.

The Japanese foreign minister read the peace proposal his office sketched, which he hoped to be submit to the international peace summit in Manila. The proposal contained an offer to evacuate most of the Chinese territory Japan occupied after 1937, with exception of Shandong peninsula and Hainan Dao, which were to be retained as Japanese bases. The proposal met general approval from all the present, despite some army officers expressing their regret that so much Japanese blood was spilled in vain. Tojo added the Army wants to include a demand to demilitarize all border areas and to include a provision for the joint fight against communists, while Navy insisted that provision be added to the peace proposal to allow them periodic control of all of the Chinese naval bases.

The location of the summit itself, however, drew vehement opposition from everyone.

"We are not going to Americans like their lapdogs!" declared Tojo, supported by muttering from the army officers present.

Even a few of the navy admiral present at the meeting voiced their approval of Tojo's position and demanded that some other location be selected. The initial proposal of his staff was some neutral European country, such as Sweden. Everyone rejected it for a reason that Asia affairs should not be determined in Europe, but in Asia. Then, one of the officials from the Foreign ministry suggested Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. The proposal was shot down immediately as the place was deemed too desolate and remote for peace negotiation. Foreign minister Nomura proposed to contact the ambassador of Portugal and ask them to host the peace conference in the Portuguese colony of East Timor. Prime Minister Konoe, however, pointed out:

"There exists an independent Asian nation and as such it would be an ideal choice for international summit on the future of Asia."

As his proposal was met with universal acceptance, Nomura was instructed to contact the government of Thailand and try to arrange for a summit. The proposal would be forwarded to all interested parties, as well.

Romanian front

The only intensive combat activities on the Romanian front, other than those around Cernauti pocket, took place in the vicinity of Kishinau. Red Army renewed attempts to cut off the city by advancing from northeastern and southwestern quarters, but Romanians managed to repulse Soviet infantry and hold the lines. Both Soviet tank corps deployed to the area have not yet recovered from the defeats of previous days. Currently, no effective armored formations were available to the 7th army in the vicinity of Kishinau. The Army expected to receive two tank corps as reinforcements. One of them was in transit to the theatre and they expected it to be available in three days. The other one was the 10th tank corps, being reconstituted in Kiev. The corps received new vehicles and men, as well as the new commander, major-general Konstantin Rokossovsky. Its arrival to the front was expected within two days.

Field command post, 7th Army

In the late afternoon two vehicles, an unmarked van and a staff car of the Red Army, stopped at the field command post of the 7th Army. Four men dressed in the uniforms of NKVD emerged from the van. Their leader, bearing the insignia of colonel rank, approached the guards standing in front of the post and said:

"Comrade, we need to see General Yakovlev. Immediately!"

"By your command, comrade Colonel!" responded the hapless private and disappeared into the tent.

A few seconds later, Soviet general emerged from the tent, a gloomy expression on his face betraying the fact that he understood what was happening.

"Comrade Yakovlev, by the order of the Supreme Command, I am here to relieve you of your duties. As of this moment you are under arrest." recited NKVD colonel calmly, obviously accustomed to this.

Yakovlev, by now resigned to his fate, just uttered "I understand." and two NKVD lieutenants placed cuffs on his hand and lead him to the back of the van.

Meanwhile, the door of the car opened and Malinovsky stepped out of it. He entered the field command post and declared "Comrades, I will take command now. Your commander has been relieved for neglecting his duty."

Meanwhile, April 15th, 17 kilometers east of Iassi

Soviet tank attack towards Iassi has been stopped by German tanks and Soviet paratroops at Iassi bridge crossing and airfield remain isolated. Soviet paratroopers failed to link two airheads up. Once a German commando unit is relieved by a Romanian reserve brigade, the airhead near the bridge is reduced by a night attack by Germans. The airfield is surrounded and after a day-long siege Red Army paratroops surrender after bombardment.

Near Bravicea, late afternoon, April 15th

Von Thoma flipped through the photographs in the folder he held in his hand. He was sitting inside a compartment of a train, travelling to Bucharest. Only two hours ago, he completed his 24 hour inspection of the immobile Soviet tank left on the battlefield after a battle four days ago. It was larger than any panzer fielded by the German Wehrmacht. Von Thoma made numerous photographs of the interior and exterior of the vehicle and made notes for writing a full report to Wa Pruif 6. Some of the features and flaws of the Soviet tank compared to German designs were visible even after only a cursory look. After thorough inspection, von Thoma was certain that the Soviet design was nothing short of revolutionary. According to the battle report, the Soviets lost only due to the inferior doctrine and factor of surprise.

While Romanians were willing to deliver the Soviet tank to Germans, transporting the vehicle, weighing little short of 30 tons, proved impossible at the moment. With Soviet artillery only few kilometers away recovery operation would be impossible. Aside from wrecked caterpillars and wheels, tank sustained remarkably small amount of battle damage, in spite of numerous direct hits by antitank shells. Scattered all over the battlefield where a few more of the similar specimens, although they suffered a bit more damage, after Romanian and German tanks outmaneuvered them. According to the after action reports, none of the tanks were destroyed by frontal hits. All of the destroyed vehicles were immobilized or retreating and taken out by point blank shots from the side or the rear.

Five minutes before 8 pm, Cernauti

Once again, sergeant Nicolau was well in front of the Romanian line, only this time an entire company was around him. The Guard division was preparing to break out of the envelopment and their task was to infiltrate Soviet lines and open up the path for their regiment to break out. Few hours earlier sounds of rifle and automatic fire erupted at the opposite end of the pocket, as Romanian troops started a diversionary attack from that direction, calculated to draw the attention of the Soviet command.

'It's almost time!' thought Nicolau, looking at his watch. They started crawling an hour ago and with skill and a lot of luck they were now bare meters from the Soviet lines they were supposed to attack. The sergeant could see Soviet guards nervously looking around, listening to the sound of fighting. Their relief was scheduled to arrive in half an hour, so it was their last 30 minutes on duty.

The night was quiet and dark, with a few stars visible through the clouds. Seconds on Nicolau's watch passed with lazy indifference.

'I hope everyone has the right time' the sergeant thought. To his left and right, men from his squad lay about, nervously waiting for his hand signal to jump up and run towards Soviet lines. Each held a hand grenade in their hands, ready to throw it onto unsuspecting Soviets within seconds.

As the hand on his watch hit the 12 o'clock mark on top, sergeant signaled his men to go. Instantly, a hundred Romanian infantry men threw their hand grenades towards the Soviets and waited for five seconds. Explosions shattered the silence of the night and rifle and submachine gun fire ensued. Within five minutes, it was all over. The company, at the expense of 6 casualties, secured the trenches and even took 15 prisoners. They counted 20 bodies. On the flanks, firing continued, as Soviet regiment reacted sending reinforcements to try and close the breach. After half an hour of heated trench battle, Romanian held the line and elements of the regiment advanced to the Soviet reserve line and found it empty, as many troops from this sector were hastily dispatched to handle diversionary attack.

Nicolau's squad took part in the platoon sized attack across the land previously occupied by the Soviet troops and reached the Soviet front line faced towards outside of the Cernauti perimeter. Although alerted by the sounds of fighting in their rear, Soviet troops have been able to reorient their defense only partially and sporadic, largely inaccurate, fire met the Romanian platoon as it advanced. They held their fire to refuse giving Soviets an easy targeting point the flashes of the firearms tended to offer.

All of a sudden the landscape was lit by the star shell, fired by the Soviet mortar. Romanian soldiers lay on the ground and opened fire towards Soviet lines. Some of them hurled hand grenades, but those fell well short of the Soviets. The exchange of fire continued for a few more minutes until the darkness descended upon the scene of the battle. Another Romanian platoon arrived and Nicolau started crawling, leading 8 of his men with him. Two were wounded, fortunately none too seriously, and forced to remain behind, awaiting help from the medic.

All of a sudden a crack of rifle fire and rapid firing machine gun erupted on the other end of the line. Slovakian regiment moved to attack having observed the situation from their end of the line. Soviets panicked and abandoned all defensive positions, as the captain in command of the sector perceived that his position was surrounded.

Romanian and Slovakian troops ran into each other fifteen minutes later. Both sides almost opened fire on each other, confused by the dark. However, Slovakians had a liaison officer with them who recognized the characteristic outline of Romanian helmets and managed to prevent friendly fire incident.

By midnight, two regiments of Romanian infantry established and secured 700 meters wide corridor, through which the defenders of Cernauti managed to evacuate slightly over 11.000 Romanian troops. Two thirds of the guard division managed to survive the siege, while the infantry brigade lost nearly half of its complement.

Romanians evacuated the city carrying only their rifles and other light weapons. All of the artillery pieces that remained in the city had their firing pins removed and gun tubes pierced to prevent the Red Army from using them. Around 4 a.m. the city was shaken by explosions, as the artillery ammo and the remaining supplies were blown up by timed bombs. A few of them were left in the places where they thought it would kill at least a few of Soviet soldiers.

As the dawn broke, soldiers of the Romanian Guard Infantry division observed the city they valiantly defended against all odds for five full days fall into the hands of the enemy. A few of them had tears flowing from their eyes. General Teodorescu said to his staff:

"The God is my witness - we will return!"

April 16th, Early morning

News of the Romanian city falling to the Soviet spread throughout the European capitals. To many it seemed to signify the death knell of Romanian resistance against Soviets. Many were amazed that small country has managed to withstand the onslaught this long.

The previous night British light cruiser HMS Manchester, patrolling the entrance to the Black Sea, was attacked by the enemy submarine. She suffered no damage and her attendant destroyers have driven off the submarine. The identity of the submarine could not be determined, but the only thing that made sense was the Soviet submarine. The British government immediately issued a note demanding the explanation of the incident, but Soviets denied the incident ever took place, accusing Romanians or Germans trying to provoke British involvement.

British Bomber command began transferring the airplanes to bases around Baghdad and Mosul in anticipation of the operation tentatively named 'Operation Pike'. Four full squadrons of Blenheim bombers were deployed to Habbanyia, along with additional reconnaissance assets and French promised to chip in with their bombers from Syria. The operational preparations was gaining pace and Air Commodore Slessor estimated his forces would be ready to act in three weeks.

Berlin

The events of the morning caused Goering to take a firmer stance. During the hastily summoned government session, he declared Germany cannot allow Romania to be overrun by Soviet aggressors. He realized, however, that Germany was in no condition to confront the Soviets directly with armed force. Not at least without sufficient preparation, both military and diplomatic. Neurath proposed they undertake a diplomatic initiative to buy time and build up international sympathy for Germany. Germany will issue a public call to Soviets to cease all further attacks and agree on a cease fire and commence a negotiation with Romanians. An hour later, Soviet ambassador received the official response to Soviet proposal. Response proclaimed that Germany 'sympathizes with the Romanian people and their fight retain independence and control of their entire national living space. If the Soviet Union should continue with the deliberate policy of destabilization in the Eastern Europe, Greater German Reich will be forced to reconsider the current policy'.

A few hours later, in a radio broadcast, the German Foreign Ministry issued a declaration containing a German proposal to host a peace conference in Berlin. Both parties were publicly invited to submit their proposals and attend the conference.

During the same morning, Neurath scrambled to secure a Romanian presence at the conference. Desperate to gain a chance to recover from the Soviet attack, Romanians announced their acceptance of German proposal. Their only condition was that their presence at the talks does not infer to their acquiescence to the Soviet demands. The Romanian Ambassador emphasized they only want to negotiate the future status of the Bessarabia.

Ismail, Southern Romania

The Soviet 4th Army has marched into the city of Ismail on April 14th. The city and the entire province were virtually abandoned by Romanians, who accepted that it could not be defended and retreated to the other side of the Danube river. As far as Soviet commander was concerned, it was a wise plan. Red Army would never do anything like that, but sometimes it made sense to cut your losses. Having reached the Danube banks, they fired a few salvos from heavy artillery just to announce the Romanian defenders they meant business. A day later, only a division was left to guard the length of the front from the Black Sea to Lake Yalpug. The possibility of a Romanian counterattack through the marshes in this area seemed remote.

Italian commander Bitosi of Littorio division thought otherwise. The division deployed to the area after having been disembarked further to the south. Having studied the maps of the area, Bitosi deduced that direct attack across the marshes should be considered next to impossible. Thus it would be exactly the thing the enemy wouldn't be expecting and should be tried. His proposal was met with skepticism from the Romanians, but on second thought they all agreed that here was a real possibility to do something. Especially since the Italian cruiser squadron arrived there. This could provide them with the opportunity to turn the tables on the Red Army.

The Red Army's 4th Army was concentrated in the area around Bolgrad, with intention to break through the difficult terrain around the mouth of Yalpug river, north of the lake to which it was namesake. The forces deployed there could be counted on to resist the Soviet advance indefinitely. The first Soviet attacks in the area were easily repulsed and remarkably without losses. Marshes and muddy terrain muffled both artillery shells and bombs from the aircraft. Red Army engineers attempted to bridge the river three times and were given a bloody nose each time. This served only to make Soviets more determined to make breakthrough there and now the entire Army, except the two divisions, were concentrated there.

April 17th, near Ismail

Lead by local Romanian guides, Italian soldiers crossed the marshes during the night and established a narrow bridgehead on the opposite bank of the Danube, unobserved by the Soviets, whose forces were mostly deployed within the city of Ismail and its immediate surroundings. By early morning, as the fog lifted from the ground, Italians, augmented by Turkish cavalry regiment, were poised to start advancing in a northeastern direction, to cut off the Soviet forces holding Ismail.

However, as soon as their advanced patrols reached first villages, the Soviets started noticing the activity and the 4th Army command sent their own patrols to determine the number and the intentions of the enemy formations. They assumed it was some sort of reconnaissance in force or a raid to disrupt the Soviet advance in the area of Bolgrad. To their surprise, patrols identified Italian tanks advancing north and after firing a few shots towards them and destroying two Italian tanks to the loss of one of armored cars, Soviet patrols returned with the report. By the afternoon, the attack was recognized for what it was and a rifle division held in reserve was dispatched south to stop the advance until more substantial effort to dislodge the Italians could be made.

Elsewhere in Romania

Meanwhile, the Southern Front discounted the reports coming in from the 4th Army and focused their entire attention to the breakthrough developing around Cernauti. The cavalry corps, held in reserve until now, was unleashed and they set off in the general direction of Balti, following the valley of Prut. Romanians used the what little space they had to trade for time and every unit they could have spared was put on the defensive line ten kilometers in front of Balti. All the bridges across Prut were blown up all the way downriver to Skulyany. The marshy area that started 20 kilometers up the river made that part of the front reasonably secure. Meanwhile, the German special unit has been broken up and issued Soviet uniforms and dispersed in the area abandoned by Romanian troops. It was hoped that they could incite mayhem among the advancing Soviet troops and hinder their offensive until the Romanians stabilized the front line.

Romanians, meanwhile scrambled all they could to restore the lines and general retreat was ordered from all the lines to the northeast of Rautul-Prut Line. Inhabitants of the area abandoned by Romanians desperately tried to evacuate, but the roads were already clogged with withdrawing troops and moving through the open fields was ill advised due to the constant threat of Soviet airplanes, whose strafing the retreating columns wreaked havoc and caused a large number of casualties. Many people decided to remain at their homes and farmsteads, while those who possessed some firearms and military experience, decided to take to the woods and resist the Soviets in more active fashion.

Frontline+on+april+17.jpg

Frontline in Romania on April 17th

April 18th, Berlin

During the past week, Goering spent time with Neurath and other officials from Foreign ministry and the armed forces. After unsuccessful attempts to appease the Soviets and come to a peaceful solution to Besarabian war, on the evening of April 17th he decided it's been enough. He alone sketched the speech and had it typed. He also made an arrangement to read it on the Radio Berlin the following morning and in the middle of the night, people from the radio appeared in his house to record a speech to be played tomorrow at 9 o'clock.

Goering declared that National-Socialist party triumphantly achieved its goals as outlined by the 25-point program. Germany will seek conquest and territorial aggrandizement and, indeed, never did. He declared German intention to stand against the Red Menace that arose in the East. 'We will help all those who fight against the brutal nature of the Communist rule and we will actively oppose all those who wish to subjugate more people to it.' Goering announced. Germany, he said, will do this on her own and demands nothing of the other countries but to be given peace. Furthermore, Germany will not design to acquire any territories of the Soviet Union.

'There' he declared 'will not be Drang Nach Osten. Such a policy, if it ever existed, was only in the heads of certain fanatics whom we already took care of.' Goering emphasized that the sole desire of Germany is to extend the benefits of economic cooperation. He invited the countries to establish mutually beneficial ties with German industry. Germany required both large inflow of raw materials and could offer employment to millions of workers, while German companies were eager to invest capital into the economies of Central and Eastern Europe. The primary benefits for those countries would be that they would acquire German commitment to their defense from Communist subjugation.

Goering pointed to the obvious benefits Germany had over the other countries as the employment grew, industrial production reached unprecedented levels and population enjoyed a high standard of living. In contrast, Western democracies had always been on the verge of collapse and while minority was extremely well off, huge masses were one step away from starvation. The contrast with the Soviet Union was even starker, Goering declared. There, you were always one step away from being cast into Siberia or death on a whim of a dictator.

In the end he invited the neighboring Polish people to reconsider their stance on Germany and allow Germans and Polish people to overcome the gap that endangered both countries. He admitted that certain, deluded, individuals have caused huge grief on Polish citizens. Their behavior was adequately punished and, now, Germany's only design for Poland was to see a friendly neighbor and to protect her against a common enemy. 'Through mistakes and miscalculation, we have allowed to distance ourselves from the people we share common interest with. Germans consider all questions between them and Poland solved and we invite the Polish people to forego any grudge. While this will not happen overnight, we feel we made the first step now.'

Throughout Europe, Goering's speech was received with various degrees of shock and incredulity. The shift in German diplomatic stance was foreseeable and to some extent expected, but a full 180 degree turn around was largely in the realm of idle speculation by most geopolitical analysts.

By far the most incredulous and confused reactions came from Moscow and Warsaw. The Soviet press called Germans treacherous enemies of Communism. The soviet foreign ministry issued a communique calling entire world to condemn the Nazism and to join the Soviet Union in the righteous struggle to rid the world of it.

Polish government on the other hand could not afford to react angrily to Goering's speech. The only reaction coming from them was the call for German government follow in acts what has been preached in words before any reconciliation will be possible between the two people. Among other things, Polish government called on Germans to make compensations to the victims of German atrocities and, also, to pay for the industrial facilities plundered during the withdrawal of German forces. Out of the public view, Polish, British and French representatives met to consider the far reaching impact of German announcement. They concluded that, if it was not blustering, then a genuine new situation in Europe has arisen. Both Britain and France were already deeply involved in opposing Soviet aggression and denying or refusing the German call would seem inconsistent with their own publicly pronounced views. It was clear to both the British and the French that, should Germany confront the Soviet Union, they would pretty soon clamor for relaxation of arms limitation clauses of the peace treaty.

During the day, the Germans sent secret inquiries to governments of Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Greece and Turkey asking on willingness of these countries to form an anti-Soviet organization and plan a joint defense against Soviet ideological and military incursion into the Eastern and South Eastern Europe.

China

Japanese troops in China heard many rumors about what has happened in the homeland, but only the top commanders knew the full-scale of perturbations in the government and the highest echelons of the military. In the ranks of divisional commands, there was a confusion to what was expected of them. The Chinese were not counterattacking and all areas of the front have fallen into silence, interrupted only with occasional skirmishes between patrols and advanced guards.

April 19th, Berlin

Throughout the morning, Foreign Ministry received the responses from the countries to the German proposal. Romanians accepted the offer and basically asked 'Where do we sign, please?'. Other countries declared interest in German offer, but wanted to know more details on German proposal. After consulting Goering, Neurath decided that the best way to solve all the issues individual nations raised in their responses, ranging from Hungarian request for Romanian territory, to a Yugoslav request for a guarantee that Italy will not try to attack them, would be best solved in an international conference.

Neurath responded to all the inquiries by simple and short diplomatic note containing the declaration that Germany wants to further deepen and renew the existing Anti-Comintern Pact. This pact was considered largely non-operational since August 1939, when Hitler unilaterally broke its most important clause - that of not entering into any deal with the Soviet Union. Neurath and Goering considered this a mistake at the time, but could do nothing about it. Now it was the time to amend the situation and follow the true German interest. Both men agreed that the conference should be held somewhere outside of Germany. Finally, after brief discussion between Goering and Neurath, the matter was left to be resolved once it was ascertained there was actual will to organize the conference.

Having come to this decision, Neurath went on to draft a treaty. It was to contain three important parts. First was political part, that defined mechanisms of political and diplomatic cooperation among the treaty signatories. Second part defined mechanisms of economic cooperation and final part contained military clauses. The draft was completed by mid afternoon and after obtaining Goering's blessing, it was sent to the embassies of the Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary, Turkey, Yugoslavia and Greece, along with a proposal for a conference.

April 19th, Romania

Soviet 49th and 52nd Rifle Divisions, their numbers filled by raw recruits from Ukraine and Western Russia proceeded to advance, screened and followed by Cavalry corps down the valley of Prut.

