AHC: France wins the Franco-Prussian War

Your challenge, should you choose to accept it, is to have the Second French Empire, ruled by Emperor Napoleon III, to defeat Prussia in the Franco-Prussian War with a POD no earlier than 1862. Can it be done? How? What would be the aftereffects?

IOTL, France had a superior navy to Prussia at this time, but was bogged down in a Transatlantic conflict in Mexico. On the other hand, Prussia had recently defeated its rival for German unification, Austria, and had established its role as the dominant member of the North German Confederation. Chancellor Otto van Bismarck believed that Prussia needed to win a war against a powerful opponent, such as France, to facilitate German unification. Had Prussia been defeated instead, would German unification be delayed? And would France take its own "Alsace-Lorraine" as compensation?
 
Your challenge, should you choose to accept it, is to have the Second French Empire, ruled by Emperor Napoleon III, to defeat Prussia in the Franco-Prussian War with a POD no earlier than 1862. Can it be done? How? What would be the aftereffects?

IOTL, France had a superior navy to Prussia at this time, but was bogged down in a Transatlantic conflict in Mexico. On the other hand, Prussia had recently defeated its rival for German unification, Austria, and had established its role as the dominant member of the North German Confederation. Chancellor Otto van Bismarck believed that Prussia needed to win a war against a powerful opponent, such as France, to facilitate German unification. Had Prussia been defeated instead, would German unification be delayed? And would France take its own "Alsace-Lorraine" as compensation?

We had a thread recently on Napoleon III joining the Austro-Prussian War. Would that count?
 
We had a thread recently on Napoleon III joining the Austro-Prussian War. Would that count?
I suppose it could, though given the timing, is even Napoleon III stupid enough to engage in two wars at the same time(three in my TL)?
 
Short answer: Impossible.

Long answer: France was strongly attached (for political reasons) to a system where people had to take numbers by chance and a very small proportion of the population, who ended up with mauvais numéros ("bad numbers"), were conscripted for a very long period of military service, such that it would be difficult for them to get any other job later in their lives. Rich young men, however, could pay poorer young men to take their places for them. The result was a very small, professional army very distant from the population—quite in contrast to the Prussian system, with universal but shorter-term conscription which managed to get a vast, reasonably well-trained army that was very close to the population. Also, Prussia had a general staff (helped by Helmuth von Moltke the Elder but not solely due to him) that was covering new ground and inspired the world, whereas the French army had no such thing and was the sort of army that sent an army of about 100,000 men into Italy and then, upon learning that they were begging food and clothes off the locals, belatedly considered that it might be a good idea to send supplies. We must also add the matter of superior Prussian mobilisation due to Albrecht von Roon's reforms.

The deck in the Franco-Prussian War was stacked so blatantly in Prussia's favour that it wasn't even funny, and all those cards were on the table before 1862. Roon's influence, which was already firmly established by 1862, and the influence of King Wilhelm I of Prussia himself were what gave power to men like Moltke and Bismarck, and it's not so easy to change those with an 1862-or-afterward PoD.

In fact, it's much easier to find PoDs in this time-period where the Prussians would do even better in the Franco-Prussian War than they did IOTL. Much of their misfortune was down to the individual stupidity of a man called Steinmetz who happened to be the wrong man in the wrong place at the wrong time. IOTL there was also a farcically unlikely series of unfortunate events with some Bavarians getting the Prussians into a battle in a way that they hadn't intended.

In conclusion: No, it's not realistically possible. I'm not a determinist in many things but, with such a late range for PoDs, I am in this. With an earlier PoD (the best bet, I'd think, is to stop the militarily minded Wilhelm I from becoming king in the first place) then this shouldn't be too hard, but by 1862, if the war is going to happen (which wasn't certain) then Prussia will win it, and win it decisively.
 
Perfidious Albion has made a lot of good points and I agree with him.
I would add that a major weak point of the French army was the doctrine they elaborated after the Austro-Prussian war: the new doctrine called for the selection of strong points from where the superiority of the chassepots could be used to decimate the attacking Prussians. However this did not take into account the superiority of the Prussian artillery as well as the more modern and aggressive way of using it on the field.

Another obvious weakness was in the officer corps: since both pay and prestige were quite low the vast majority of the officers came up through the ranks: the result was an officer corps quite older than its Prussian counterparts (the difference of age was between 10 and 30 years for lieutenants, captains and majors), less aggressive and certainly much less educated (almost the totality of the Prussian officers were university graduates). Officers commanding companies and regiments in the Prussian army were trained to make use of your initiatives and to operate aggressively in the field, always looking for encirclement and probing for weak spots.

Finally there was the issue of how to use cavalry: Prussians always used the cavalry for scouting and very seldom relied on cavalry charges (when it happened - like at Gravelotte - it was because someone had made a mistake).
The French were much more inert and looked little concerned with aggressive scouting.