Lieutenant Iegorov received a field promotion to captain after the commander of his company died - another victim of a Romanian sniper - and he took over the command over the company his platoon belonged to. His platoon was taken over by a 'kremlovtsy' lieutenant fresh from the academy. The boy had no experience in combat. Fortunately, Iegorov was able to assign a relative veteran sergeant, a man who spent a few months in Spain and in the Far East Front few months ago, to help the young lieutenant get around.

The company marched, their flank secured by the cavalry regiment. The entire division was spread out along five kilometers of the road, as they had nothing to fear from the air. Armored cars that scouted ahead confirmed there was no organized Romanian line for another 25 kilometers. At the present pace, it would take them a day and a half to reach it.

Suddenly, a gunfire broke out in front of them. The company marching in front of his dropped on the ground and took cover. Iegorov saw a cavalry regiment turning towards the source of fire, probably a machine gun nest.

"Company, take cover and prepare to open fire!" Iegorov shouted. He himself dropped to the ground, conscious of possible sniper fire that took out too many of Soviet officers lately.

He summoned his aide and sent him to the lieutenant commanding 2nd platoon and transmit the order to form up into attack formation and flank the position from which the fire was coming. Just as the young man departed, the firefight ended.

Fifteen minutes later, the squad sent to investigate, reported that the position was hastily abandoned and brought back the disabled machine gun, left behind by its crew that disappeared into the depths of the forest.

Half an hour later they were back on the march.

'If this sort of thing happens all the time, it will take us two days to reach the front line!' Iegorov fumed to himself. 'Oh, well, at least we have air cover.', he thought, noting incessant buzz of Polikarpovs overhead.

He barely finished the thought, when a new sound of an airplane engine, straining under maximum throttle, appeared, louder and louder.

"Air attack!" he heard someone shout. Looking in the direction of the noise he saw a pair of airplanes, closing in fast. The pair of Polikarpovs that circled overhead turned to meet the new threat and started to dive. The attackers split and one went to confront the Soviet fighters, while the other continued diving towards the troops on the ground. Soviet infantry training prescribed that individual soldiers would drop on the ground at the spot and aim their rifles to the sky, lying on their back. The iron discipline of the Red Army showed and almost all of the soldiers did exactly what doctrine called for. Iegorov was not under the illusion this would accomplish anything other than giving his men the feeling they are fighting back.

At that moment he saw, before he heard, the plane firing its machine guns. Flames emanated from the wings near the fuselage and a few seconds later a trail of small dirt fountains rose up from the ground, not ten meters from the captain's position. The rattle of planes weapons merged with the cracks of the rifles and an airplane passed overhead, the high pitch of his engine drowning all other sounds. Iegorov followed it with his eyes and could almost make out the pilot's head inside the cockpit. The adrenaline surged in his body and he almost could make out the individual blades of the propeller as it turned.

As immediate danger passed, Iegorov turned to see how the flying comrades fared. He was surprised to see that only two of the airplanes remained in the sky. They were circling each other, obviously locked in a dogfight. Looking around some more, he saw a plane, trailing smoke as it cartwheeled towards the ground, while a pilot, suspended in the air with a parachute slowly descended. Pretty soon, the same fate befell the other Polikarpov. The Romanian plane joined the first one and they both made one more strafing run on the infantry column snaking down the road and disappeared, unhindered.

The Soviets continued their march until the night and managed to cover 18 kilometers, before the night fell.

During the night, a few encamped battalions came under fire by platoon sized formations, which infiltrated Soviet perimeters disguised. Their Soviet uniforms were discarded shortly before opening fire, in full accordance to the rules of warfare. In most cases they did not manage to inflict much damage and all it resulted in were confused night firefights, with few losses. Soviets presumed those were Romanian units that have fallen behind during the retreat or deliberately left to hinder them on the approach march.

Balti, same day

Nicolau's squad (and for that matter an entire regiment) was designated reserves and after transit from the northern sector, deployed in the vicinity of Balti, barely five kilometers behind the front. The other half of the division was on the front line. They received replacements and now, over one third of the division was comprised of almost raw recruits, who were transferred directly from their training units, most barely three months in their basic training.

'Well, if they survived, they would have all the training they needed.' thought sergeant.

Upon arriving, Nicolau received promotion into Plutonier and became an executive officer of the platoon, while also retaining the command of his squad. He decided to recommend corporal Silviu (also promoted after the evacuation of Cernauti) to be given the command of the squad. However, for the time being, it was impossible to make a smooth change.

According to the reports from reconnaissance, they had 36 hours at most, before the Soviet attack hammered their positions. Romanian tanks held the eastern flank firmly and their back was secured by the defenders of Chishinau, while the left flank was secured by Prut. The reserve regiment trained incessantly, interrupted only by occasional air attack by the bombers of the Red Air Force.

Southern Front

Italian and Turkish forces met the Soviet division deployed in blocking position. The terrain was interspersed with lakes and it was very difficult to maneuver, even with the aid of Romanian guides. The real advance didn't come through until the Italians brought the help from their navy. Fiume and Gorizia parked themselves near the shore and offered heavy artillery support to the ground troops. The shells from their 20.3 cm guns, spotted by the ground observers, annihilated Soviet frontline and allowed the Italian tanks to advance further. Turkish cavalry managed to isolate and accept surrender of one regiment, while Italian motorized infantry quickly advance and cut off the main road to Ismail. There, they stood to deflect expected Soviet counterattack.

The crippled sister and the namesake of the class Zara was on the way to Taranto for repairs after being hit by a Soviet torpedo. It was lucky that the second torpedo missed her and exploded of its own a good 200 meters from the ship. The hit caused the ship to lose speed and to list a few degrees on the bow, but nothing too alarming. However, Italian admiral was reluctant to allow the ship to take part in further combat operations. She was sent to Taranto and Supreme Command of the Navy decided to send the Pola, as a replacement and to add Vittorio Veneto, a battleship that has just been commissioned, accompanied by another destroyer squadron.
 
Southern front Command, Odessa

Commanders of all five Soviets armies met with the CinC Southern front, Semyon Budyonny. Although a breakthrough happenned and Red Army surged to the outskirts of Balti from two sides, they were now stalled by a stubborn Romanian defence. Concentration of artillery was proceeding and it would take a few days for the artillery of three corps to set up in positions. The ammunition shortage has been alleviated by stop-gap measures that robbed many of the units occupying the Baltic states of their artillery support. Additionally, munitions factories throughout the Soviet Union were ordered to produce the required munitions faster and to work in three shifts.

Budyonny listened to the status reports of the five commanders and, once general Khorobkov of the 4th Army finished his report. While Italians and Turks have managed to make gains, Khorobkov was reorienting two of his divisions to deal with this threat. Satisfied, Soviet marshal turned to the newly appointed commander of the 7th Army, Rodion Malinovsky. The man has just settled in the position and made an inventory of the forces available to him. His army took quite a battering under his predecessor. The formation would be hard pressed to produce offensive capacity worth mentioning. For the time being 7th Army will be relegated to the task of tying Romanian forces to the defense of Chishinau. The 9th and 12th army would close the ring around the city, advancing from the north.

As the artillery batteries will be ready in a day or two, together with the necessary ammunition, CinC South orders the two armies to prepare an attack on the Romanian lines on April 21st, at 0600h. Until then, the forces to the northeast of Balti will continue probing attacks and establish the weak points in Romanian lines.

In regards to the 4th army area of responsibility, additional division of the reserve is sent to bolster the forces already present in the area.

Somewhere in China

Japanese officers met in a small room of the restaurant, renowned as an opium den. They met with intention to correct the disastrous national policy that was emerging, threatening all the efforts they and their predecessors put into making China a loyal client of Japan. Like in many earlier instances, the time has come for some 'leadership from below'. There was even an aphorism for this in the West 'When generals fail, it is time for colonels do the job!'. The officers present were in command of some of the most renowned Imperial Japanese regiments during the Chinese war and were not to be discarded as unnecessary burden if the Chinese war, or Incident as the higher-ups continued to refer to it was brought to a close.

Berlin

Von Neurath has managed to obtain the agreement of the Hungarian government to host the summit of the countries interested in the proposal German government put out in Budapest. Count Pal Teleki declared his satisfaction that Budapest would host such an esteemed summit. The other interested parties received the invitation and by the end of the day the summit was scheduled for April 26th. In the meantime, the German Foreign Ministry will draft the text of the treaty and deliver it to the foreign ministries of the other countries.
April 20th, Rome, Pallazo il' Duce

Von Neurath, accompanied by German ambassador and German military liaison officer in Italy, entered the audience room of the Italian dictator. Upon entering, they were greeted by Count Ciano and Mussolini, who stood near the conference table. The meeting was arranged by von Neurath a few days earlier to discuss the Italian position on the German proposal that Goering lofted in the past week. The German foreign minister opened the meeting by saying that in the past Italy and Germany had their differences, but now the time has come to set those aside and recreate the relationship between the two countries on a solid and friendly basis.

In the two hours of conversation that followed they reached an agreement that the interest of both countries was the same and prevailed over the slight differences. Those showed as Italians once more attempted to get support from the Germans to their territorial demands in Yugoslavia, but received a curt refusal. Neurath insisted that all the efforts should be made towards containing the Soviet Union and curbing all attempts to expand the communism beyond their borders. Creating hot spots and conflict that would divert forces and attention from that and risking to spark a general conflagration in Europe once more went against this. If Italy and Germany accepted present status-quo and did not challenge it by aggression, the currently indifferent relations with Western powers could warm up and remove any threat of conflict.

"And who knows, in the long term, we might even have a real cooperation and friendship in Europe." added Neurath.

Here the discussion immediately turned towards Romania and German delegation expressed admiration towards Italian quick efforts to help Romania. Von Rintelen, German liasion has already explained Mussolini why it was impossible for Germans to act in direct support of Romania and German minister just added that certain activities by German paramilitary forces were taking place. He also asked Mussolini not to spread this information yet.

Von Neurath then presented the draft of the treaty. The draft covered the major issues ranging from resisting the infiltration of communist ideology to mutual defense in case of an attack by USSR on any of the countries. Mussolini wanted to add the clause that allowed for mutual assistance and support in case a member country was compelled to resist Soviet Union attacking or threatening the vital interest of member-country, despite the country itself not being directly threatened. This suggestion was accepted and the draft amended to include it.

Proclaiming hope that the friendship of Italian and German peoples will continue in the future, Von Neurath departed from Rome and proceeded to Budapest to arrange the details of the summit with the Regent Horthy and his prime minister Pal Teleki.

Three hours later, aboard Ju-53

Neurath held the draft of the treaty document in his hand. The shaking of the airplane and the droning of its engine made it hard for him to concentrate, but he kept on reading.


[/B said:
Mutual Defense Treaty of Central and Eastern Europe ] I Preamble

The governments of Kingdom of Hungary, Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Kingdom of Romania, Kingdom of Italy, Kingdom of Greece, Kingdom of Bulgaria, Republic of Turkey, Slovak Republic and Greater German Reich (in further texts signatories if referred to collectively or by individual name of the country, omitting the formal full name, if referred to specifically), recognizing the danger that the revolutionary regime of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (further: USSR) poses to their national freedom and development, have decided to form a united block in order to confront this threat. The primary aim of the treaty is defensive in nature and all the signatories pledge not to have any territorial pretensions on the territory of the USSR.

Signatory governments, by entering this treaty, state that they or the people they represent do not want to fall under the domination of the USSR or introduce Bolshevik regime. Signatories pledge to fight to the utmost of their national power to resist any attempts to subvert or otherwise change the regime, as well to provide direct assistance to any of the signatories that may be endangered in this way.

In order to prevent any attempt to construe this treaty as a threat and use it as a justification to attack, the signatory governments pledge to the following: This treaty concerns and is operative only in case of unprovoked aggression by the USSR. All he signatories enter it strictly in defensive purposes. No power, signatory of this treaty, will receive the support of other signatories for an attempt to obtain territorial concessions from the USSR or other powers this treaty does not mention.

Should any of the signatory powers be faced with a threat to her national interests by the USSR, the other powers are obliged to extend all the assistance to confront this threat.

Spanish State is granted the status of observer in this treaty, with view of full membership later on.

II General clauses

Article 1.

All the signatories pledge to offer unlimited and prompt assistance, in any means available, to any of the signatories attacked or threatened by the USSR. Depending on the nature of the threat faced by signatory power, the assistance may range from diplomatic support to direct military involvement.

Article 2.

To fight the nefarious influence of the propaganda organ of the Soviet Union, so called 'Communist International", signatory powers pledge to exert the utmost effort by all the means at their disposal to counter it.

Article 3.

All of the signatories pledge not to enter unilateral diplomatic negotiations or treaties with the USSR. Also, all of the signatory powers undertake an obligation not to enter into any diplomatic relationships or treaties with third parties if the clauses of such a treaty supersede this treaty.

Any existing treaty between signatory powers and third parties which contravenes the clauses of this treaty should be amended or considered invalid upon signing this treaty. Treaties whose clauses bear no consequences on enforcing of this treaty can be maintained by signatories.

All existing bilateral treaties between individual signatory powers are considered subsumed in this treaty and any of their clauses accruing any benefit to individual countries automatically extend to the other parties to this treaty.

III Military clauses

Article 4.

In case any of the signatories becomes subject to an unprovoked military aggression or a threat of it by the USSR, all the other signatories accept the obligation to provide immediate and direct military assistance consistent with their national military capabilities and without endangering their own security, unless they are also under the attack or directly threatened with an attack by the forces of the USSR.

In addition, should any of the governments of the signatory powers be endangered by a violent uprising, other signatory powers pledge to uphold the legitimate government and extend direct military aid to secure internal peace within the territory of the endangered party.

Article 5.

In order to facilitate the military cooperation between the signatory powers, a joint Military Coordination Section (further: Section) will be established in due course and with the approval of all signatories. The task of the Section will be to create and coordinate military plans and contingencies of the signatory powers.

Article 6.

Until such time the Section is established, signatory powers will conduct their military plans according to the individual assessments, with the general intent to harmonize training and equipment of the military forces of the signatories for the purpose of easier conducting the joint operations.

IV Economic clauses

Article 7.

All of the signatories pledge to foster economic cooperation between signatories.

Article 8.

Signatory countries will have the priority in obtaining any natural resources mined or otherwise extracted within the territory of all other signatories provided their own needs are fully satisfied and resources are offered for sale.

Signatory powers pledge to extend the same status in economic exchange to all the other signatories.

V Other clauses

Article 9.

If any signatory power violates by action or the lack of it any of the articles, she will not be considered a member of this treaty.

Article 10.

A signatory power may leave this treaty at any time, except when the signatory powers are engaged in joint war operations against a common enemy.

Article 11.

New powers can sign the treaty pending approval of all the existing signatories.

Article 12.

This treaty is signed for an indefinite period. However, to facilitate the cooperation between the signatories, annual meetings of the representatives of the signatory powers will be held.

Any disputes between the powers signatory of this treaty, will be solved by mediation of the other signatory powers. All the signatories pledge not to resort to force in an attempt to resolve the disputes and to take into account common interests of all the signatory powers.

Von Neurath was quite satisfied with the text of the treaty. He and Ciano wrote the final touches together. What they hoped to create is a general framework for a unified block of anti-communist countries, supported by German and Italian military and economic power. The addition of Spain as an observer was prompted by Mussolini, who contacted the dictator of Spain. Franco expressed the interest to be included in the treaty hoping for the help in the reconstruction of his country, devastated by four years of internecine warfare.

April 20th, 0500h, Kremlin

Upon hearing the news from the front, delivered by marshal Voroshilov, Stalin's face went white with rage. With the Germans forming a block of anti-communist states, his generals were talking about waiting for the artillery to set up, divisions to prepare, lines to be reconnoitered. Swearing as he walked up and down the room, he started talking.

"Seven days ago, you told me Kishinau would fall in two days and that war would be over in three days!" shouted the dictator, looking at Voroshilov. An outburst of curses followed this statement.

"Yet, four days later, the war is nowhere near the end, Kishinau is still NOT captured!" Stalin continued with his tirade. "What needs to happen, Kliment Yefremovich, to get this circus you people call the army moving?!? If I had commanded like this in 1919 we would have had the Tsar here in Moscow now. I demand heads to roll. Relieve those lazy, good-for-nothing shoe-polishers from the army commands and get me the results. The attack must start now! I will personally send an order to the marshal Budyonny and he will obey it. I want our troops to march in two hours! The enemy will dig and entrench by the time we do anything."

The marshal shivered with fear, despite his standing in high regard with Stalin. Too often in the past Stalin's favorites fell victim to what could only be termed as paranoia on the part of the man who controlled the Soviet Union with an iron fist. Figuring he had nothing to lose now, he started to respond:

"Comrade Chairman, what do you expect of the army whose foremost generals were disposed of? That our army now rumbles around like decapitated cattle, can only be expected. I had to appoint lieutenants to do major jobs, captains take over colonels and majors to lead our corps." Voroshilov said, barely concealing his own anger. "It is your faul---" here he was cut off by Stalin.

"You forget your place, comrade marshal!" Stalin retorted.

"Well, comrade Chairman, someone has to say this. It is my place to say the truth to you. If you cannot accept it, well, you can relieve me." Voroshilov responded, shouting. Entirely loosing control, he continued "Those officers that are left after their superiors disappeared were emasculated. Any semblance of initiative was dr---"

"Are you insane, Kliment?" Stalin silently responded back. The rest of the present recoiled and stunned. Nobody dared so much as breathe.

"What you are saying is that the party policy is wrong!" Stalin started shouting again. He started swearing and Voroshilov responded in kind. In the rage, he knocked a glass off the table and it shattered on the floor, which brought an abrupt end to the discussion.

"Comrade marshal, we will discuss this matter later. You may leave now. You have my orders and you will submit any order you come up with for my personal approval." Stalin said, and furiously waved his hand in dismissal.

"Comrade Yakov Vladimirovich!" Stalin turned, referring to the commander of the Red Air Force. Voroshilov started breathing again, as Stalin's attention turned away from him. Without waiting any further, he left the room, but even the thick wooden doors could not dampen the sound of Stalin swearing, as he addressed the air force general.

'I have to wrap everything up. How can I at least save Ekatarina? And the children' Voroshilov thought of his wife and their adopted family. He was certain that his life would end quickly.

Arriving in his office, he wrote an order for the Southern front to commence an immediate attack, destroy enemy forces in front of it and bring the war to a conclusion. Without signing it, he summoned his aide to take to the Stalin's office. Next, he opened up the bottle of vodka and gulped a shot, just to stop the shivering that followed the release of tension and withdrawal of adrenaline. Taking out a piece of paper he started writing his, as he considered, a will/resignation. Voroshilov knew what he had to do to save at least his family and possibly his own honor. In the letter he confessed to the errors he made and thanked the people of the Soviet Union and Stalin for the opportunity to lead the Red Army. He also expressed hope that his successor will fulfill the expectations and his regret that he was not able to. Marshal signed it and pocketed it, deciding to produce it when they came to take him away.

Three hours later, Soviet Southern Front command post

Budyonny read the message his signals officer brought for the third time. It was the direct order from STAVKA, signed by Stalin in person, to expedite an immediate general attack by all units. The same message relieved generals Khorobkov of the 4th and the general Kirponos 9th Army of their command and placed Generals Vatutin and Rokossovsky in their steads. Both generals were to be relieved immediately and Budyonny will take direct command over both armies. The message then went into specific orders for individual corps and divisional formations.

Southern Front's task was simple. Bludgeon through the Romanian defenses at all points and occupy the final phase line by the 1800 hours on April 21st. This would enable the political authorities to conclude the peace and establish the necessary preconditions to annex the Baltic states and liberate their people, thus securing the borders. According to the message, the completion of this became absolutely vital due to the new political situation. No details were included within the message.

Budyonny's pompolit read the same message, and stared intently at his nominal commander.

"Comrade Marshal, the orders are clear." he said.

"They are. Sergei!" he shouted. A young aide appeared in the office. "Deliver this message to all the Army commands. This is most urgent."

Same day, 1000h, Frontlines in Romania

Romanian observers sounded the alert. All of the Soviet troops on the opposite end of the line suddenly start moving in masses and artillery fire starts showering Romanian lines. Despite the ferocity of the fire, the Soviet guns have not properly zeroed in and a third have not yet reached their firing positions according to the plans Soviet made earlier. The shells fall wildly around the lines held by Romanian soldiers and cause some casualties.

While the bombardment lasted, Soviet infantry closed in on all sectors and by noon, Romanian command realized a general attack over the entire front was taking place. The fighting quickly devolved into confused close quarters combat. The fighting didn't abate until well into the evening, even after the darkness fell. Soviets managed to move the line and reach the outskirts of Balti. Their attempts to capture the city were bloodily repulsed in the vicious street fighting. At one point they managed to cut off all the road communications with Kishinau, but Romanian counterattacked and exhausted Soviet troops gave way.

Soviet counteroffensive against Italians and Turks turned into a huge blunder. As the Soviet troops attacked, Italians feigned a panicked withdrawal of their infantry and managed to lure two Soviet divisions into a tight passage between the two marshes. Behind the Soviets, Italian tanks and Turkish cavalry closed the gap and Italian infantry bolstered by a tank battalion turned and confronted Soviet troops, whose rear echelons dissolved in panic, as Italian tanks advanced down the only available road. By the evening desperate Soviet troops surrendered, while an entire brigade worth of troops attempted to swim over the wide river to safety. Many drowned and only a quarter reached the opposite bank.

April 20th, OKH, Zossen, Early morning

"Colonel Eisenhower, welcome to the Supreme Command of German Army." major von Stauffenberg* greeted the President of the Peace Treaty Compliance Verification Committee.

"Thank you, major..." Eisenhower stoped, not knowing the name of the officer addressing him.

"Von Stauffenberg!" the young man replied and bowed slightly, with a Prussian click of the heels.

"Von Stauffenberg, then. How do you do, Major?" continued the American officer, conversationally.

"Very well, thank you, Colonel. Herr General expects you in his office. Please follow me."

As they proceeded to walk down the hallway and up the stairs to the office of the German Commander in Chief, Eisenhower was lost in thoughts. He came to discuss the most convenient method of verifying the German adherence to arms limitation clauses of the peace treaty. It was obvious that it would take months to tour the vast arsenals of the German Wehrmacht, so they have decided to randomly pick out the units and locations and make inspections. His counterparts from the air force and naval sub-committees were already on their way to their respective branches to discuss similar matters. David hoped the task in Germany would be complete in two or three weeks.

At that moment, they entered the office of the German general. Eisenhower entered and saluted the man, whose rank was superior to his own. Brauchitsch returned the salute and greeted the American with a curt "Good morning. Please, have a seat." and indicated the chair next to his desk.

Eisenhower, now seated, started:

"General, as I've explained to you in the letter, we hope to complete this task at the least inconvenient and intrusive way as possible, but we must establish the true state of your armed forces. I am responsible for the land forces and am tasked to verify your armor, artillery and number of formations are in compliance with the number specified in the Treaty."

German General replied with a nod and inquired "What can I and my staff do to ease your job? My civilian superiors have authorized me to provide you with all information necessary to complete this review."

"That would be of great help. I must inform you that your opponents do not put a great deal of trust in any information you or your authorities provide, but I assure you I will trust it until proven otherwise. My colleagues from the committee and I have agreed that we will conduct inspections of the formations of your armed forces selected randomly in order to determine whether their TO&E on paper and in fact differ. This meeting is just the introductory meeting and you will be seeing me quite frequently in the following few weeks. As for your question of how can you and your staff be of service, for the beginning I'd like to request you provide me with the entire list of the military formations currently under your command, with the specifications of authorized equipment and personnel." Eisenhower said.

"Very well! You will have this in an hour or thereabouts, as soon as my aides compile and make copies.", replied Brauchitsch.

"Once we review the list, we will select specific formations and installations to visit and inspect." Eisenhower announced. He took the phone and informed his fellow members of the committee to join him at Zossen as soon as possible.

The talks continued with a more informal discussion on the consequences of the peace treaty. Brauchitsch expressed his satisfaction by the fact that the general war has been avoided, albeit narrowly. He assured Eisenhower that German civilian and military leadership has no intention of engaging in aggressive wars and no ambition to acquire more territory for Germany. Eisenhower asked about the Soviet Union and the view of German general staff on the Soviet intentions and Romanian war.

This discussion continued well into the second hour, when general Halder appeared, accompanied with major Stauffenberg and colonel Utili of Italian Army and major Piron of Royal Belgian Army. Tagging along were two sergeants pushing a cart, full of papers.

The conference table in the Brauchitsch's office hardly sufficed to accommodate the entire OOB of the Heer and after some time, the papers were somehow squeezed upon the wooden surface.

The three men from the committee were left alone to ponder over which formations to pay a visit to. Half an hour later, they came up with a list of the divisions they wanted to inspect.

1st Panzer Division (Weimar)
6th Panzer Division (Wuppertal)
4th Light Division (Wien)
11th Infanterie division (Allenstein)
16th Infanterie division (Munster)
5th Infanterie division (Ulm and Konstanz depots)
3rd Motorized division (currently based in Koenigsberg and also a divisional depot in Frankfurt)
XIX Panzer Corps Headquarters, currently in based in Koblenz
4th Armee HQ
Corps Areas (Wehrkreiss) X, XII, V and VII


Having selected the formations to control, the delegation of the committee observed as Brauchitsch and Halder drafted an order to the respective commanders to prepare for the arrival of the international inspectors and to cooperate with them in full. Eisenhower and his team would tour the Germany observing the work of small four man teams composed of junior officers from neutral countries, primarily from the US and Italy as they catalogued the equipment of the German army.

"General Brauchitsch, I and my team will now depart and visit the division located in Munster. Could you, please, make arrangements with their commander for our accommodation within the barracks. I would love to observe German military formation for a few days. Who is the commander there?" Eisenhower said.

"Well, the commander of the unit is Major General Erwin Rommel*. He took over the command of this unit barely a month ago. I do not know if you know about him. He is supposed to be a flamboyant individual. One of the late Fuehrers favorites. He travelled all over the Polish front during the campaign last September." Halder spoke, before Brauchitsch could respond.

"Oh, well, I'd like to meet herr Rommel. We will set off right now." Eisenhower saluted the Germans and bid farewell.


------------------------
*As the war ends, Stauffenberg is compelled to accept the General staff assignment he refused OTL

*Without Hitler backing, Rommel gets the infantry division to command. OTL commander was Heinrich Krampf, here Rommel gets it instead.

April 20th, Downing Street 10, London

Chamberlain heard a knock on the door of his study.

"Enter!" he said and an aide entered his study, a folder in his hand.

"Good morning, Mr. Prime Minister. This just arrived from Sir Stafford." aide said, handing the folder to Chamberlain.

"Oh, thank you Andrew. I wondered when will Sir Stafford report from India. You may go, now. Oh, and please, notify Sir Lawrence to come by at his earliest convenience. I presume he received the copy of this dispatch?" Chamberlain said.

"Of course, sir. I'll notify him immediately. Good afternoon."

"To you too, Andrew." murmored Neville, already turning his attention to the content of dispatch.

The dispatch itself presented an analysis of India and desires of its people. It was stressed that the desire to govern their own affairs has taken deep root in all strata of Indian society and among people from all of its diverse religions.

The committee, lead by Sir Stafford had long and comprehensive discussions with the Hindu and Muslim elites as representatives of the two largest religious groups in India. In the opinion of the British commission, the prospect of the united Indian state or similar entity seemed bleak indeed. While both desiring independence, they wanted it under their own terms and those differed wildly. Muslims wanted one set of laws, based on Islamic tradition, while Hindus wanted their own. Those views were virtually incompatible and impossible to exist simultaneously in a single state. There was possibility that both sides could achieve an agreement to establish an entity with two units based on loose federation or confederation, with large amount of autonomy for each of them.

Further exasperating already complicated issues was the fact that the populations were so mixed that the demarcation line was hard to draw and both sides seemed unwilling to allow any number of their kin be ruled over by the other group. The obvious solution of population exchange was practically impossible, as there were millions of people living in the disputed areas.

Finally, while those two faiths represented the majority, there was a number of minor religions and regional groups at odds with the absolute majority of the Hindu and the Muslim population. The challenge of making a functional, democratic and united Indian subcontinent appeared to require a slow, long and deliberate process of easing them to independence and dismantling the British governance system that was in place for the past century. This process, even if everything went smoothly, could take at least three to five years. In talks with representatives of the Indians, the committee came to the conclusion that, given the firm promise of independence ten years from now, the Congress Party and Muslim League would try to devise the solution to allow for orderly and smooth transition to independence.

The solutions committee proposed was:

a) Federation based upon the British administrative division of the subcontinent, with governance being highly decentralized and autonomous
b) Federation of multiple states or entities with possible introduction of special mixed provinces or allowing the citizens to choose the jurisdiction they want to come under

Proposed timeframe was:

By the end of 1940 both sides were called upon to agree on the specific solution to be implemented. From 1941 to 1945, the British authorities would gradually surrender more and more areas of governance to Indian authorities. In 1945 the first free elections will be held and the elected representatives will draft the laws and the governing bodies of the future state. The following period will see the establishment of institutions and evaluation of their efficiency. If everything checked out, India will be granted independence by 1950. Obviously, the process required a great deal of patience by all parties.

To emphasize this, the members of the committee outlined the possible outcome that would result from the disorderly transition. The mixed population and the hatred some of the more extreme members of both religious groups felt towards the others could result in wholesale slaughter of the minorities in some of the disputed areas. Both Indian elites and the Committee urged British government to devote her full attention to this issue in order to prevent a large scale humanitarian disaster.

Just as Chamberlain finished reading the memorandum, his aide announced that Secretary of State for India and Burma has arrived.

I'le Seguin, Renault Billancourt, France

The workers of the Renault plant started a strike, declaring they were unwilling to produce the weapons of war to be used by the enemies of the workers. The workers stopped production and blocked the entrance into the factory. The spark that started this was the decision of the French government to sell 100 of R-35 tanks to the armed forces of the Kingdom of Romania, announced that morning. By the afternoon strikes started in some of the steel mills and engine factories.

At the same time, the members of the French Communist Party printed and distributed thousands of fliers, calling upon citizens to come out in the morning at Bastille square and voice their protest against the government. Few of the communist were arrested doing this, but the French police failed to locate the press that printed the fliers and the persons responsible for initiating this.

April 20th, Late night, I'le Seguin, Renault Billancourt

The workers, spurred into a strike by few dozens agitators of Communists and the fact that, even though the war and the threat of German attack was over, 48 hour week remained in force remained inside the plant. They decided to block the access to the machines and the facilities until their demands were met, namely that the working week be reduced to 40 hours, that their wages be adjusted to inflation and increased 10% and, demand squeezed in by the Communists, that the products of their factory not be shipped to aid the fascist governments in their fight against the people.

Louis Renault heard of the disturbance in his plant during the evening and immediately contacted the Prefect of Parisian police, demanding that the workers be dispersed, instigators arrested and honest working people allowed to resume their work. Spurred by Minister of Interior, whose help Renault also enlisted, Prefect sent 120 gendarmes armed with rifles and automatic weapons along with an armored car (ironically of Renault manufacture).

As the dawn broke, the factory was surrounded by gendarmes, augmented by six patrols of the Parisian police. Gendarmerie Liaison office secured that Paris Garrison of the Army was ready to provide additional company of troops, should such intervention appear necessary. Gendarmerie also augmented normal police patrols around the Bastille Square, to confront possible demonstrations the Communist party called for.

The police informed the workers inside the factory they have one hour to disperse peacefully. They also assured the workers that no charges would be levelled against them if they dispersed now. However, should they persist in their illegal strike, the gendarmes would enter the facility using force and arrest all that attempts to resist. Those would be charged with undermining the defense efforts and would face prison in the 'Dry Guillotine'.

One hour later, after nothing happened, gendarmes stormed the entrance to the plant, overpowered five workers who attempted to guard the entrance and, brandishing the batons, approached the mess hall of the facilities, where the workers barricaded themselves. Suddenly, the silence of the morning was interrupted by gunshots coming from the windows of the mess hall. Gendarmes quickly dispersed the cordon and took cover behind the corners of surrounding objects. No one was hit, but it appeared that what appeared to be the simple task of crowd control has escalated into armed confrontation.

Next attempt to storm the mess hall was supported by armored car. Crouching behind it, the gendarmes advanced towards the door, when from one window a wine bottle, top flaming flew towards the armored vehicle. It fell on the ground, meters from it and circle of 50 centimeters in diameter was engulfed in flames. Again, no one was injured, but the driver was not willing to expose himself to the risk of fiery death and reversed the course. Captain commanding the gendarmes detachment jumped on top of the turret and started banging on the hatch with pistol grip of his service revolver shouting at the driver to turn back. Simultaneously, the gendarmes opened fire on the windows to suppress further firing and force the workers to take cover. There were too many windows however, and firing continued from some of those. The attempt was aborted after two gendarmes were lightly wounded by badly aimed fire from the building. The captain decided to wait for automatic weapons be mounted atop the surrounding buildings. He also sent two dozen of his men to take positions overlooking the mess hall building and fire on anyone peeking through the windows from inside.

April 21st, early morning, Daladier's cabinet

In an emergency session, French government gathered to deliberate on what, in the panicked imagination of some of its members amounted to the communist uprising in the capital. Petain pleaded to be allowed to use the active Army units to quell any uprising, while Minister of Interior Sarraut claimed there was no need for such a radical step, as the police and gendarmes were on top of it. Then came the news of the standoff in the Renault plant and Daladier imagination was filled with visions of mobs forming up under the red flag on the Bastille square, rising barricades and overthrowing the republican government.

"Marshal," Daladier said, addressing Petain "I am afraid that involving combat units of the Army at this point could complicate this situation further. Your desire to protect the Republic is admirable, but we are not in such dire straits that using the army units is necessary. However, I authorize to make a plan to deploy the units located in major cities in case situation gets out of hand."

"I would prefer to quell the rebellion at the outset, Mr. Prime Minister. The Army can wipe them out entirely." Petain declared.

"Marshal, need I remind that the Republic of France is a country run by civilians and not military? As long as our police is available and capable of maintaining the order, the Army will not be used. When and if the situation warrants the use of the Army, you will be notified." declared Daladier, with some annoyance in his voice. "Mr. Sarraut," he continued, turning to the Minister of Interior "Is the National Police and Gendarmerie able to contain the situation?"

"Mr. Prime Minister, unless the communist managed to organize themselves to an astonishing degree in secrecy, we believe we should be able to disperse them with little trouble. Admittedly, the resistance given at the Renault plant was unexpected, but Captain Dufour, commander on the scene was sure that the confrontation will be over by noon." Sarraut reported.

"Excellent. Mr. Bonnet, see to it that the perpetrators are given public trial and if found guilty, sentenced to the harshest possible punishment. Let's make an example of them, so that no such attempt repeats." Daladier concluded.

"Mr. Petain and Mr. Sarraut, can you please remain?"

When everyone has left, Daladier voiced his doubts that the Soviet Union and the Communist International were behind this. Since the war has ended and as the British confidentially disclosed their counterintelligence success in unmasking the Soviet spy activity within the UK, French Police and BCR counterintelligence service have uncovered a large amount of evidence implicating the Communist Party of France has been directed to collect information and, as it seemed, to conduct sabotage of the French war effort and military production.

Both ministers were given the folder containing the report by the head of Deuxieme Bureau, Colonel Maurice Gauche. So far the efforts of the communists were small scale and largely ineffective. However, this day marked the turning point in this. The threat of the Soviet Union was no longer indirect and distant, Daladier declared.

"Marshal, what plans to fight the Soviet Union do we have?" Daladier asked.

"Well, since the outbreak of war in Romania, we made three contingency plans. They can be implemented simultaneously or independently. First is to commence an air attack on Soviet oil fields in Baku. These plans are prepared in cooperation with our British allies and we would use bases in Syria and Iraq. Bombers would hit oil fields and deprive the Soviet war machine from its very blood. Secondly, we have prepared, and to a certain measure implemented some naval activities, but you will have to consult Admiral Darlan about the details. Deployment of ground forces in the Romanian theatre of operations is the final contingency, which I and general Gamelin are apprehensive about. It would take extensive logistical planning to deploy units there. Some initial work has been made and two D.L.C. units have been earmarked for deployment. GQG projects it is necessary to secure at least 10 transport ships to transfer those units and then supply them. Their impact on the ground war would certainly not be decisive. Furthermore, we cannot be certain how long would Romanian resistance last. According to GQG, it is a matter of days before Romanians are forced to retreat across Prut. In any case, the Soviet general offensive has started yesterday and the Red Army has driven the Romanians back at some sectors already. Today would be decisive, according to our observers. Having seen their reports, I must declare that I have no confidence that Romanians will be able to forestall Soviet advance."

"Those are bleak prospects, indeed. But, one thing is certain. We cannot entrust the defense of France and our allies in Eastern Europe solely to the Germans. And to the Ministry of Foreing Affairs it seems to be the case." Daladier said. "Marshal," he continued "Accelerate the plans. Romanians may have more fight in them.

After declaring this, Daladier sent summons to Darlan, Chambre* and Campinchi**.

-----------
*Minister of Air Force
** Minister of Navy

April 21st, Lockheed Electra 14, 21.000 feet above Baku

Sidney Cotton and Bob Niven have been quiet, apprehensively scanning the surrounding air space. Their nerves were strained ever since they entered the Soviet airspace fifteen minutes ago. Their aircraft was hard to see from the ground, thanks to the Cotton's ingenious paint scheme, but it lacked any sort of defense and neither man doubted that the plane would be dispatched to the ground by any fighter Red Air Force possessed. Their only hope of staying alive was not to be seen. Five minutes later they arrived over their objective and started working on their real job, the task they were sent over here for.

Seven kilometers below, the ground was covered by oil wells, from which the Soviet war machine extracted it's very blood. The black liquid from here and the Batumi wells in Caucasus accounted for over 90% of Soviet oil consumption. Without it the tanks and airplanes terrorizing Romania would stop. Furthermore, the Soviet citizens will be left without food as their mechanized agricultural sector, vital to providing food for fast growing industrial cities, would start to fail. Back in Habbanyia and Syria total of five wings of the RAF and Armee de l'Air were poised to start an unprecedented bombing campaign against the Soviet oil industry, the majority of which was located in the Caucasus region.

Using air force for strategic warfare of this scope was long envisioned by air force enthusiasts and here was the first opportunity to test it. Although neither man in the airplane knew it, the final go ahead was rapidly closing and the events that unfolded in Paris the previous night and in the morning, insignificant as they seemed when considered in isolation, added the proverbial 'straw that broke the camel's back' and made war against the Soviet Union all but inevitable.

An hour later, the airplane has completed the reconnaissance and now turned towards Iraq. Safely encased within the stereoscopic cameras, the technology pioneered by the unit commander himself, the film contained astonishingly accurate images of the oil fields of Baku. The detailed photography would be used by RAF personnel to plot bombing runs in order to inflict maximum damage to the petroleum production. Sidney knew that tens of thousands of incendiary and HE bombs were stockpiled in RAF Habbaniya air base. What he didn't know was when (and if) those would be used.

April 21st, Romania

The eleventh day of fighting in Romania opened with renewed Soviet efforts to make headway into Romanian lines and reach Prut at all points. The fighting was most severe around Balti, where elements of three Soviet armies (9th, 11th and 12th) assaulted the Romanian 3rd Army supported by elements of 1st army. Romanian divisions held the front with the utmost determination, knowing that if they yielded, the Red Army would reach Prut and from there turn either south towards the Black Sea, or west, towards Bucharest. Romanians were not eager to find out, however, and fought like cornered beasts. Not a small number of their soldiers' homes were overrun by the Red Army as it advanced and those men fought even more ferociously than others.

Around Chishinau, heavy fighting started with the early morning and the majority of the Soviet 7th Army was engaged in this sector. They confronted Romanian 1st Army and elements of the 2nd Army, as well as newly arrived Italian Piave Motorized division. Italian division, consisting of veterans from Spain, as well as conscripts from Italy performed somewhat below the standard of the Romanian infantry, but their motorization enabled them to serve as 'fire brigade', deploying rapidly to threatened sectors. Italian L6 tanks were quite adequate to engage Soviet infantry, but couldn't effectively fight the Soviet T-26s or BTs if those appeared on the battlefield. In the first two engagements during April 20th, Italian tanks suffered moderate losses and withdrawn from the battlefield. The second instance gave them a recipe to fight. During the retreat, Soviet tanks turned to follow the Italians in a counterattack and stumbled onto Italian AT battery. The Italian commander reacted quickly and battery opened fire with their 47 mm guns, using 'effeto pronto' rounds. As it turned out, those rounds could dispatch even behemoth T-28s and T-35s with ease. The Italian armor used this to good effect, luring the Soviet tanks into carefully positioned AT screens, inflicting grievous losses on the Soviet tanks.

Romanian armored units managed to gain experience during the conflict and were, by now, experts in a tank on tank engagements. Despite having relatively inferior equipment, except for the German Mark III panzer's, their soldiers learned to cooperate closely with the artillery. Germans were providing a steady trickle of new tanks and parts to repair the damaged ones and by now, Romanians managed to accumulate close to 70 pieces, which had no real adversary on the battlefield anymore. Their 3.7 cm guns could penetrate most Soviet tanks and a few specimens arrived with 5 cm guns.

The fighting by the afternoon resulted with limited gains for the Red Army and they managed to move the line a few kilometers here and there. However, the southern part of the front around Ismail quickly turned into a disaster for them. Having lost the two divisions sent to counter-attack Italian and Turkish forces, the Soviets faced the massive uprising in the city of Ismail, as the city was now guarded only by a handful of NKVD battalions. The word that the Soviet army was defeated in the vicinity and that friendly forces were advancing towards the city galvanized the citizens and during the night of April 21st, they managed to overwhelm a few Soviet patrols and grab their weapons. By noon, the Soviets were faced with fighting within the city by small squads of men, armed only with light infantry weapons and improvised explosive devices. The commander of the city occupying forces broke out of the city and evacuated his forces towards Bolgrad.

Vicinity of Balti

The past two days were two of the worst in the life of sergeant-major Nicolau. His company was part of the reserves and when the Soviet offensive began, they were instantly deployed to the front line, to bolster up the defenses. His platoon had received a dozen of new recruits and he couldn't recognize more than a third of his own squad. New faces were all around the battalion as well, as many officers got promoted after the Major of his battalion got promoted to lt. Colonel and took over the command of the regiment. Their regular colonel got wounded in shelling during one of the numerous rushing towards the front line near Balti. Nicolau now had to break in a raw lieutenant, fresh from the academy.

The night has fallen on the battleground littered with bodies, craters, smoking vehicles and an occasional Soviet airplane, Nicolau felt tired. As the firing died out and both sides stopped, sergeant collapsed in his trench, exhausted by almost two days of constant fighting. 'God help us tonight! If the Soviets attack, they would probably find the guards sleeping.' He couldn't imagine, however, that after the previous two days even the soldiers of the Red Army had any fight left in them.

Nicolau vividly remembered the first hour of the today's attack. The continuous roar of the Soviet guns of all imaginable calibers plowing the ground all around them, shuddering in the shelters, awaiting the inevitable onslaught of the Soviet infantry, firing upon the swarms of the Soviet soldiers advancing towards the position occupied by his men.

The images that flashed through the sergeant's mind prevented him sleep. Memories of the screams coming from the wounded soldiers still echoed in his ears. But he couldn't move or escape from those. He was so exhausted that even the mere thought of lifting his arm caused physical pain. As his eyes closed, sleep brought him peace, at least temporarily. It was certain that fighting would continue tomorrow.

Air war in Romania

Soviets continued to feed more airplanes to the Romanian front, but with increasingly green pilots. Despite a huge numerical preponderance of Red Air Force, they maintained air superiority over the battlefront only through the prodigious use of airplanes, incurring disproportionate losses. Tactically, the effects of the air attacks were minimal and resulted in a few real losses for the Romanians. Soviets, in turn, suffered increasing losses from ground fire as Romanian AA crews became more proficient. By the time Cernauti fell, Soviet Air Force attacked only by swarms of level bombers, as the Su-2s have suffered murderous casualties at the hands of Romanian AA gunners, being both lightly armored and too slow. In the absence of a better option, Db-2s quickly became the airplanes Soviets used both for tactical and strategic purposes, though the effect in both roles was only marginal. The one thing Soviets succeeded was to keep the Romanian Air Force from attacking Soviet ground units in systemic and organized fashion, for very little good it brought them.

Despite its intensity, if the results of Soviet air attacks on Romanian army units and strategic points such as bridges, marshalling yards and airports were taken into account, the achievements of air force during the campaign were of dubious value at best. So far air force failed to deliver on its promise of paralyzing the defense of the enemy, disrupting the mobilization process and hindering troop movements. The air war remained largely a side show, a battle of will, dangerous, exciting, but ultimately, without the decisive effect.

In spite of valiant resistance and better overall quality of both men and machines on the Romanian side, without outside assistance, Romanians would certainly lose their entire air force by the April 22nd, if not for the continuous arrival of new airplanes, both from Germany, Italy and hurriedly negotiated purchase of three squadrons of US produced Curtiss P-36s, diverted from France to Romania just before the outbreak of hostilities. Italian Fiat G.50 arrived in numbers sufficient for two squadrons and were manned by pilots who lost their Polish PZL.11s, none of which remained operational after the first week of the war. Germans also managed to keep the arrival of Bf-109s steady, replacing the Romanina losses. The fact Romanians mostly kept fighting over the home turf, meant that the majority of their pilots could fly again in a new machine. Soviet pilots were most of the time captured if their airplane was damaged or shot down, unless they managed to limp the machine back and crash land behind the front line.

So far, the Soviet Air force suffered around 400 losses in total, lost more than 600 pilots. The airplanes were relatively easy to replace despite the issues with spare parts, mostly solved by cannibalization and improvisation. Pilots, however were not easily replaced. Many of the survivors only survived because they never engaged in combat. Morale in Soviet force plummeted after they were handled roughly by the Romanians and now Soviet pilots were turned back on the first sight of the enemy or flying in tight formations that they dared not stray from. Even the threat of being court martialed failed to make an impression on Soviet pilots. Unlike infantry, they were not easily controlled.

Littorio Armored division, 133. Tank Regiment, 1. Armored battalion, 2. Squadron

Captain Batista Accosi sat atop of his L3/35 tank, also known as CV-35. He doubted he or any one of his squadron would survive the encounter with the Soviet armor, but luckily enough, there were none here to be seen. His unit was deployed on the extreme south, at the right wing of the Romanian front. Advance north, undertaken by their divisional CO in hopes to envelop remaining Soviet troops and linking up with the Romanians could be either brilliant plant or the most catastrophic blunder. It all depended on the assumption that the Soviets could not react with sufficient reserves or deploy new units to this front.

Their first engagement was with two Soviet divisions which they managed to defeat and shatter against the bank of a lake. Batista was surprised when the Soviets fell for the Italian ruse the previous day. 'Ah, but pride comes before the fall!' he thought. His experience in Spanish War was bitter and he was a junior lieutenant at the Battle of Guadalajara, when his squadron only barely escaped the fate that has befallen 6.000 of his comrades. Captain hoped they could exact vengeance here in Romania. So far it was working.

April 22nd, 2000h, Command post, 49th Infantry Division

Captain Iegorov stood outside of a tent of the commander of the 49th Infantry Division. Two more companies commanders were also present, nervously walking around, waiting to be invited in. All three men received the message to report to Pavel Ionovich Vorobev, major general, CO 49th Infantry as soon as convenient.

Iegorov wondered if it had anything to do with his actions of yesterday. That fool of a major, commanding his battalion, managed to get the entire unit surrounded, advancing into the trap Romanians laid in. Iegorov attempted to dissuade the idiot from doing it, but without success. He was called a coward and threatened to be shot if he did not tend to his duty.

To no one's but the fools surprise, 30 minutes later the entire battalion found itself under concentrated fire of Romanian machine guns and rifles. Alas, his surprise didn't last for long, as he fell victim of a sniper bullet thirty seconds into a firefight. His second in command panicked and had to be physically subdued, lest the entire unit broke off into headless run. Iegorov took over command on his own initiative and brought order. His experiences in the battle of Cernauti helped and the Captain managed to organize two companies to break through back towards the Soviet lines, while the third kept their assailants pinned down by steady rifle fire. Ignoring physical danger Iegorov shuttled back and forth until he managed to extricate the battalion from the predicament their late commander got them into. The only casualties were the commander and ten soldiers, as well as deputy commander of the battalion who had to be left over since no one could carry him out. Two dozen of wounded men took priority over the panic stricken knocked down dead wood, so he was conveniently 'forgotten' and when the soldiers 'remembered' about him, it was already too late, as Captain First Class Ivan Ilyich Sergetov was captured by the enemy.

At that moment, an aide emerged from the tent, saluted smartly to Iegorov and informed him that General Vorobev will see him now.

Fifteen minutes later, captain emerged from the tent. In his hand he held a letter, commending him for the action that saved the lives of 300 soldiers. Also, Iegorov received a recommendation by army commander himself prepares to take an examination for the Frunze Military Academy in Moscow once the operations in Romania are complete.

Unbeknownst to the captain the Soviet attack that morning and the action of his battalion was observed by general Malinovsky who came to take the appraisal of enemy tactics. The experienced eye of the general officer took notice of the heroic undertaking by captain Alexei Nikolayevich Iegorov. In the afternoon Malinovsky obtained the report from the regimental CO and decided to extend his praise to the young officer. Iegorov was stunned. He came here half-expecting to be arrested. With a newly acquired cheer, the captain returned to his unit. There was more good news - before he left, general Vorobev informed him that the attack would not continue tomorrow.

Vorobev was informed by courier who arrived that evening, that The Southern Front issued the command to suspend the current offensive until a new operational plan is complete, pending arrival of reinforcements. It was signed by an Army General Georgy Zhukov.

Earlier that afternoon, Odessa

Budyonny stared blankly at the letter he held in his hand.

STAVKA

To: CinC Southern Front, Marshal S. M. Budyonny
From: STAVKA

Comrade Marshal, your order is to report to Moscow. You have been assigned command of Caucasus Military District in preparation for a potential attack into Turkey or capitalist imperial possessions in the Middle East. Your replacement will be Army General Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov, formerly commander of the Kiev Special Military District. Upon receiving this communication, you will hand your command to your deputy and take the airplane to Moscow to be briefed for your new assignment. STAVKA wishes you the best of luck with your new command.

Signed,
Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin


After reading it for the second time, he straightened his mustache, called his deputy and explained the situation to him. An hour later he boarded the awaiting airplane.

April 22nd, Berlin, Reichskanzlei

Goering, Pleiger, Hess, Guertner and Stuckart gathered in order to consider the proposal for amending the constitution of the Reich. Goering, ever since he has taken the position of the President, frequently expressed his despise for the current system, left in place by the late Fuehrer. The wasteful and inefficient edifice of the government erected by the Fuehrer hardly served for anything but to keep himself in power. As a temporary solution, this arrangement has already served its purpose. After the war was concluded, Nazi party position in Germany was cemented and Goering's authority unquestionable. To an ordinary German citizen, Georing's name was now inextricably linked with securing the peace and German dominating position in Europe, returning her to the rightful place of the world's great powers.

Hitler quietly and almost unnoticably passed into a legend as the one who created the conditions for Germany's resurgence. Goering, through the concerted efforts of Propaganda Ministry, has managed to create an image of himself being the only leader capable of translating Hitler's victory into a stable and honorable peace. Cunningly disguised in the propaganda, Goering was presented as the 'gray eminence' behind the throne.

What Goering desired now was to give a formalized framework to the government in order to avoid the Bizantine swell of parallel organizations rivaling each other and creating friction where smooth cooperation was indispensable for normal and orderly functioning of the state.

Foremost to this was to bring an order to the rule of Gauleiters. Their function of being the central governments link to the rank and file of the German citizenry was vital. However, the wide authority relinquished to them (or usurped by them) was becoming a problem and gave rise to far too many instances of creating a rule of terror and personal vendettas. Their authority needed curbing and Stuckart's proposal made an effort in this. It reasserted the rule of law and required all the decisions be based on more than their own will. According to the new law, Gauleiters would be relegated to simple party officials with little real authority in executive functions. Stuckart and others anticipated some resistance to this, mostly from the ranks of Gauleiters themselves, which would be easy to brush off. Goering's authority would be hard to challenge in this instance. Goering wanted to have full control over the entire Reich and would rather not rely upon the brutes, as many Gauleiters were, to exercise the government as they saw fit. Goering preferred to establish a firm and reliable set of laws resembling an orderly state, adding ominously that there are ways to deal with opposition, should it arise.

Guertner started the next subject, presenting complaints he received from certain medical and clerical circles. The people inquired if an officially sanctioned policy of euthanasia existed and if it was sanctioned by the government. Guertner made an investigation and revealed euthanasia program conducted stealthily and kept under the lid. He also uncovered that the entire program was conducted by Lammers, Bouhler and Hitler's physician Karl Brandt. When he questioned them, they have produced a written order, signed by Hitler himself, authorizing them to proceed with the 'Aktion T4' as the program was named. According to Guertner, the program was still in an early phase and, after the war started in September, it was accelerated which increased its visibility. Goering was not particularly shocked or dismayed by the existence of the program. It was known to all in the inner circle and widely accepted as necessary. It was one of the basic tenants of the Nazi policy that nation strength was sapped by mentally defective individuals.

However, Guertner pointed out that the program as executed now has created a risk of major embarrassment, both internally and internationally. The word was leaking out and it was a matter of time before it was exposed in full. He proposed that the program be scaled down and the families of condemned individuals be offered a choice whether to euthanize them or if they were willing to take care of them at their own expense. The state could not be counted upon to expend resources on the lost cause. Goering accepted this reasoning and agreed to give orders to Buehler to scale down the program. He assured Guertner that he would personally see to it that the express written permission of the relatives would be mandatory prior to 'mercy killing' as it was euphemistically named.

Having seen to this, Goering asked Hess to remain and dismissed the others. Alone with Hess, he asked him how long did he think his theft would remain unnoticed. Hess's clumsy attempts to extricate himself were cut short once the Nazi party treasurer Schwarz appeared in the office and gave a detailed account of the party accounts drained by Hess on flimsy excuses and ante dated expense accounts. Goering threatened to expose Hess, after which his future would not be bright. In exchange, he offered him to resign from his position and retire from public life, given the hefty pension and an estate in Saxony, far from Berlin.

Next, Goering received Brauchitsch, Halder, Canaris and Sperrle who brought forth new contingency plans for actions against the Soviet Union. They included Fall Rot, a limited ground campaign in the Baltic area, with a goal to liberate the Baltic States and Fall Blau with the task to extend help to Romanians and evict Soviet forces across the Dniester and reestablish the defensive line upon this river. Sperrle brought the Luftwaffe plans to use the two Luftflottes in both campaigns and cripple the Red Air Force, whose weakness was exposed in Romania. OKL projected that they could inflict decisive losses to the Soviet front line air force units within a week.

Canaris informed the present of the mounting evidence of impending action by France and England. The meager intelligence sources from France indicated that the action would be directed against the Soviet Union. Hearing this, Goering cheered visibly and relaxed. He ordered the OKL and OKH to further elaborate the contingency Fall Blau and be ready to implement it a week after the Allied intervention starts. Goering also instructed Canaris to commission a study of possibility to stage a full scale uprising in the Baltic States, which Germany would support with weapons and special forces. Fall Rot would not be attempted, but additional forces deployed to Eastern Prussia in order to bolster the defense.

Goering then instructed Canaris to cooperate with von Neurath to prepare a case for decommissioning the armament limitations agreed upon. Or to at least relax their provision augmenting it with the figures on the Soviet armament and the danger they posed to Europe.

April 23rd, Litorrio division, Command section

The division started advancing at the break of dawn and turned westwards to link up with the Romanian lines approximately 40 kilometers to the west-southwest. The elements of the Turkish cavalry and a battalion of Italian tanks were left behind to establish a series of checkpoints and secure the rear of the Italian advance. It was hoped that these troops could serve as a sort of a Tripwire for an expected Soviet counterattack. General Bitossi did not expect that the Soviets would, for the time being, be able to mount a meaningful attack to the exposed position of the Turko-Italian incursion. He was both happy and surprised that no major air attacks have befallen upon his unit so far. The odd Soviet reconnaissance airplane was all they have seen so far.

All that was about to change. Barely had the division got underway in its almost endless procession of armored vehicles, trucks and motorcycles, when a monotone buzzing was heard in the distance. It got louder and louder by a minute and already what resembled a cloud could be seen high above the horizon in the direction of the east.

Needlessly, someone shouted 'Air attack', but the people in the immediate vicinity of the commander already started dispersing in the surrounding bushes and taking cover. The tracked vehicles got off the road in order to maneuver better. A fraction of divisional anti-aircraft assets was deployed and ready to engage an enemy air attack. However, they had little to no experience in engaging airplanes in a real combat situation.

Within ten minutes, 4 squadrons of Soviet airplanes were upon them, escorted by two squadrons of Soviet fighters. As bombers started dropping their bombs from level flight, the battery of Breda 20mm auto-cannons opened fire. They made no impression on the Soviet Db3s, flying well above 1.5 km, beyond the reach of Italian guns. Soviet fighters found no employment for them in their primary role and started strafing Italian column, lying on the road. Five I-16s fell victim to Bredas, and the rest showered the tanks and trucks with machine guns and managed to set on fire a dozen trucks. Then, the first 250 kg bombs hit the ground, with thundering explosions. Five minutes later, the eery silence descended upon the scene. Italian general, spent the bombardment lying down on the side of the road, meters away from his staff car. He expected that nothing would survive the bombardment of this magnitude and was amazed that he was alive. Crouching, he took a few seconds to cross himself and thank the Virgin Mary for saving him. Then, he looked around. Amazingly enough, only a few overturned tanks, 10 burning trucks and three artillery pieces fell victim to the air attack. All around the road there were huge bomb craters were visible. From what he could judge, nearly two square kilometers were subjected to bombing.

"So," he exclaimed, climbing atop of the nearest tank, addressing nearby troopers "Men, you can see this is nothing to be terrified of. We survived." Turning to his chief of staff he said "Establish the casualty count. Let's get ready to roll on. Besides, get on the radio and request the air support."

Captain Batista felt strange exaltation that he survived this, in his mind, brush with death. Looking around he saw that none of the tanks of his squadron were damaged. They could do very little but try to maneuver their tank to offer less static target to the airplanes above.

April 23rd, early morning, Damascus, Syria

Maxime Weygand summoned his staff for a planning conference and they started arriving at the appointed hour. General Huntziger arrived directly from the airport, as he was to take direct command over the troops that have been recently deployed to Syria. Those forces were represented by two elite infantry formations 4th North African and 2nd North African, as well as 3rd Motorized Division. Additionally, a new type of formation - Light Chasseurs, created in March, were part of the order of battle of the French army that formed up in Syria. Slated to join them the moment operations started were two armored divisions, the 1st and the 2nd Armored divisions. The two formations were still in France and would be transported from Toulon and Marseille directly to the front, wherever it might be. The two divisions started mobilizing on the outbreak of war in September and, even after peace was negotiated, GQG decided to keep them an active part of the Army.

This formidable array of forces was named 1st Army and formed in two corps, XXI Corps, consisting of two armored and a motorized division and XXII, consisting of the infantry formations. Their task was not yet announced to the troops, but the rumor mill, working overtime as is customary in all field armies, circulated wide range of rumors among the troops. One was that they would be deployed to Turkey and attack the Soviet Caucasus in cooperation with their British ally. The other was they were going to be deployed to Romanian front. The third was that they would be deployed here to defend against potential Soviet response to the air offensive that was being prepared. The sight of bomb stockpiles and airplanes gathered on the airfields in Syria was enough to confirm the veracity of at least this part. The troops were training their regular tasks, what might be expected in any conventional operation and had no inkling what might be true. Only the training of the Chasseurs and the 6th Regiment of Foreign Legion was veiled in a cloak of secrecy.

General Weygand informed the others that the contingency plan 'Trooper' conceived in cooperation with the British will be implemented seven days forth. The joint planning for this started in early October 1939, as the Soviet Union appeared close to taking an active part in the war as an ally of Germany. The planning, held on the backburner for the past few months was rekindled with new urgency in April, as the Soviet Union initiated the hostilities against Romania. They had seven days to put the finishing touches to the plan.

Tripoli, Lebanon

Anchored at the naval base the two battleships of the Fifth Squadron of French Navy, accompanied by a flotilla of 12 destroyers and two heavy cruisers of the 1st Squadron with their consorts of six destroyers, bobbed silently on the clear, blue Levantine Sea. The ships arrived two days earlier from Toulon and their crews now worked busily to bring the ships to combat readiness.

Habanniya Base, Iraq

Sidney Cotton completed the reconnaissance of the objectives and now compiled a report to brief the commander of Middle Eastern Command, William Mitchell. Sidney barely escaped a brief encounter with two Soviet Fighters over Batumi during the last mission, but managed to bring back invaluable data for the pending operation. During the following days, Mitchell's staff would plot targets and plan the air campaign.

April 23rd, around noon, 2nd Squadron, Litorrio Division

For the third time of the morning, marching order of the Italian division was disrupted by the appearance of the another wave of the Soviet airplanes. This time it was three squadrons of Sb-2s, escorted by the squadron of Polikarpovs.

Captain Batista jumped off his tank and crawled underneath it, to take advantage of whatever slim shelter the feeble vehicle offered. Unless hit directly, he stood a good chance of survival here. The thin skinned vehicle could theoretically be penetrated even by airplane machine guns firing from above, so huddling beneath it seemed the safest option. A few of his comrades were strafed as they attempted to run in the fields around them and he did not want to share their fate. Captain turned on his back and moved his head so he could have a better view and observe the air attack.

In the sky above, stubby Soviet fighters circled around the formation of the medium bombers leisurely, not expecting to be challenged, as neither of the previous two waves met any resistance in the air, only danger coming from the Italian anti aircraft fire. This time, though, two squadrons of the G.50s took off from Constanta, some 100 km away, after the first frantic call for air support from Italian formation. They arrived to find SB.2s making an attack run. The first squadron engaged fighter escorts, while the second headed for the bombers. The pilots studied their prey and knew of the blind spot directly on the back of the airplane that neither the ventral nor dorsal gun mount could cover. The first three of the bombers were quickly dispatched to the fiery death with a quick burst of the two machine guns of the leading fighters.

The Soviet bombers started maneuvering left and right as well as diving to gain speed, but to no avail. One by one they were targeted by Romanian pilots and shot down. Ten minutes into the fight, only 25 of the initial 36 bombers remained aloft. Meanwhile, Soviet fighters attempted to duel with their Romanian counterparts, but their comparative lack of experience and confidence in their machines made this a losing battle. Within the same 10 minutes, not one of the 13 Soviet aircraft remained undamaged and 5 have been shot down, while Romanians suffered only 3 casualties and 2 damaged airplanes of 12 they had. None of the airplanes from the other Romanian squadron was shot down, four received superficial damage, while one had to turn back, trailing smoke but under control of the pilot.

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Italians examine one of the downed Soviet bombers

The rest of the Soviet bombers dropped their bomb load haphazardly and turned for home. Only a dozen of 100 kg bombs fell anywhere near the Italian column, adding two trucks and a tank to the casualty count of 11 tanks and about thirty trucks destroyed and a large number of trucks damaged by Soviet air strikes. The casualties in personnel were less than 50 soldiers dead and around 100 wounded, half of these seriously. General Bitossi hoped that one or two more air strikes that he expected by nightfall will not result in any more serious losses. Most tanks from his division were nearly at the end of their fuel capacity, expanding more than usual due to frequent maneuvering. The supply column would move out to meet them at first dark. The fuel trucks would probably take some three hours to cross nearly a 100 kilometers they covered since they set off a day earlier. If they met no Soviet resistance further on, they should reach the Romanian lines around noon the next day. If.

Soviet Fourth Army HQ, 20 km west of Odessa

General Vatutin surveyed the army he received under command. The Turkish-Italian thrust which his predecessor attempted to contain was advancing and the elements of one division were in danger of being trapped south of the bulge, should the Italian division managed to link up with Romanian forces. His chief of staff presented the figures on tanks available to the 4th army. The Second Tank corps was scarcely used and was now besieging Romanian defenses of Bolgrad, attempting to force the river Yalpug and the effect the break through towards Prut. The corps had over two hundred tanks operational tanks, mostly T-26s and T-27s. Although the latter were not real tanks, they could be used to attack infantry while the former type was superior to anything the Italians could field.

The attack towards Romanians was quickly rescinded and the four rifle divisions were placed on defensive posturing, with three facing Romanians and one protecting the rear. Vatutin decided to leave the Italians alone until they attacked the Soviet divisions from what they thought was their rear. He would then slam them with tanks in a classic hammer and anvil maneuver, not unlike Battle of Cannae.

Later that night, command bridge of the French submarine Surcouf

Commander Martin, skipper of the submarine Surcouf calmly ordered "Diving officer, prepare the ship to dive to periscope depth."

"Aye, sir!" responded the man and said "Rig the ship to dive!". Frantic activity accompanied by klaxon resulted from these words. Ten minutes later, the final bulb lighted up at the dive officer's station.

"Ship is ready to dive, Captain!" he said.

"Very well! Take her down to periscope depth!" Martin ordered.

"Dive! Dive! Dive!" was the next command.

Three minutes later, commander observed the Rumelia Fener through the periscope of his submarine as it sailed into the Black Sea. The imposing structure, built nearly a century earlier by the French engineers, was once more going to fulfill the same purpose it originally was built for. 'We are now in the dangerous waters' he thought.

So far only the commander and his first officer knew the orders for their ship. They were expected to read it to the rest of the crew only now, as they sailed into the Black Sea. Well, the mission would be most dangerous to the crew of his single float airplane, the captain knew. The submarine could protect herself well enough from most threats. Well at least, she could fight. The small plane, however, would depend only on surprise and luck to carry out its task and return. No other asset in British and French fleet could do this task and maintain secrecy. Martin was proud that his ship was selected for it. The boat has so far only paraded around, showing the flag with hopes that it would sway other countries more in favor of France and her cause.

The submarine has sailed from the port of Tripoli to here in three uneventful days and for the most part ran on the surface. The giant submarine submerged now, to avoid being observed by the Soviet submarines, known to be operating near this area. This late at night, the chance they would be spotted by the Soviet boat was slim, but there might have been eyes watching them during the trip through the straits. The shaving off few more hours from the trip by travelling on surface at maximum cruise speed was not worth the risk, Martin decided.

April 24th, 0830h, British Middle East Command HQ, Cairo

General Archibald Wavell leaned over the map spread on the table in front of him. 'This' he thought 'Was the last thing I'd expect to be doing'. Generals Richard O'Connor and Maitland Wilson were also present in the room while generals Montgomery, commander of the 3rd Infantry, O'Creagh of the 7th Armored and Philip Neame of the 4th Indian were expected to join them momentarily. Admiral Andrew Cunningham also arrived and joined them moments ago. Together, they were to plan the joint operation the French outlined already and that the War Office and the Cabinet have agreed upon with their French Allies. The task of the British commanders was to finalize a plan for the 'Operation Trooper'. Moments later, the rest of the invitees arrived.

"Our French Allies are pretty annoyed at this Paris business." Wavell started as an introduction, referring to the strike organized by Renault workers. "Besides, it seems that the Soviets are going to mount major operations in their Caucasus front. Intelligence reports that Marshall Budyenny, one of the Stalin's buddies is transferred from command of the Romanian front to the Caucasus. The official explanation is that they were not satisfied with his performance, but nobody is buying that. Needless to say, any Soviet operations in the Caucasus can only be construed as a threat to our Imperial interests in the area. We are not going to wait for them, but we will give them something else to think about." Wavell concluded.

Then, as if in afterthought, he added "Admiral Cunningham and General Wilson will present to you the plans in their present phase."

Maitland Wilson started first "The contingency plans for this operation have been created some time ago and we will have six days to put the final touches to the plan. In two days we will meet with our French counterparts to discuss it. Gentlemen, examine the plans and the maps." He produced envelopes from the briefcase in front of him and handed them to the commanders.

"There you will find the maps of the operational area, as well as the proposed axis of advance. Well, this area is the one we are all familiar with. You have all discussed the campaign endlessly at Surrey and most of the terrain features will be well known to you. You must prepare your formations for combat deployment. Except for the Coldstream Guard Regiment which is training with the Royal Marines in Cyprus as we speak, the rest of the units will have fairly conventional assignments, so no special training is required. We must maintain the secrecy of operation, so all the training must be represented as regular activity. You will disclose the plans only to your divisional staffs and regimental commanders. No one else is to know. Sir Andrew will now present you the transportation arrangements." Wilson finished.

April 25th

Central Romanian Front: Artillery duels continue throughout the day, while Red Air Force makes sporadic attacks, with the aim to harass the Romanians. Soviet troops start massing and preparing for an all out attack, which is planned to start on May 1st. 'May Day Offensive' would be the greatest military effort on a single sector of the front ever attempted, second only to the German attack on Poland. Zhukov made a plan to penetrate the Romanian lines near Balti, bypass the city and advance to bridges over Prut, cutting off the entire Romanian line. Red Army would deploy over 3.000 artillery tubes, bringing the density of artillery to nearly 100 per kilometer of the front. In addition, 600 BT-7m and 700 T-26 tanks, in the three tank corps will take part in the initial assault. The amount of shells necessary for the operation was staggering and stockpiling it in camouflaged dumps would take the better part of the week.

Captain Iegorov's company, along with two more companies of the regiment, has been assigned to reconnoiter in force to determine vulnerable points in the Romanian lines.

On the Romanian side, soldiers continued the defensive preparations. The Supreme Command knew that the Soviets were preparing for another big push and that this one will not be the improvised and haphazard, but a serious, deliberate attack. Romanian army, while battered and bruised, still possessed of grim determination and with morale higher than when the war started. Supreme command recommended to the King to continue the fight even beyond Prut, should the Red Army carry the offensive there.

On this day, the German ambassador in Romania informed the Romanian government that Germany was prepared to extend further help to Romania, including even direct military involvement. German military mission in Romania received a request to ascertain the state of the railways and their ability to handle a force of two panzer divisions and their supply, as well as the airfield capacity for deploying two Luftcorps to Romania.

South Romanian Front: Italian division having been resupplied and refueled during the night, proceeded to march westward. Reconnaissance elements have already reported that they had arrived near the Soviet lines and have not been fired upon. General Bitossi was thrilled. His chief of staff voiced concern that it may be a trap, saying he could not believe the Soviets would be oblivious to the threat Italian division represented to their rear, but the General was adamant.

Late evening in the French headquarters Weygand and Wavell observed the photographic reconnaissance obtained by Surcouf's airplane. This was the last piece of the puzzle they needed to complete the operational planning. Their planning, based upon 20 years old maps and nearly a century old visuals of the landscape of the operational area, were thus validated. The conference would start tomorrow and final adjustments to the plan made.

April 26th

British and French cabinets decided to deliver a final warning to the Soviet government, demanding that aggressive actions in Eastern Europe and activities aimed at undermining the order in France must stop. Furthermore, the note referred to previous warnings both countries issued and stated not one was given a satisfactory answer. If no response to this latest note was received in 48 hours or by the noon of the 28th, both United Kingdom and France would consider a state of war between them and the Soviet Union exists forthwith.

All the British and the French military units received a 'heads up' order. Generals Wavell and Weygand received an instruction to prepare their commands to protect vital interests of their countries from possible attack by the Soviet Union.

RAF and Armee de l'Air bomber squadrons in Syria and Iraq finished the training flights and stood down in order to use the final 48 hours for maintenance and crew rest. The ordnance was rolled out of the storages and prepared to load on the bombers. In the air above all the bases, incessant patrols of fighters circled around, guarding the vulnerable airfields. The commanders of the air forces were apprehensive about the Soviet pre-emptive strike. The British deployed a mobile GL Mk1 radar set in Mosul in order to detect Soviet air strikes early and stop them before they reach the airfields packed with bombers. Embassy of United Kingdom and France in Turkey notified the Turkish government that air operations that will possibly start in 48 hours will fly over Turkish air space. The information was received well by the Turks and permission was granted immediately.

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French bombers in Syria

April 27th

Early in the morning the British and the French generals held a joint conference and adopted the final operations plan for Operation Trooper. The joint operation would have two parts, Trooper East and Trooper West. British forces will conduct the former, while French the latter.

Later that day, the British and French troops began to embark to their transports at Alexandria, Cyprus and Tripoli. Only the select few, including divisional and brigade commanders and their chiefs of staff knew where they were headed. All most of the troops knew was that at or about April 30th, they will disembark at an undisclosed location. However, the troops of the Coldstream Guards, Royal Marines and French foreign legion regiments knew exactly the location where they were going. Already halfway through the Aegean sea, those troops would be the first to arrive to shore and secure the landing positions for the rest of them.

April 28th, Noon

Moscow: British and French ambassadors deliver the declarations of war to Molotov. Fifteen minutes later, Molotov informs Stalin, who is stunned. The information that on previous days got to Moscow were interpreted and dismissed as baseless provocations. The spy ring in London was eliminated by the British counter-intelligence and some bits and pieces of information recovered from France was deemed unreliable. Majority of information came from the Trepper spy ring in Belgium, but of little military value. The regular French army was not infested with the communists in the manner of the conscripts so no information filtered out. The movement of the French and British fleets was shrouded in the darkness for the Soviets and reports of the ships moving in and out of ports was really random. The best indication of hostile intentions would be their entry into the Black Sea, but nothing of sort has happened yet. A few submarines of the Black Sea Fleet guarded the entrance and reported nothing suspicious so far.

London: Chamberlain announced the decision to go to war with the Soviet Union. He quoted a long list of instances pointing to their massive breaches of faith, aggression and military threat to the rest of Europe. Also he emphasized the numerous warnings and diplomatic notes by United Kingdom and France given to the Soviet Union. In the end there was no other option but to respond with force. The Bolsheviks of the Soviet Union failed to learn the lesson the Germans seem to absorbed. The British Prime Minister promised the war will be limited and announced no intention to change the borders. Soviet Union could make peace at any moment if they accepted to retreat from Romania, Baltic Countries and Poland, as well as offer credible evidence that the Soviet instrument of exerting diplomatic and political influence in Europe - the Comintern is disbanded. Until then, the Allies will continue war operations against the Soviet Union. The speech was received well by the Conservatives, but somewhat less warmly from the Labor benches. Labor demanded that the war be prosecuted with utmost restrain and that entanglement of the British forces deep into the Soviet territory be avoided at all costs.

Paris: Daladier's speech was not much different in substance to Chamberlains'. He also recounted the numerous opportunities given to the Soviets for peace, all of which were blatantly ignored. Although the French representatives were not enthusiastic about the prospect of the war, it was widely felt it would be a short war.

Berlin: OKH received an order to prepare the XIX Panzer corps for deployment, while Luftflotte 2 was alerted. Goering was quite satisfied. Von Neurath returned from Budapest, where he presided over the first conference of the countries Germany invited to the pact. He reported that there was no doubt that all would sign.

Around Bosphorus entrance into the Black Sea: Flotillas of destroyers sailed around trying to locate the Soviet submarines. Two were reported sank and many claims of contact made. As night fell, a convoy of ships silently made way through the calm seas. Not a light was visible upon any of the vessel. They were merely shadows, rustling through the sea. Within their interiors over 10.000 elite troops of the first wave, anxiously awaited to be delivered to their destinations. Around them sailed a number of battleships, heavy and light cruisers as well as nimble destroyers. Their task was to provide fire support and act as artillery, which none of the initial units carried.

French Foreign legion and Chasseurs light division were disembarking near Yevpatoria, with the task to occupy the small port and enable the rest of the French troops to disembark there. British Royal Marines and Coldstream Gurds Regiment would occupy Feodosia. The two ports would serve as disembarkation and supply ports for the rest of the Allied troops. The terrain was ideal for an invasion. While small, the ports would serve well to supply the forces until more sizable ports could be taken.

Airfields in Syria and Iraq: Six wings of bombers took off from the airfields. They carried incendiaries and high explosives in their bomb bays. They were unescorted, but flying at night made little difference. The targets of the French attack force - the refineries near Batumi - would be brightly lit by the fires and easy to hit even in the dark. The part of the British attack force was supposed to arrive in twilight hours and bomb the oil wells, so that a follow up group composed of two wings of Wellington bombers would reach while the area was brightly lit by fires.

April 28th/29th, Black Sea

As the dawn approached, the joint British and French naval expedition split up. French transports, battleships Bretagne and Provence, along with cruisers and destroyers turned towards their target. British battleships Warspite, Barham and Malaya, with attendant cruisers and destroyers turned toward Feodosiya bay with transports in the trail.

Protected by a flotilla of four destroyers, Furious and Glorious remained behind to provide the air cover for both landing operations. A total of 100 airplanes was not a lot, but it was much better than nothing. On the same night, British destroyers detected and chased off the Soviet submarine sneaking on the two large ships. It only emphasized the danger and two more destroyers received the order to support the carriers, detaching them from the British invasion fleet.

By dawn, both landing fleets reached their destinations and troops started to land. Their task was to establish secure bridgeheads for the rest of the troops to disembark safely. Allies hoped that by H+48 they would have at least four full divisions on the coast. The British would then aim to block the access from the Kerch peninsula and, later on, from the Salvako Isthmus and bar the Soviet forces from accessing peninsula from those two quarters.

French would first block the access to Yevpatoria from the direction of Sevastopol and Simferopol and then, as additional forces arrive, occupy the Perekop Isthmus to block the access from the north and link up with the British near Dzhankoy. Once this was achieved, the siege of Sevastopol would ensue.

It was hoped that the occupation of the Crimean peninsula and stationing the bombers there would place enough pressure on the Soviet Union to cave in to the Allied demands.

Baku

Around 180 British bombers hit the Baku oil fields during the night. High explosive bombs managed to hit tens of densely packed wells and the tank farm located nearby. The incendiary bombs set the oil gushing out of the wells and storage tanks on fire, resulting in a towering inferno that spread out of control rapidly. Hundreds of firefighters and workers died attempting to stop the conflagration, but to no avail. Soon, nearly a third of the oil field was engulfed in flames and thick black smoke rose high into the air, visible from the radius of 50 km. Then the worst possible thing happened. The very ground, saturated with oil, caught fire and the blaze spread further. Within hours the entire area of the oil field was alit and nothing could stop it for now.

Batumi

French attacked refinery in Batumi during the night with slightly over 100 planes. The French pilots report the damage to the refinery to be severe and the area burning in uncontrolled fires.

April 29th, Dawn, Yevpatoria

French landing troops stormed the beaches around the small Black Sea port. Disembarkation process was relatively orderly, as much as can be expected from any military operation. The fact that enemy offered no significant resistance helped the Foreign legion a great deal. After the regiment formed up on the beach, they immediately started to advance towards their primary objective. Only after they reached the first houses of the city, the Soviets started to put up resistance. Local city police and the paramilitary garrison of NKVD fought desperate, yet doomed battle to stop the French advance. French infantry expertly advanced through the city, all the time supported by guns from the light cruisers and destroyers.

By evening the city, along with the meager port facilities consisting of a pier, was under the firm control of the French troops. City inhabitants peered through the windows of their houses apprehensively, as the French troops established the command post. One battalion along with the HQ company remained in the city, while other three proceeded to occupy the perimeter around the city and secure the approaches from the direction of Simferopol and Perekop. The 5th Demi brigade of the 1re DLCh took positions to secure narrow stretch between the sea and the nearby salty lake. Their commander Major Brunel reported that the line was rapidly being entrenched and fortified. Colonel Valentin of the 27th Demi brigade moved to the city and his unit formed a mobile reserve until the more troops arrived. In the process, the advanced squads of the brigade intercepted the Soviet staff car heading towards Sevastopol. They killed the driver in the ensuing shootout while his passenger, a captain in the Soviet NKVD troops was captured.

By the early morning further reinforcements should be expected to arrive and start disembarking at the port. General Bethouart eagerly expected reinforcements, especially the independent tank company, organic to his division. He also needed his three batteries of venerable soixante-quinze. Fortunately, they were being unloaded from the ship, so he proceeded there to observe the disembarkation. As he arrived at the pier, general saw his men as they set up their 25 mm Hotchkiss AA guns to protect the area from the expected Soviet air raids.

Until the 2nd North African Infantry Division arrived, the ability of the French to resist the Soviet counter-attack, should it be mounted in force, would be extremely limited. Meanwhile, the signalmen ran around, spreading the telephone wire to enable swift and secure communication. French never liked using the radio. However, it was necessary to use the radio to ascertain the situation on the British sector of operation. For this purpose, a liaison team of two British signal officers with their own radio and encryption device was at hand.

The report that came from the British was encouraging. The Royal Marines have stormed the beach near Feodosiya, facing minimal resistance. The Coldstream Guards encountered and overrun a Soviet company size infantry unit on maneuvers, capturing over 100 conscripts. The Guards then occupied the narrow strip of Kerch peninsula and established the blocking points on the main road and railroad running east towards the Taman peninsula. So far no reaction of the Soviet forces was encountered. Most importantly, 7th Infantry Brigade of the 3rd Infantry managed to disembark and occupy the high ground overlooking the port, securing the approaches from the southwesterly direction. The disembarkation process of the rest of the division was proceeding swiftly, thanks largely to experience and training for this kind of operations. The British commander O'Connor expected to have at least the support group of the 7th Armored landed by midday tomorrow.

Same day, early morning, Sevastopol

Soviet commander of the Sevastopol garrison received an urgent dispatch. It arrived from the Feodosiya barracks, reporting of an assault on the city. All attempts to reach the city or the garrison by telephone or radio failed. The general ordered the motorized regiment from the garrison to prepare to go there to ascertain the situation. Additionally, he immediately ordered the Red Air Force to send a recon flight to Feodosiya and report the observations immediately.

Next, he sent an urgent message to the command of the Odessa Military District and the Southern front command, asking for instructions. The general had only a few training regiments and Sevastopol Base garrison at his disposal. Until the enemy's intentions and numbers could be ascertained he decided to husband the meager forces he had and prepare for defense. His political officer was lost for words and unable to offer any advise, other than to preserve the Motherland.

Moscow, Kremlin

Upon receiving the report 'Enemy forces landed in the Crimea. Our forces putting up ferocious resistance, expecting to throw the enemy back into the sea by midnight. Requesting reinforcements to safeguard the Sevastopol from further attacks!' Odessa Military District commander asked for confirmation before forwarding the message to STAVKA. Once confirmation was received, the message was relayed to Moscow, adding to its content only that immediately a cavalry brigade was ordered to depart from Perekop in the morning and secure the railway and road routes.

Reports from the Crimea filtered slowly up the echelons of the Soviet military bureaucracy. The bad news took ages to travel as each subordinate command carefully phrased the reports in order to alleviate any blame that might get attached on them. Only by the late evening first report reached Moscow. Meanwhile, the decision process was also paralyzed and other than obvious steps to preserve the appearance of actually doing something, no one dared take decisive steps.

The duty officer in the STAVKA communications office received the message and decided its content was extraordinary enough to merit the request for confirmation from Odessa and to bring it to the attention of the higher ups. Just to be on the safe side, he sent the message with 'Unconfirmed!' notification. The senior officer who received it read it twice incredulously and ran to the deputy Chief of Staff. Within half an hour the Supreme Command was alerted to the events in the Crimea.

Two hours later STAVKA was buzzing with activity. The maps were brought out, and direct radio contact with Sevastopol established, due to impossibility to establish land line contact. Then the reports from Caucasus started to arrive. The news that came from there caused people to pale. By one stroke, the Soviet Union was denied 75% of its crude oil supply. Kaganovich received the report through his ministry and it contained the dreaded words 'the situation was by no means lost'.

No one, other than Molotov, was able to reach Stalin in person. Molotov relayed the messages to and from him.

April 30th, Yevpatoria

French Zouaves of the 2nd North African Infantry Division disembarked and formed into companies, then battalions on the pier. Some of them recalled the tales of their grandfathers of the exploits of Zouaves in Crimea. The proud soldiers hoped they would live up to the example set by their ancestors. They, for one, wanted to be able to stand proud and say 'I was with the 2nd Division when we stormed Alma river'. And they all hoped they'll live to tell this tale.

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French plan for Yevpatoria landing

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British plan for Feodosiya landing

April 30th, 0800 Sevastopol

Aerial reconnaissance indicated that at least 10 large transport ships were anchored near the city and two docked in port. Many smaller vessels were transiting from the coast to the ships, no doubt disembarking soldiers and supplies. Beside the transports, a whole armada of warships was sailing around, guarding the transports. From what could be surmised from the photographs, the access route to Crimea from the Caucasus was cut. General Morgunov, the commander of the garrison, conferred with the General Ostriakov of the Red Air Force and the Black Sea Fleet commander, Vice Admiral Kharlamov to see what actions they could take immediately. The entire garrison of Sevastopol and Simferopol, the only major military bases in the entire peninsula had a total of 21.000 men available. The only armored vehicles he had were a few dozen of armored cars, 54 amphibious tankettes in naval regiments and a dozen of T-26 tanks in armored training center. The air force had less than 100 airplanes at hand, and of those, nearly a quarter was not operational. Ostriakov, nonplussed by this, immediately proposed an aerial attack on the British ships. The others agreed and a messenger departed to the airport with a written order to send the Soviet naval bombers in the direction of the fleet.

The navy could offer only to sail the submarines in the area and attempt to disrupt the landing operation and sink a few ships. Kharlamov was not optimistic at the prospect. So far, three of his submarines have failed to report on schedule and one reported being driven off under heavy attack by British destroyers, suffering major damage. Attack by surface vessels was totally out of the question. The remaining three destroyers and various small craft posed no threat to the armada that was sailing into view of the coast. Attempts to engage the ship with coastal batteries near Feodosiya only resulted in swift response by the big guns of the battleships, which turned the positions into huge craters.

The news of the French landing in Yevpatoria reached Sevastopol at this moment. The lonely militiaman managed to sneak out of the city and reach Sevastopol during the night. He was brought to the garrison HQ and briefed the commander on what he witnessed. General Morgunov was now torn between two choices. He could either prepare for the decisive defense of Sevastopol or attempt to dislodge the invaders and throw them off into the sea. For this task, he and his staff judged the existing forces to be woefully inadequate. After two hours of turbulent discussion, the command decided to send two regiments of naval infantry to Feodosiya and attempt to at least clear the route to the Caucasus. Regardless of the final result of this action, the rest of the Soviet forces in the Crimea would entrench at Sevastopol and await reinforcements to reach them.

Singing the revolutionary era song 'White Army, Black Baron' soldiers of the Sevastopol naval infantry regiments boarded the trucks and set off in the direction of northeast. They hoped to reach Feodosiya before the British forces landing there managed to entrench.

Allied HQ ship HMS Hillary

The luxury liner was pressed into naval service at the outbreak of the Polish war and intended to serve as a high sea raider. This career was cut short, but the navy found the new use for this ship. It was deployed to serve as an advanced field command post for Operation Trooper. Allied commanders needed a command post sufficiently close to the action scene but not exposed to the urgency and tactical considerations that being too close or in the midst of the action brings about in all military commanders. Since the regular warships were already cramped as it was, the solution was found in a ship designed to carry the passengers. Ship's signal equipment was upgraded and a few customizations made, and now it could serve as a fully fledged field army post. French General Huntziger was designated the overall commander of the operation and O'Connor his deputy and commander of the British contingent. Together with their staffs the two men used the spacious restaurant hall of the ship to follow the operation as it develops.

By H-Hour +6 the operation has already exceeded planned objectives, as the both the French and the British forces captured the entirety of two small ports near which they landed. By the H+12 the British have started to advance across the width of the Kerch peninsula to cut off the nearest route to the Caucasus. It was hoped that the three battalions of the Coldstream guards could secure the route and establish a provisional defensive position blocking the main road and the railroad. Their commander knew he couldn't cover the entire 16 km stretch with his three battalions and would need at least a brigade to establish a proper defensive line. He was promised to receive reinforcements as soon as Neame's 4th Indian arrived. Until then, he would have to rely on his own devices and the regiment of Royal Marine Infantry in case anything untoward happened. Additionally, HMS Warspite and Barham were deployed to offer the artillery support, should it prove necessary.

By H-Hour +36, aside from the initial complement of landing troops, the first complete infantry division in the form of Montgomery's 3rd Infantry disembarked at the bridgehead. Montgomery's men took to secure the southwestern approaches to the bridgehead and occupied hilltops overlooking the main route.

Huntziger and O'Connor turned to plan for the future. If everything went according to plan, by D-Day + 4 Allies hoped to occupy Dzhankoy and Perekop, thus isolating the peninsula totally. General Neame's 4th Indian division would arrive completely by D+7, followed by the 7th Armored by D+10, whose initial complement, consisting of the 7th Support Group has already arrived. After that, heavy artillery, necessary to lay an effective siege of Sevastopol would begin to arrive, accompanied by heavier armored vehicles. The British had a large number of 8" and 12" pieces from the previous war and would only need to transport them to the front. Some were already being loaded on the fast Glen line ships in Liverpool and could reach the Crimea in 10 to 11 days. In addition to the land based artillery, 5 battleships and 10 cruisers were also available and their batteries could lay devastating fire to the formidable defenses of the Sevastopol.

So far, 36 hours into the operation, no significant reaction was detected by the Soviet forces. A few reconnaissance flights chased off by the plumes of antiaircraft fire, overflew the landing areas, no doubt trying to determine the composition of the Allied fleet. The motorized regiment that was approaching from the direction of Sevastopol was the only indication of Soviet awareness to the landing. O'Connor was both relieved and slightly puzzled by this. His superiors never put too much stock in the Soviets, but their response so far was so underwhelming that it was hard to believe they were engaged in war operation at all.

Meanwhile, Feodosiya

General Creagh arrived to the bridgehead slightly ahead of the first elements of the 7th Armored Division. The 7th Support group of the division would be the first element of his division to arrive. Their task was to lay necessary groundwork for the rest of the division. He set off to the port to welcome Brigadier William Gott, whose ship was docking at the moment.

General wondered how long would he wait for the steel fist of his division, the 4th and 7th armored brigades to arrive. The brigades were embarked on the navy transports in Alexandria and would take four days of sailing to get there. After the cursory inspection of the port facilities captured in Feodosiya, Creagh did not think the disembarkation process would be fast. According to the preliminary study of the engineers, only up to 1.000 tons per day could be handled by the port and for now the priority was delivering the ammo and other supplies.

Only a handful of armored vehicles could be transported to the beaches using the 4 landing craft (mechanized) and 6 Motor Landing Craft, and the most they could handle were light Mk VIs, and Cruisers Mk II. Fortunately, no employment could be found for the tanks as yet, so those that arrived with the first wave were sitting near the port, covered in camouflage nets, their crews spending some time inspecting the vehicles for malfunctions and much more for idling around.

Same day, 0700, Hills above Feodosiya

8th Infantry brigade men stood at attention as Major General Bernard Montgomery inspected them. The brigade was tasked with defending the most probable route of the approach of the expected Soviet counter strike and Montgomery wanted them to be prepared accordingly. They had a handful of 2 pounders, dug in and aimed at the road snaking beneath. The machine gun nests were carefully camouflaged and with intersecting fields of fire covered all approaches. Any assault coming from the southwest quarter will be costly indeed for the attackers. Montgomery could also rely on naval support at any moment, so he felt confident in his ability to defend.

The rest of the 3rd Infantry was slowly arriving and in the late afternoon, the entire division would ashore, short only for the heavy artillery complement. Montgomery welcomed the additions. The standard British doctrine called for a brigade per 4 miles of the front in defense, and defense is what he would be doing until the armor arrived.

1st Battalion, South Lancashire regiment, 8th Infantry Brigade

Henry Parry, a sergeant coming from Manchester, stood at attention. He commanded a squad in the 1st battalion of the South Lancashire regiment. His battalion was added to the 3rd Infantry to replace the 1st battalion of the Coldstream guards, detached to form an initial landing force. When they arrived to the unit, the men from the division welcomed them heartily. They explained that General Montgomery or 'Monty' as the lads called him (not to his face, of course) was strict, but fair. He never tolerated any sloppiness or lack of discipline and always demanded that the men under his command maintain the highest level of physical fitness. Often, he would lead them in the running and other physical activities.

On this morning, corporal positively glowed, as the squad under his command was all shaved, cleaned and washed up, their boots without trace of dust, belts tight and their rifles cleaned. He was rewarded by the look of approval that brightened up the general's eye as he scrutinized Henry's men. Sargeant saluted sharply as 'Monty' passed and relaxed a bit, remaining at attention. A few moments later, 'stand easy' was ordered, and they listened as their commander addressed them. He commended their discipline, adding he hoped they will all do their duty when the moment for it came. After that, the general left and they were ordered to start digging the trenches.

"Marvelous fellow, isn't he?" said one of the soldiers, to which they all enthusiastically agreed. 'One could be under command of many a lesser man, but few better ones.', thought Henry.

1200 hours, Cockpit of Skua fighter/bomber

They took off the British aircraft carrier Furious as the Soviet airplanes were spotted on the radar display while forming up for an attack. For the past 15 minutes they orbited the point 20 or so miles to the southwest of Feodosiya, on the CPA to the fleet anchored off the small port.

"Tally-ho" called out Sub Lt. John Martin Bruen, going by the nickname "Bill" in 801st squadron, on his radio. The fox-hunting call was widely used by the British pilots to announce the sighting of the enemy aircraft. In this case, Bill saw a three dozen or so of the Soviet torpedo bombers, a DB3-T twin engine birds. According to intelligence, it was even slightly faster than his own aircraft. However, pilots of FAA 801 squadron had the advantage of knowing the position of their enemy and they have on an intercept course that brought them astray to the path of Soviet aircraft.

Bill commenced a 90 degree turn towards the enemy, approaching in tight formation from his 9 o'clock and immediately the rest of the squadron followed, as did the 804 FAA Squadron composed of Sea Gladiators. Neither of the airplanes would be able to catch the Soviet bombers in pursuit, but attacking head-on gave them the opportunity to engage the enemy with very little he could do to avoid them.

As the lead enemy bomber came into his sights, Bill pressed the firing button on his stick and a stream of bullets from his four machine guns intersected with the body of the Soviet bomber, shattering the cockpit windows. The airplane immediately veered off to the right and started cartwheeling towards the sea below. The plane directly behind it engaged in a useless gesture of turning right and caught the next burst squarely in port side engine and wing. The engine caught fire almost at once and an airplane continued its right turn, losing altitude. Time slowed down for Bill, as the enemy airplane to his right tried to engage him with the machine gun on a dorsal cupola. Bill banked left to evade the fire and engaged the third enemy airplane on a 20 degree angle. The burst from his gun caught the torpedo mounted on the aircraft's belly and it detonated, ripping the airplane in pieces.

Startled, Bill yanked his controls hard and went up and to the right, to avoid flying into pieces of the wreckage. He found himself 400 feet above the formation a minute later, and dived towards the Soviet airplane at the back of the formation.

"You got to admit" he said to his observer, "they are a persistent bunch. They pressed on, despite all this carnage! And no escorts at all!"

A few seconds later his fourth victim this day followed the previous three to the sea. In his mind Bill counted three and half kills. The Soviet formation was now largely behind and his observer engaged them with his tail gun, but managed no hits. Bill ordered the flight to call out and amazingly, everyone responded. The flight turned to pursue the damaged Soviet bombers and caught up with five of the birds that still pressed on towards the objective. Bill took out one more, but now was only able to observe the remaining ten bombers as they continued towards the allied fleet. He reported this over the radio, so that the friendlies on the surface would look out for Soviet torpedo attack.

An hour later, they returned safely to their carrier. Only one pilot from both squadrons was lost, as his Gladiator collided with the Soviet bomber. Now, the briefing room was buzzing with chatter as the pilots counted their claims. If the initial count was to be believed, two squadrons destroyed over 50 airplanes among them. Yet, Bill could tell there were no that many Soviet airplanes to begin with, so as usual, claims were exaggerated. Finally, the number settled at 30 kills and the coveted title of 'ace' escaped Bill by just half a kill.

'Next time.' he thought.

Hills to the southwest of Feodosiya, around 1100h

British observers on the defensive positions overlooking the road approaches from Sevastopol reported that a column of trucks was approaching from that direction. They counted around 40 vehicles and 6 armored cars. The column proceeded at a speed of around 25 km/h, which meant they'd close the 12 km distance within half an hour. Brigade commander of the 7th Infantry was quickly appraised of the situation and he decided to stage an ambush. He'd deploy the Grenadier Guards battalion, supported by the brigade's AT company and the machine gun company of the division under the command of Lt. Colonel Brian Horrocks. The intention was to allow the Soviet troops to pass by and, when they would not be able to extricate themselves, attack.

2-pounder_gun.jpg

British gunners preparing their 2-pounder for action

Half an hour left little time to act and troops set about immediately. The route for the Soviet attack was pretty obvious and the positions were prepared beforehand. Within 15 minutes machine gunners took up their positions and they started waiting. The Soviet commander was apparently pretty daft kind of guy, as he approached the city without so much as reconnaissance screen or any sort of basic preparation.

Grenadiers watched silently as the trucks passed by, not so much as twitching a muscle. A few of the men glanced occasionally at the neatly lined up Soviet troops standing in the trucks, as if they were on parade in the Red Square. As the last truck in the line cleared passed by the machine gun nest, the AT company opened fire, immediately knocking out three of the armored cars and a truck, forcing the column to stop. As the vehicles began to maneuver to bypass the stopped ones, the grenadiers and Horrocks's machine gunners joined in.

Amidst all the mayhem, speaking fluent Russian, Brian Horrocks called on the Soviet troops to surrender. The Soviet column was ripped to pieces, and a white cloth tied to a rifle stock rose up within a few minutes. Of over 600 soldiers from the marine battalion, 200 died during the brief firefight. All 6 armored cars were put out of a commission by multiple 2 pounder hits, while the column of the bullet-ridden trucks stretched along 300 meters of the road. 400 prisoners, escorted by a squad of British Grenadiers was immediately marched off towards the city.

Brian Horrocks joined the escorts, trying to extract information from the prisoners. Soon, he found out that they've captured a major, CO of the battalion of the Soviet Naval Infantry, as it turned out. The man was knocked unconscious at the start of the battle and was carried by two junior lieutenants. Ten minutes later the major came around and was able to walk on his own, but as he perceived his predicament began screaming at his subordinates, demanding to know why they did not kill him before surrendering. When Horrocks addressed him in Russian, the men fell silent and wouldn't speak again during the march to the improvised prisoner of war camp near the center of the city.

May 1st, early morning, Chongqing

Comfortably seated in the armchairs in the cabinet of Chiang-Kai Shek, the most prominent members of the KMT gathered to consider the Chinese position on the negotiation with the Japanese, that were about to start in the following week. The Japanese demands have been well known already and included recognition of status quo ante bellum, demilitarization of the entire area from the Manchurian border to Beijing, ceding Hainan Dao and Tsingtao with the entire Shandong peninsula to the Japanese.

"Well, what do we do?" Chiang asked his advisors and intimates. "We may not like it, but I think that it would be necessary to make a deal with the Japanese at this moment."

This started a discussion that lasted until late afternoon. At the end of it, they reached the agreement to enter the negotiations with the Japanese. The aim would be to conclude the peace at the lowest possible cost. In the view of the changing international situation, the KMT could use a period of peace to rebuild its strength. The latest Japanese offensive underlined the fundamental military weakness of the Chiang's forces and encouraged the Communists to become more difficult. During the past week, a few open confrontations broke out between the Mao's forces and the forces loyal to Chiang in the northern part of the country. The peace with the Japanese would enable KMT to turn the attention to sly communist bastards and eliminate them. After that, they could turn towards the Japanese again and drive them out not only from China, but from the entire Asian continent.

The Kuomintang security council unanimously decided to name Chiang Kai-Shek and Zhang Qun as the official representatives of China at the peace conference. Their task was to secure the best possible peace terms from the Japanese. Before any peace treaty was signed, the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee will have to approve it.

As the members of the council rose to leave, Chiang signalled the Dai-Li to remain. They started to discuss what to do about the Communist forces once the hostilities with the Japanese ceased.

"According to my German friends, the Japanese will insist that Wang Jingwei be included in negotiations team." the spy master reported.

"That worm? I'd rather jump into snake enclosure before I did that. Dai-Li, we are not going to accept Wang into negotiations. And that will only be the first step. Next, they would demand he gets into government. Under no condition will this traitor ever get into my office alive." Chiang said. "Adding an insult to the injury will not be tolerated. The only way I want to see him is dead."

"He is now in Japanese occupied area and well protected. I doubt we will be able to get our hands on him again, sir." replied Dai-Li, reflecting on the fact that Wang has left Haiphong earlier, after an unsuccessful attempt on his life by members of Dai-Li's service.

"No doubt, an opportunity to dispose of the traitor will arise. Your people must be ready to cease it. Or create it." Chiang ordered.

Next, he turned to the matter of the German equipment that was beginning to arrive. Dai-Li and Chiang immediately decided that it should be distributed to the most loyal of the troops, who will then be trained by German advisors, a few of whom have already arrived. In due time, a new core of the Chinese army will be created, to replace the one that has been destroyed in 1937. Those people will have to be indoctrinated and possess a moral fiber to fight against the Communists, who subverted their Chinese brothers to the destructive ideology.

Dai-Li announce that it would be necessary to rule in the various generals and leaders and unify the conduct of war in a monolithic entity instead of multiple centers of power prevailing in the KMT controlled area now. To achieve this, overwhelming force or, better yet, a credible threat of one would be necessary. Chiang agreed to this and thus a three goals were formulated:

1. Consolidate KMT government
2. Destroy the Communist movement
3. Evict the Japanese from the Chinese territory and, if circumstances warrant, from mainland Asia.

"Dai-Li, the Chinese people can wait. We are patient. This will not happen overnight, but in ten years or so, we will be well on our way." Chiang concluded.

Northwest of Balti

The Soviet advance that started the previous day developed into a 10 mile wide salient whose farthest point protruded almost to the river Prut to the northeast of Balti. Romanian defenses were shoved to the north and south, and the Soviet advance started to wheel south, to follow the valley of the river. As the armored vanguard, composed of two tank brigades advanced, the flanks of the salient were being protected by a motorized division and a cavalry brigade.

Soviet doctrine, unaccustomed to the swift advances and with their commanders robbed of any notion of initiative, was ill suited to the battle that was developing. If there ever was and opportunity to end the campaign at a stroke, it opened up on the morning of May 2nd. Sole Romanian infantry division, routed after the attack by the Soviet tank brigade, retreated in disarray, opening up a gap for the Soviet armor to exploit. However, initial plan of the Red Army established definite point of advance and the Soviet brigades just stopped when they reached it. Junior commanders urged their COs to advance, as they observed the Romanian forces retreating, but the generals just made a report to the higher level asking for orders. The proverbial 'buck' was passed a few more times and by the time it reached the highest echelon of command, it was too late to press the attack home.

Besides, as it turned out, Soviet tank formations were already worn out. Their tanks experienced mechanical problems and the supply of spare parts, never the strongest feature of the Red Army, reached critical levels. The problem turned out to be wide spread and the mechanics turned to canibalizing functional vehicles. Unbeknownst to most people, even to some extent to the highest level of Soviet authorities, it also turned out that most formations only had paper strength at their disposal. As losses in tanks mounted, the call for replacement out of the nominal pool of 20.000 armored vehicles grew louder. However, it quickly transpired that the number of vehicles the Red Army had on paper was more of a self delusion than reality. In fact, no vehicle, no matter how obsolete or worthless it might be, was ever stricken off the Red Army records.

The figure widely quoted throughout the world and striking fear into hearts of Soviet neighbors, was comprised of many vehicles. Some, such as behemoth T-35 and T-28 heavies, were veritable land cruisers, but of doubtful use in battle. On the other end of the spectrum were vehicles relegated to 'training park' and useful only in that capacity. Worse still were the vehicles (i.e. early T-26 variants with dual turrets and machine guns or tankettes of T-27 family)that barely merited to being called armored. Their armor was easily penetrated by machine-gun bullets, and being counted as tanks, they were also listed on many units TO&E, despite their uselessnes. Most potent part of the Red Army arsenal were the BTs of later pattern and T-26s armed with cannons. The number of those types available for combat operations dwindled steadily, as a result of prolonged combat operations, lack of spare parts and mechanical unreliability of the machines. As a result, the Red Army best two remaining armored formations were on the Romanian front, while the others (except for Far Eastern forces) were of doubtful quality.

While awaiting the instructions, Soviets offensive was now stopped for an entire day. The authorization to proceed took equal amount of time to trickle down as the request for it did on the way up. When it finally did reach the frontline units, it was too late to resume the advance and the tankers set themselves up for another night of rest. In the morning, they will be ready to continue the pursuit of the apparently shattered enemy.

At the first inkling of dawn, Soviet tankers mounted their vehicles and engines sprang into life with rumble. The machines moved and assembled behind the lead tanks of the companies and total of three tank battalions marched forward in wedge formation, with two in front and one at the back. The rest of the brigade troops formed up for follow up and mopping operations. This spearhead stretched back for four kilometers. Recon elements of both brigade screened the flanks as it was judged that Soviet armored cars could deal with most imaginable threats with their speed and ample firepower. Artillery was deliberately left behind as it was deemed to slow and unnecessary in any case. Red Army was in pursuit, and in the morning they would be making their best speed towards the end objective of the day, the city of Balti.

Meanwhile, on Romanian side

Balti itself was already under heavy artillery bombardment from the eastern direction, as three Soviet infantry divisions reached to within 3 kilometers from the city. Romanians offered tenacious defense and made the Soviets pay dearly for every foot they advanced. Pressure, however was mounting and Romanian infantry was closer to the breaking point. Casualties mounted and units started frantically calling for replacements, reinforcements and deployment of reserves. Commander of the city defenses was alarmed by simoultaneous approach of Red Army from his left flank and quickly sent dispatches requesting reinforcements or permission to withdraw from the city, lest his command be invested. High command ordered him to continue his resistance, promising more troops would be dispatched forthwith to relieve the defenders of the city.

Meanwhile, Romanian High command decided to husband their strength for the time being. Their hope was that the Soviet advance would falter, while the Mobile Corps, the single offensive unit the Romanians had, would be able to rest. The armored vehicles required at least a check-up and in some cases parts needed to be replaced. They were engaged in almost constant operations for the entirety of the previous week. As the Red Army paused for reasons Romanian command could not divine, orders to the Mobile Corps were changed. The unit was ordered to concentrate near the Prut bridges at Iasi, bring their machines to working order and maintain full combat readiness.

12th Infantry division, unit composed mostly from the local population of Bessarabia, fought valiantly from the first day of the war. On May 1st, the unit was deployed to the left flank of the Romanian position and bore the brunt of the Soviet armored attack.

Being routed under the overwhelming assault of numerous Soviet tanks and artillery, the division has been rallied by the commander of the 2nd infantry regiment. The general commanding it died in Soviet artillery attack on the unit headquarters along with most of the division staff. Colonel Petran took over as temporary commander and immediately undertook to reestablish at least some defensive line roughly 50 kilometers to the west of Balti. His left flank anchored on the Prut near Cobani, while the right flank extended to the minor city of Glodeni, linking with the defenders of Balti. His center was covered by the sole remaining regiment of the division, while the other two infantry regiments consisted of mere couple of companies. Artillery complement of the division was gone, and only a few of the anti-tank guns remained at his desposal. Despite those set backs, the unit morale in fact increased. Many of the soldiers homes were now being threatened, since the regiment was largely from Balti.

The defensive position they selected was at the edge of the forest, overlooking the main road. Two anti-tank batteries, equipped with Czech 47mm guns, were dug and concealed so they could cover the most likely route of advance.

Battle diary of the 12th Infantry division

05:37 Reconaissance company reports distant rumble of the tank engines in front of the defensive area. Estimated numerous Soviet tanks coming down the road from the direction of Braniste. Sporadic and inaccurate artillery fire around the regimental command post.

05:58 Anti-tank battery I opened fire and destroyed seven Soviet light armored vehicles. The vehicles appear to be the reconaissance screen of the main body. Only light and infantry weapons fire received in response, no losses reported. Gun crews report ample stock of munitions.

06:27 Soviet tanks in battalion strength observed advancing down the road towards defensive area in wedge formation. At least 50 BTs and many T-26s, with a few light vehicles in evidence. The Soviets opened up at 06:29, from over 1.500 m. Despite the intensity, the fire was not well aimed and it appears the tankers had no input on our defensive position, except in general terms. Anti-tank batteries are ordered to withhold fire and wait until the tanks reach 650 m before opening up. So far no losses from the firing are reported.

06:38 Gun 1 of anti tank battery I opens fire and blows off the turret from the lead Soviet tank. The rest of the battery joins in and by rapid fire they destroyed over 30 Soviet vehicles. Battery II holds fire. The enemy falls back and deploy smoke, still attempting to engage our positions with tank guns. Gun 3 disabled by direct hit. No other losses reported.

07:00 The enemy, reinforced, attacks again. Enemy tanks split in two groups with one advancing on regimental defensive position, and the other providing covering fire from the extreme range. Battery II opens fire and engages the advancing enemy elements. Enemy losses 24 tanks, but continues to advance. Battery I joins in and opens fire on enemy elements at long range. The results were hard to observe, but the enemy fire abated and enemy retreats once more.

07:22 The enemy attacks again. This time their tanks charge directly, stopping only occasionaly to fire. Enemy vehicles are supported by infantry. Elements of one rifle battalion reached 200 meters to regimental defensive positions, but our defensive fire inflicted decisive casualties and the enemy aborted the attack. We observed only 20 Soviet tanks retreating back towards Braniste.

Casualties suffered during the action: 2 guns, 7 dead, 4 severely wounded and 34 lightly wounded man, 6 missing. Losses inflicted on the enemy: Estimated 100 tanks destroyed, 70 men killed.

Crimea

Panic errupted in Sevastopol as it became clear that they were being cut off from any possible help. O'Connor's forces have managed to capture railroad junctions in the eastern part of peninsula, while the French occuppied Krasnoperekopsk, effectively blocking any access from the mainland. Attempt to drive off the French, mounted by Soviet cavalry division, failed miserably and the unit was massacred by French artillery and naval fire.

Red Air Force raided the disembarkation ports a few times, but suffered great losses from Allied aircraft, as the British managed to get two squadrons of Hurricanes and a squadron of Spitfires to the forward airfields. The bombers that got through, dropped their cargo hastily and inaccurately, causing marginal damage to the numerous Allied ships disembarking troops, equipment and supplies at Feodosiya and Evpatoria.

Meanwhile, lead elements of the 7th Armored brigade reached outskirts of Simferopol and stopped to await arrival of infantry and artillery to enable them to capture the city. The brigade commander sent a reconnaissance company to feel out Soviet defences. The company found no visible defenses and no armed resistance. Subdued citizens observed as the British advanced through the streets to reach the city hall. By that time, tanks joined in and within an hour, city was occupied. Chief of the city militia appeared with the white flag and surrendered the city and British 11th Hussars remained to guard the city, while the rest of the brigade procedeed on and finaly, linked with the French troops 10 km to the west of the city.

China, May 3rd

Yamashita trembled with rage and his face turned red as he addressed the colonel Suzuki.

"This act is traitorous, colonel. You will be relieved of your duty immediately. Take this 'choteki'" the general said, using the almost forgotten noun of 'enemy of the court' when referring to the colonel. "And take him to my car. He will answer for this and he will become an example."

The previous day, during the inspection of the Japanese army unit, a firefight ensued in the vicinity. Yamashita was already on his way when the shooting started. He, however, ordered his driver to turn around immediately and race in the direction of the rifle fire. The first assumption by everyone present was that the Chinese have attacked. The driver reversed the vehicle and within minutes the general and his entourage reached the area. Almost before his vehicle came to a stop, Yamashita jumped out vigorously, got into a crouch and hurriedly moved in the direction of the nearby Japanese trench, where a squad of soldiers were firing onto the human shapes moving rapidly through the bush. As bullets whistled overhead, Yamashita reached for an Arisaka Type 99 rifle and joined the troops in the firing. His second shot found the mark and one of the figures dropped abruptly in mid step.

Two dozen more men continued advancing, seemingly paying no regard to the fate of their comrades. Every now and then they'd stop and fire, but their shots couldn't really hurt the Japanese troops in their entrenchments. The Japanese returned the fire and within five minutes it was all over.

The real surprise came a few hours later. Ignoring the feeble protests of the colonel, Yamashita sent men from his entourage to inspect the bodies. A few moments later a major returned hurriedly and whispered something to the General. Upon receiving an equally quiet response, the man waved to the five kempeitai from Yamashita's escort and they set off to drag a few bodies into the tent for more detailed inspection by the general and his staff.

Yamashita learned the truth in the early hours of the morning on May 3rd. The entire incident did not involve the Chinese. Two dozen men they found were the members of Kempeitai section attached to the brigade and 16 Chinese prisoners who were drugged and forced to attack the Japanese soldiers. The incident could only have been concocted by the Japanese commander or someone in the unit who had at least a tacit approval of the CO. Yamashita half expected something like this to happen. Only his presence in the sector has stopped this from becoming another Mukden or Marco Polo Bridge incident. He understood well enough that Suzuki had no ill intention in mind and that he truly and honestly believed that he was single handedly correcting what, in his mind and, unfortunately, many of his counterparts in China Expeditionary Army was a disastrous policy.

Yamashita, however, was acquainted with the way things functioned in the West. It was not the place, nor the job, of the army officers (not even the senior ones, let alone of colonels) to dictate or formulate the foreign policy of the country. Such thing led to disasters, wherever it was tried and it was leading the Japan to precisely such outcomes for the past decade. It was high time to put things in the right place and extricate the country, rapidly moving towards bankruptcy and isolation, from the quagmire of China. If, to achieve this cause, a few colonels' heads had to roll, they would roll. But this time, there won't be another Boshin war. By coincidence, just as the General thought of the Boshin war, a few soldiers around him broke into a song to relieve the tension.

Yamashita took it as a good omen that the song was the first military march of the modern Imperial Japanese Army - 'Tokotonyare'. He emerged from his tent and joined in the chorus.

Early morning, May 4th, Kishinau Front, Soviet 7th Army Command post

"Comrades, tomorrow we will commence Operation Gorchakov" Rodion Malinovsky said, addressing the corps commanders. "Let us review the operational deployments once more." The operation has been planned for past seven days and it's execution became urgent after the sudden Anglo-French invasion of the Crimean peninsula. STAVKA has already earmarked some of the units from the Romanian front to be available for the transfer to Kherson by May 7th. The deadline for redeployment was approaching and the strategic objective of the 7th Army had to be achieved by then. The tight schedule limited the finesse of the approach and general Malinovsky decided to use blunt force and repeat the initial attempt to capture the city. The only difference would be the use one of his corps to feign attack on the left flank and one division on his right flank to demonstrate against the Romanian right wing, hoping this would disperse the enemy reserves and reinforcements from the center, where the main effort would fall. The attack on the flanks would start tomorrow, and the main attack 24 hours later.

Malinovsky's aide handed over the maps to the corps commanders and the general himself issued the final orders for them and directed them to brief the divisional commanders and prepare their troops for the attack.

Late evening, May 4th, vicinity of Chishinau

As the darkness engulfed the landscape, transformed as it was from serene forests and meadows to something more closely resembling the surface of an alien world, a pair of Soviet soldiers, a private and a lieutenant, carefully slipped out of their pots. Once they reached the point relatively sheltered from view, they discarded the rifles, belts and other items of their uniform that made noise and set off in the direction of the Romanian lines, some 500 meters off to the west. Both soldiers were from Ukraine. It was only due to the lack of manpower and the need to urgently replace soldiers lost in the 51st corps that he got to be a junior staff officer in his division. During the day, he overheard the discussion between divisional pompolit and the CO of the division and realized that tomorrow they would go into another hopeless attack on Kishinau. The lieutenant has already been considering a desertion and this caused him to finally make up his mind. He also decided to bring with him his close cousin serving in the same division. He had no desire to fight for the regime that deliberately starved their people and both had lost members of their family during the great famine. Although the desertion carried a death sentence if they were caught, they also knew that quite a few have gotten away and disappeared into the night, far more than were publicly executed to dissuade deserters.

After managing to evade the Soviet pickets, they started the slow crawl towards the Romanian lines. They reached the Romanian pickets some time later, and surrendered. The Romanians took them for interrogation and within 45 minutes the Soviet officer told the Romanian officer all he knew about the Soviet plans for the following day. The man listened to the prisoner with apparent skepticism, but eventually decided to pass the buck and sent the information to the divisional intelligence officer along with the prisoners for more detailed interrogation.

Kishinau, night May 4/5, 1st Army command post

"Gentleman, we have here what appears to be the plan for the Red Army attack that will unfold tomorrow morning. The plan calls for a feigned attack on our left and right, while the real attack will be on our central front." Romanian general announced to the members of his staff. "We have developed this information both through the communication, listening and corroborated it with the information provided by the couple of deserters, who defected to us earlier this evening. I have every intention to allow the Soviet commander to think his plan is working. We will send orders to the reserves to move towards the right flank, ask for urgent reinforcements to be deployed to the left flank and if circumstances permit, even counterattack on the right flank. Our center will fall back when the Soviet attack opens and allow the Soviets to advance a kilometer or two. We will then try to turn the tables on them and pin the majority of their forces in battle in Kishinau, while the forces on our right flank will advance and attempt to come from their rear. I need those orders be delivered to our divisional commanders by hand. That is all gentleman!"

The Romanian commander had already discussed this with German liaison officer Von Thoma. The German listened and added just a few points to improve the Generals' plan and declared it sound enough. Romanian troops on this front were the least exhausted of all the troops in the army. Their logistics were somewhat complicated, but they have managed to improvise a logistic train and there was no real shortage of ammo. Their equipment was being steadily improved and a two batteries of Czech 47mm AT guns, one of the German 37mm and a number of antitank rifles eventually reached the defenders of the city. Besides, of the 53 German 10.5 cm Howitzers delivered to Romania, 42 have been deployed here, forming a potent artillery reserve, in addition to 36 of the heavy 15cm sFH 18 howitzers to partially remedy the Romanian inferiority in artillery firepower. All those weapons started arriving from Germany and were hurriedly deployed to bolster Romanian defenses. It was perceived that the Soviets couldn't maintain their attack on Romania for long, faced with the prospect of Anglo-French occupation of Crimea and the need to defend their entire southern border in the Caucasus, were at best of times, where the Soviet government strained to keep the nationalities under control.

Oradea rail yard, late night

PzKpfw_II_Ausf_F_F_on_rails.jpg


German tanks arriving in Romania

Locomotive pulling behind flat cars each with a German panzer on it pulled into the rail yard, followed a few minutes later by another with passenger cars and box cars. The arrival of these signified the entrance of the first German military unit to enter Romania. It was the 25th Panzer Regiment of the 7th Panzer division. The division was on the way to deploy at Iasi front and attempt to drive the Red Army away from Prut and remove the perceived threat to the all-important Romanian oil industry.

May 5th, Bangkok

The port of Bangkok was the rare witness to the collection of warships showing flags of every major naval power in the world. Among those, the Japanese battleship Nagato, German pocket battleship Admiral Graff Spee, the British HMS Queen Elizabeth and the pride of the French Navy Strasbourg were most prominent. United States representative at the conference choose an inconspicuous passenger ship and the Chinese arrived aboard German Ju-53 with Chinese roundel.

The talks began at the Thai Royal palace and after the first day, the official cease fire replaced the tentative one, observed by both the Chinese and the Japanese during the past two weeks. The starting position of both sides were miles apart and it seemed that the peace agreement would take months to hammer out. In the background of the peace conference, hectic and unofficial diplomatic activity between the attending powers also ensued. The British and the French acknowledged the German change of attitude. The British representative at the conference, Alexander Cadogan assured the German representative Weizsaecker that the British will not come to any quarrel with the Germans as long as the present policy prevailed. The British would not tolerate any further aggression or any attempts to gain territory.

The Germans on the other hand offered their assurances that had no interest in expanding her own territory any further and that in the future, Germany would only seek to establish close economic and diplomatic ties with her neighbors, aiming to organize a defensive coalition to contain the obvious Soviet aggression. Friendly relations between Germany and the Soviet Union were at an end, Weizsaecker assured the British representative, during an unofficial one on one talk. Cadogan asked about the Mutual defense treaty and once again was told that in no way the treaty concerns any British interest, whatsoever. Turkish membership was the most interesting and alarming to the British, and Weizsaecker spent a considerable amount of time to persuade the British representative that Turkish admission to the treaty will not cause any security repercussions to the British. Cadogan could not hide his skepticism and told the German that the British could view these developments only with mounting concern and alarm.

Weizsaecker asked Cadogan as to the intention of the British and the French in regards to the Soviets and what was the end goal of the intervention. The Cadogan's reply was that the intention was clearly stated in the ultimatum submitted to the Soviet government and the Allies had no ambition to achieve anything beyond that. Weizsaecker replied that he suspected some of the conditions in the ultimatum could only be achieved through a regime change, although the deprivation of oil USSR suffered as a result of an attack on Baku could lead to the desired result in the long term. The German added that the intelligence estimates by Wehrmacht services indicate that, while undoubtedly strong, Soviet colossus is standing on glass legs. Under the weight of joint attack by multiple enemies, it could crumble and its internal contradictions would cause the collapse of the Soviet empire. Only this outcome could secure European peace.

In regard to China, the two diplomats ended up with a remarkably similar outlook - that China should be helped defend against the Japan and that it could provide a necessary counterweight to the Soviet colossus.

Kishinau

Soviet assault on the city opened up at 0430. Instead of artillery bombardment, Red Army sent squads to sneak upon the Romanian lines, which they did after almost two hours of careful and slow crawling. Armed with flamethrowers and hand grenades and supported by mortar teams armed with 37 and 50mm mortars. Their assault took the Romanian defenders by surprise and blasted open a gap in the Romanian defenses 3 km wide. Follow up forces composed of two rifle regiments, immediately pressured Romanian flanks to widen the shoulders of the breakthrough, while an entire rifle division, supported by light tanks advanced straight through this gap. Bombardment by three regiments of corps artillery started at the same time, targeting the city center, intersections and presumed areas of concentration of Romanian reserves.

Romanians, after the initial shock, started to respond. Positions on the outskirts of the city put up determined defense. They were unable to stop the Soviet advance, but they made the Soviet units pay dearly in blood. By afternoon, Red Army reached the vicinity of the city center and Romanian troops retreated on all sectors, straightening up the line.

Vicious fighting ensued amid the ruins of the buildings, many of which had been burning since the morning. Civilian population, which has remained in the city was trying to evacuate and many horse drawn carriages and people travelling on foot clogged the roads to the west of the city itself. Romanian and Soviet air force clashed in the sky above the city and occasionally a downed airplane added to the destruction.

Romanian reserves were slow to deploy to the threatened areas and the entire Romanian plan of reaction was badly delayed. Infantry earmarked for a counterattack on the northern sector had to be transferred to the center in order to forestall Soviet breakthrough and secure area around the railway station and the City Hall. As the daylight subsided, Romanian Army was still in control of the large part of the city center. Soviet attempts to storm the City Hall by direct assault was defeated with significant losses. Only few tanks remained around the city hall in the form of burned out hulks, charred remains of their crew hanging from the openings. During the night, Soviet artillery pounded the building. While damage was significant, the building still stood and provided the defenders with an excellent position to check further advances by the Soviet troops. Soviet commander decided to wait for the daylight and direct Red Air Force to take the building down with heavy bombers.

Meanwhile, to the north of the city Romanians concentrated around 200 armored vehicles and carefully concealed them during the night. Romanian reconnaissance patrols and artillery observers used the daylight to create firing plans for the artillery and four Romanian infantry regiments from the 16th and 17th division concentrated to commence the attack. Behind them, the troops from the 6th and 8th division stood ready to reinforce the success.

May 6th, Izmail

The Spaniards, their number brought to two regiments with slightly over 4.000 troops, two battalions of Italian infantry, Turkish cavalry regiment and an equivalent of a brigade of Romanian troops undertook to prepare for the Soviet inevitable attack. During the night a lot of activity could be heard on the Soviet end of the line and there was no doubt that additional forces were being brought.

In fact, the Soviet 4th Army was down to their very last reserves. The soviet 24th Rifle Corps was exhausted and considered unfit for offensive operations. The 4th Army command deployed a naval infantry brigade from Odessa, the very formation that made the initial invasion on the Romanian coast and the sole remaining rifle division of the 8th Rifle Corps. Two more divisions of raw recruits from Byelorussia that arrived earlier that week took place in the order of battle as 71st Rifle Corps.

Even before the warm morning sun rose above the horizon, a cannonade from the Red Army artillery opened up. Following the shelling, soldiers from the three rifle regiments advanced toward the positions manned by Spaniards, Italians, Turks and Romanians, who took cover in the ruins of the buildings. Pickets spotted the advancing echelons a long way off and started sounding the alarm. Spanish troops, exhausted by the journey, were still fast asleep, but they were surprisingly quick to form up and take their positions. A number of Spanish troops were veterans from the siege of the Alcazar. With consummate skill, they picked off the advancing Red Army troops by accurate fire from their rifles. Each man wasted no bullets and pretty soon, Soviet columns suffered casualties and were stopped in their tracks.

The Red Army infantry attacked, expecting to brush aside the exhausted defenders. Instead, they met the Spaniards, experienced in urban fighting and who fought with rarely seen bravery. Despite being outnumbered by three to one, they fought with such ferociousness that the Red Army conscripts facing them started refusing orders to advance from their officers. Eventually, one Spanish company fixed bayonets to their rifles and charged in counterattack at the Soviets falling back from unsuccessful attack, screaming 'Muerte' like devils. They quickly overtook retreating unit and captured over 50 Red Army soldiers, killing unit commander and pompolit in the process.

Soviets regrouped and attacked again, but the result was very much the same. They repeated the process three more times and by noon, exhausted Soviet regiments, short of over a fifth of their numbers started to retreat towards their lines. All of a sudden, the air was filled with an unearthly shriek. Spanish troops emerged from their shelter, sensing an opportunity to counterattack disorganized and largely demoralized Red Army columns. With reckless abandon and seemingly utter disregard for their own safety, they ran towards the stunned Soviets, seemingly firing from the hip, without ever stopping. Most of the Soviets could scarcely believe this. The Spanish seemed like the very personification of the angels of death, bearing down on them like the force of nature. Screams 'Muerte!' preceded them in ear-piercing shriek, seeding terror even before the bullets and, eventually, bayonets claimed their first victims. Momentarily, all semblance of order disappeared in Soviet formations. Officers, not already dead or scared witless, tried to reestablish order in their units, but their efforts were in vain. Conscripts under their command ignored all outside considerations and turned back in a headlong rush, leaving behind their wounded comrades, weapons and equipment. Quite a few surrendered or were captured at bayonet-point by exhilirated Spanish troops.

The Italian and Romanian troops could only watch in amazement and awe at what seemed to be a brave, but foolish, display of courage. As the Spanish troops continued advancing, the Romanian commander figured that 'If it is stupid, but it works, it is not stupid!' and ordered his troops to join in the attack. Italians and Turks followed his example.

The Soviet lines crumbled and the panic spread unchecked.
Only the intervention of the Soviet artillery, a reserve NKVD regiment, timely appearance of a few Soviet tanks and fall of the night enabled the Red Army to stabilize the line, averting the full retreat of the Red Army units out of the city.

During the night, however, near the mouth of the Danube a number of ships appeared. They flew the Italian flag and belonged to 5th Battleship division escorted by three cruisers and four destroyers of 3rd Cruiser division.

The ships arrived in the Black Sea in order to provide direct support to beleaguered Italian troops in Izmail. They relieved the three cruisers of the 1st squadron and Vittorio Veneto, who were cruising the Black Sea for the past two weeks, dodging Soviet air and submarine attacks. All of those ships needed to overhaul their guns and complete other routine maintenance.

As the dawn approached, the cruisers launched their airplanes and the large battleships turned parallel to the coast. The gun turrets turned and the crews cleared the weather decks. Being on deck while the ship fired the big guns was not a very healthy form of morning exercise. The ships were ready to fire as soon as the proper targets were called by the scout airplanes.

Soviet airfield, near Odessa

Captain Vasilyev approached his I-16 airplane. He was a very unhappy man as of recently. He was promoted to captain and named commander of a fighter squadron after the previous man was shot down in an attempt to protect the bombers from the Romanian fighters.

Red Air Force was suffering horrendous casualties and the rate of attrition was almost unbearable. Most of the qualified pilots were gone a long time ago and now, almost daily, raw recruits were arriving to take the place of men who died.

Furthermore, the training regimen, which was not that good to begin with, was downgraded even further as the fuel became scarce, the result of the loss of production in the Caucasus. Production of the high-octane fuel necessary for the airplane engines was were the effects first became visible. Now even combat missions were being scaled down and number of sorties limited to only the most important missions.

One such was the attack on the fleet being reported in the vicinity of the Danube. Captain Vasilyev and his men, along with three more fighter squadrons were to provide the escort for two torpedo bomber squadron and two squadrons of Polikarpov R-10s in an attack on the fleet. The Soviets hoped to exact the revenge for the humiliating loss of Black Sea Fleet.

Captain had no illusions that the mission would be such a walk in the park as it was advertised by his division's populist. He hoped the enemy will be caught by surprise and his flight would not encounter any fighters. So far, the Red Air Force had yet to achieve anything of note in the Romanian War.

Bangkok

Negotiations between the Japanese and the Chinese entered their second day. Both sides were called to submit their peace proposals to each other in order to determine the lowest common denominator and devise an acceptable solution.

Chinese proposal called for full retreat of the Japanese troops to the 1937 border and dismantling the puppet governments of Wang Jingwei. Besides, the Chinese handed over a list of people who, as war criminals would be delivered for trial, most prominent of the names being Prince Asaka and General Matsui, as well as a few dozen other Japanese officers. Also, a prospect of further negotiations on the status of Manchuria (the Chinese refused to use the name Manchukuo) was mentioned, with the Chinese request that a referendum on the future of the 'province' be held with the presence of international observer.

The Japanese reaction to this proposal was prompt and furious. In a show of contempt, the Japanese foreign minister threw away the papers containing the peace proposal, and declared that it is now evident that it was the Chinese who perpetuated the war. He publicly inquired if some more persuasion by the Japanese Army was needed. The talks almost broke down then and there, but after a recess and private meetings between the Japanese and the German representatives and Chinese and German representatives, both sides returned to the table. The Japanese proposal was submitted and they called for the Chinese to cede the Shaodong peninsula to Japan, a tribute to the original Shimonoseki treaty, recognize Manchukuo and grant the Japanese a concession to the island of Hainan Dao for 99 years. The Japanese proposal also contained a provision of a neutral zone at the Manchukuo border, prisoner exchange, basing privileges for the Imperial Japanese Navy in select few Chinese ports, revision to Shanghai concessions and enlargement of the Japanese enclave within the city, preferential treatment of the Japanese goods in Chinese markets and finally, a provision of joint front against the Communism.

Their proposal was, in turn, greeted with outrage by the Chinese representatives. To the international mediators, it seemed that the two sides could never come to a satisfactory solution. After another round of private talks with the Germans, this time including Chiang Kai-Shek, the Chinese returned to the table. Unbeknownst to the other participants, the Chiang carried in his pocket a paper bearing his signature and the signature of the German representative plenipotentiary Hans von Weizsacker. The document was titled 'Framework for mutual cooperation between the German Reich and Republic of China'. The content of the wide ranging document was, at the moment, known only to the signatories and a select few of their staff.

London, Ministry of Air, 1100h, May 6th

The air in the spacious conference room in the Ministry of Air was stuffy with the smoke of the cigarettes. In no way could anyone discern that a turning point in the history was taking place in this room. The people seated around the conference table, including the prime minister Chamberlain, Minister of War Hore-Belisha, Minister of Air Swinton and Chairman of the Committee on the Scientific Survey of Air Defense Henry Tizard listened with utmost attention to the expose of the British Nobel laureate George Paget-Thompson. Aside from the voice of the professor, the only sounds that could be heard were the muffled sounds of the London traffic in the street below the large windows of the room. Only the people present in the room had an inclination of the significance of what they were about to hear. The content of the expose was quite sufficient to give the listeners a real scare.

Professor Paget started with a brief history of the research into the properties of the elements belonging to the uranides group in the periodic systems. Special emphasis was given to the research being done by the French Radium Institute, Italian Institute of Physics and the German Max Planck institute. All the research conducted there pointed to one fact - that it was possible to use radioactive materials in such a way as to liberate enormous energy. This would make building a bomb of unprecedented power quite possible. According to the formula that equaled mass and matter, it seemed that relatively small amount of matter under certain circumstances could be made to explode with energy sufficient to obliterate entire city.

However, the professor continued, until now it was not known with any precision, what materials and in what quantities would be needed to achieve the desired result. The answer to this question was offered in the recent research by a team of German scientists working in Great Britain. They presented the theoretical calculation which indicated that it would be possible to use a rare isotope of uranium to start a chain reaction which would lead to the entire mass of the element subject to fission to be converted into energy. The exact technical details were not worked out yet, the professor said, but it was undoubtedly possible. His expose ended with a warning that all the work logically followed the previously quoted research in France, Italy and Germany, so all those researchers could deduce the same fact.

"The race, gentleman, is on!" he concluded dramatically. "And the one who reaches the finish line the first, will be an undisputed master of the world, able to destroy their enemy with a single blow."

This produced dramatic effects on his audience. First off, the Prime Minister wanted to know if there was any possibility of error or a mistake in calculation. He received a decidedly negative answer, with a remark that the research was tested by a few confidants of the committee. The checks reduced, the scientists claimed, a possibility of error to virtual 0.

Next question came from the Minister of War, who asked what were budgetary and technical requirements of the project. Henry Tizard was ready for this question and answered that at the present stage, no exact costs or requirements could be given.

He presented a proposal to create a special group which will work on this project and frame the requirements. He urged utmost secrecy and added that, due to the enormous quantities of ore, the work on this project could not be conducted with secrecy within the Islands. A secluded location, away from the prying eyes, was necessary to conduct experiments, derive needed quantities of U-235 and assemble the device (as the bomb will be known until the moment of the completion). He suggested the project under the code name MAUD, an acronym for Military application of Uranium Detonation, be conducted either in Canada or Australia. Both countries were close allies of the Britain and possessed vast tracts of wastelands, ideal for the project requirements. Professor Paget interjected that, in all probability, large quantities of electrical power would be needed and this gave Canada a large advantage as a location.

Tizard proposed to name professor Paget the head of the team and give him the full responsibility to choose the members of the team, determine the exact requirements of the project and present their findings when they are completed.

May 6th, mid day, Heereswaffenamt, Spichernstraße, Berlin

Sebastian Fichtner sat in his chear, a cup of hot coffee in his right hand and a document entitled "Report on the Soviet panzerwaffe" in his left hand. Von Thomma had done his job thoroughly. The folder in his hand contained photographs and sketches of the Soviet tank far more advanced than anything in the German arsenal. On the first glance it was not pretty to look at, but after reading the account of the armored clash that happened early in the war and seen some of the photographs, Sebastian acquired a sense of respect (if not outright awe) for it.
Undoubtedly, the tank represented an entirely new class of vehicle that made every other tank in the world obsolete in comparison. Even the French Char B1 behemoth could hardly compare. If well led and employed in mass, the T-34, as it was called, would be hard to resist. Sebastian could see only two paths open to the Germans to balance the equation - either developing better tank or upgrading defensive capabilities of the infantry, so that the attack by massed T-34s would be met at the front by an equally massive barrage of anti-tank rounds. It was obvious that 3.7 cm PaK did not suffice. Deployment of a 5 cm version would need to be accelerated and even larger caliber put into development. For a moment, as a stop gap measure he recommended to use a potent 88mm anti-aircraft cannon, the weapon that has proven itself in this role during the Spanish Civil War.

On the other hand, entire doctrine of employment of German Panzerwaffe depended on initiative and daring attacks. It would be entirely invalidated if the enemy could bring to bear a well trained tank force superior both in quantity and in quality to the Germans. The Soviets had all the ingredients for this - production capacity for a large number of tanks as well as well designed model. As for the training and doctrine, the Red Army has already learned a number of valuable lessons in the course of Romanian War.

German tank designers have relaxed since it was estimated that PzKpFw III and IV were sufficient for the time being. Now, in light of this information, WaPrueff VI needed come up with a new specification and reinvigorate the 30-ton tank program that has been stuck forever on the design table and prototype stage. Sebastian decided to recommend everything that seemed to be useful from the Soviet tank be outright copied and integrated into the next generation of the armored vehicle to make its way into panzer divisions. He knew it would further tax limited industrial capacity Germany possessed, but it could not be helped.

May 7th, Kishinau, Romania

At 6 o'clock, 16th and 17th Romanian divisions began their assault on the Red Army right flank. Exhausted Red Army units in this sector quickly began to fall back and by 0700, Romanians have already created a bulge 2 kilometers deep. Advanced units reported relatively light casualties while the Soviets were on the verge of collapse. Romanian command quickly decided to commit the tanks and ordered 6th and 8th divisions to join in and effect a breakthrough down the road towards Dniester. Also, Romanian tank troops were alerted and given orders to prepare to move and exploit the brakethrough as soon as the infantry effected it. Romanians hoped to push away or destroy the Red Army forces, liberate the village of Budeshti. Afterwards, they would advance south from Budeshti, and cut into the rear area of the Soviet troops engaged in attacking the city in the central part of the front. Romanian commander hoped he could surround the Red Army units, or failing this, at least force them to abandon further advances into the city.

Meanwhile, the attention of the Soviet command was concentrated on the central point of the line, where the Red Army units also seemed to be on the verge of the brakethrough. The heavy air bombardment of the Romanian defensive positions in the center of the city was scheduled to begin by 0700 hours by an entire division of heavy bombers. TB-3s already started taking off at 0600, and the Red Army soldiers were preparing for another day of heavy fighting. As the moment approached, the heavy drone of airplane egines filled the air above the frontline, gradually growing into deafening roar. Bombers started dropping their first bombs as they flew over the frontlines.

The real surprise was when a squadron of bombers produced 24 I-16s which immediately dived and bombed Romanian trenches, turning away as their bombs fell towards terrified Romanian soldiers.

The entire bombing operation took five minutes and the heavy bombers left behind them the trail of destruction in Kishinau downtown area. The City Hall was hit multiple times with 500 kg bombs and huge chunks of the building were flattened, with pieces thrown around. Red Army soldiers watched in awe, certain that they would meet no resistance after this. Captains have already started issuing orders for their companies to start moving and, apprehensively, the Soviets emerged from their trenches.

Romanian lines

Romanian units reeled after receiveing over 1000 tons of heavy bombs. Some units dissolved in disorder, especially those attacked by dive bombing Polikarpovs. A regiment was literally decimated and survivors filtered back through the city, wandering about in a state of shock. However, many units discovered that the damage, despite the huge explosions was not really that great and that many soldiers were still capable of offering resistance. At some places, added destruction actually increased defensive strength of the positions, as troops took shelter behind heavy pieces of masonry and were virtually invisible to the attackers.

Regardless of those factors, the chaos that ensued in the city after the bombardment was already disrupting the flow of ammunition to the front lines and it was certain that if the Soviets persisted in their attack, sometime during the day, the Romanians would have to start retreating. For the moment, the surviving soldiers were determined to offer the fight to the advancing Red Army.

Viewed from the Romanian front, Red Army units advanced in squads, spread accross the entire width of the front. They were some 300 to 400 meters away and starting to bunch together as the soldiers needed to avoid craters left from the carpet bombing. Soviet artillery observers on the Hill 224 east of the city called targets and the artillery fire started falling upon the city with some accuracy. The effect was mitigated by the ruins left after the bombardment and the Romanians found out they were able to offer effective resistance despite the fire.

As the Soviets advanced to within 50 meters of the first lines of defense, Romanians opened fire. Bursts of machineguns cut through the Soviet columns, and the soldiers dropped to the ground and started crawling. Sharpshooters from the ruins picked off the targets of opportunity, changing positions frequently as the artillery fire was directed upon them. Red Army attempted to charge the positions but this ended in bloody failure and the action continued with small groups engaging each other in the ruins. The combat devolved into mele, fought with hand grenades, small arms and even knives.

Meanwhile, Romanian attack on the left flank developed and the Soviet division holding the immediate front was routed by attack of the equivalent of a corps. As the Romanians secured the brakethrough, their tanks, as advised by their German allies, hurled through and ventured into the Soviet rear areas, advancing on south-southeast axis. Lacking any means of defense against tanks, the Soviets scattered, while frantic calls for air support and tank reinforcements was issued by the corps command. The Soviet tank brigade, mauled in attack on Kishinau during previous days, tried to move and confront the Romanian attack, but its vehicles suffered numerous brakedowns and only a third of its complement was able to reach the area of combat. In a meeting engagement they were brushed aside by superior number of Romanian vehicles and what was left of this unit, retreated in dissaray towards the Dniester. Soviet Air Force was able to scramble afour squadrons of Su-2, which proceeded to bombard Romanian armor columns, encountering two squadrons of Italian Fiat G.50s. Italian planes massacred the Soviet squadrons, which were unescorted. Majority of Soviet fighters was engaged in escorting the heavy bomber sortie and the operation against the Italian fleet in the Black Sea. Although a few of the Soviet fighters managed to drop their bombs, they didn't score any hits and out of nearly 50 airplanes in attack, only 20 managed to limp back to their base.


The day ended with the Romanian armor poised to strike south-west into the back of the Soviet troops fighting in and around Kishinau, Red Army scrambling to transfer enough tanks to the front and counterattack, while in Kishinau both armies remained locked in deadly struggle of the worst kind yet seen in the war.

Balti

Despite the exhaustion of the units on both sides, the fighting in Balti remained severe. The Soviet armor attempted to advance, but was checked by the determined opposition of the Romanians, which received a large number of antitank guns from the Germans and the Italians. As the situation around Kishinau changed for the Soviets, their armor units began to withdraw from the battle in order to transfer to the threatened area.
At the same time, General Stumme accompanied by his regimental COs Colonels Rothenburg, von Bismarck and Froelich arrived to inspect the lines and determine the best way to employ the 7th Panzer at this front. This unit was the first to arrive, to be immediately followed by 5th Panzer division. The two units would boost the defensive line in front of Balti and avert the Soviet threat to Ploesti.

Italian fleet

Admiral Brivonesi turned toward the gunnery officer and simply said:

"Commence firing!"

His order was echoed and within a few moments, Giulio Cesare shuddered as the large guns discharged their 12.6 inch projectiles weighing almost half a ton, hurling them towards a point 26 km further inland. Her sister Conte di Cavour followed the suite by firing her broadside a second or two later.

Approximately 40 seconds later, massive explosions rocked the countryside below Macchi M.18, observer plane launched from Conte Cavour to correct the fire. The pilot could hardly imagine the carnage resulting on the ground as a result of impact of massive shells. The craters were almost 20 meters wide and very deep, it was impossible to tell from the air how exactly. At the places were they hit the trenches, pieces of wood, weapons and human body parts were flung high into the air.

'It is impossible that anyone could survive this sort of fire for any period of time.' Italian observer aboard the plane thought. He reported the accuracy of the shooting by morse radio to his mothership and a minute later several more boradsides shook the ground violently.

The airplane made a 180 deegree turn and headed westwardly to return to the ship. As it flew over, the gunner could see the Romanian and Italian infantry emerging from the trenches and starting to advance.

May 8th, Tokyo, Imperial General Headquarters-Government Liaison Conference

All the senior officials of the Japanese civilian, army and navy gathered to consider the next steps in the process that began a month ago. A near mutiny in the China expeditionary army that was stopped by a coincidence caused great concern in the ruling circles. Civilian politicians viewed the military with suspicion and armed guards belonging to civilian police accompanied the civilian ministers everywhere. However, after a few days, lieutenant general Yamashita has managed to convince tem that it was not necessary and that paranoia was completely unjustified. This was conclusively proven when a junior lieutenant of the Kempeitai guards bayoneted a would-be assassin, a former major of the 1st Imperial Guard division, who attempted to stab the Prime Minister with his sword in front of the Diet building.

This morning, the meeting started in a subdued mood. The foreign minister Nomura report from Bangkok arrived that morning and was read by the Foreign ministry official. It was apparent that the Japanese demands to the Chinese were uniformly viewed as excessive. According to Nomura, the demands needed to be scaled down if a peace with China was desired. All the officials present in the room silently pondered this for minutes, when the silence was ended by the Prime Minister.

"Well, it seems there is nothing to do about this, for now. We must bow our heads and accept this in the same way we accepted the peace with the Russians in 1905. Granted, it is hard to accept it since we are now fighting the Chinese, not the Russians. However, the Chinese now have the support of the entire world. I propose to give the Foreign minister the authority to conclude the peace and negotiate the best possible outcome."

"I think that there is one country that is conspicously absent and restrained in the matter." Tojo interjected once the Prime Minister ended his address. "That is the Soviet Union."

"Your point being, Tojo-san?" inquired the Prime Minister. His question was intended as an introduction to discussion. Tojo had already floated his idea to Yonai. It was highly controversial, but worth pursuing. Besides, there was no better plan in view.

"Well, maybe we can make something out of it? While we clashed with them six months ago, it was not really important. The Soviets seem to have a lot on their mind in Europe right now, what with the Crimea invasion and their little Romanian war. They are hardly capable of initiating any hostility with us and there is nothing that we really want of each other, except to be left alone. I think that can surely be arranged."

"You seem to have some idea already formed, mr. Minister? Or a proposal?" inquired Foreign Ministry official, who already sensed that this was not a spontaneous idea.

"Well," continued Tojo "We can send a representative to Moscow, where he would meet with the Soviets and see if we can come to some sort of mutual agreement. If the Germans were able to deal with Stalin, we should be able also. We have much less cause for hostility and we seem to have a common enemy."

The discussion continued as the all present weighed pro's and con's of the course proposed by the Army Minister. A few hours later, the decision was made - Japan will send Yosuka Matsuoka (he was proposed by Tojo, who had contacts with him in Manchuria) to Moscow and meet with Molotov. Japanese ambassador in Moscow will be instructed to arrange for this meeting. Matsuoka was a career diplomat and his former employment as a president of the Manchuria railways gave somewhat plausible cover for his meeting in Moscow.
 
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