All of this is in addition to Prussian superiority in planning and logistics. The mobilization of both armies at the beginning of the war is very instructive: while the Prussians mobilized large units the French mobilized by regiments with the result of army corps being put together in a very slow and haphazard
way (and as usual supplies were not moving properly to the concentration points).

I also believe that German armies could have done better (it might be argued that von Steinitz was the best general for the French side :D). I would find very very hard to believe that the war could have ended in anything but a German victory.
 
With an 1862 POD, its not certain that the war would happen, or that if it did, it would happen at the same time as it did IOTL. If we push back the war about, say five or ten years, would France be able to make the changes necessary to win?

Also, had Prussia began its large-scale industrialization at this point, or would that be later? I know that by WWI, America was the only country that outproduced Germany, so if France could be given some extra time to catch up its industrialization to Prussia's, would that be enough?
 
I am not so sure that the French defeat in 1870 was the worse thing which might have happened to them. At least the dead wood of the 2nd Empire was thrown overboard and France bounced back pretty well in economic terms.
If the French political situation is not changed by force it is much more likely that France will stagnate.
I do not see the 2nd Empire being able to regenerate itself from inside and barring a cataclysmic event like the defeat of 1870.
 
Your challenge, should you choose to accept it, is to have the Second French Empire, ruled by Emperor Napoleon III, to defeat Prussia in the Franco-Prussian War with a POD no earlier than 1862. Can it be done? How? What would be the aftereffects?
I think it is possible...but not likely.

As Perfidious Albion mentioned, the conscription system is a mess. I wonder though if there might be ways to go about it...perhaps if France did worse in the Second Italian War of Unification? Mind you, given Austria's situation, I can't really see that happening, and given that it is 'just' Austria, and 'just' Italy that was the problem, I can imagine it being easily overlooked.

As for how to make the French army more effective, there are two things. First would be a 1913-style Three Years Law, to be enacted no later than about 1860, so as to be able to have it be somewhat normal, as well as having at 2-3 full classes of reserves ready, As part of this, maybe in 1864, seeing the chaos that Class or Income exemptions played with the American Civil War, they also abolish any of those. Here the warnings the French MIGHT take away from things is that in the United States, there is massive lower class unrest when the rich can pay for exemptions...and to look at the CSA, using wealth as an outright exemption (20 Negro Rule and all) means you're tying one hand behind your back.

Mind you, there still would be class favoritism (the rich probably being selected as conscript officers or going into the traditionally noble branches of cavalry or artillery instead of infantry), but at least everyone would be serving. Also, it could have some nice ramifications as well, since when the Mexican Adventure really swings into full gear, you'll have more than enough manpower... And with a Habsburg being supported in Mexico, there might be pressure from Maximillian to support Austria in the Austro-Prussian War...and in turn Austrian support (which I sort of discuss below in the next quote) for the French when Germany comes after them...if French intervention in the Bruderkrieg doesn't already butterfly the 1871 war.

Superman said:
Had Prussia been defeated instead, would German unification be delayed? And would France take its own "Alsace-Lorraine" as compensation?

I can't recall the total boundaries...but did France have any designs on Western Prussia, or perhaps the German strip along the Rhine's left bank? I figure one, both, or parts of either, could be an appropriate condition.

Either that, or maybe some sort of non-unity clause in the treaty that's supposed to break Prussia's grip on the constituent states while raising the likes of say Bavaria or Württemburg into credible counter-weights in some fashion?

Basically, if the French can't somehow dissolve the Empire, then at least break Prussian primacy in it. The only issue I see with this is that, aside from Rhine Province, which is Prussian, the only lands that France might want to secure that RHine border with Germany is the sotuhern and western parts of RHine Province itself, Oldenburg...and the western enclave of Bavaria, whcih means if they go for it, they'd have to compensate the Bavarians somewhere...but where? Perhaps an integration of the Grand Duchy of Saxony, or a partition of Prussian Saxony between Bavaria and the (re?)creation of a Saxon kingdom in the southeast. Of course, I imagine that this sort of restructuring/partitioning of the Empire would be something the Austrians would support as well if it happens.

And indeed, it would probably need Austrian intervention in the south, a campaign that squeezes the German Empire where, like (if the French intervene in 1866), as one army buckles (because, let's face is...despite manpower there are other systemic issues with both armies that an alliance won't really solve) and the Prussians fill that vacuum, the other army launches a counter-blow to relieve pressure.

(Mind you, I am using This Wikipedia map as my basis for trying to figure things out...it could well be wrong!)
 
Perfidious Albion has made a lot of good points and I agree with him.

Thank you.

I would add that a major weak point of the French army was the doctrine they elaborated after the Austro-Prussian war: the new doctrine called for the selection of strong points from where the superiority of the chassepots could be used to decimate the attacking Prussians. However this did not take into account the superiority of the Prussian artillery as well as the more modern and aggressive way of using it on the field.

Another obvious weakness was in the officer corps: since both pay and prestige were quite low the vast majority of the officers came up through the ranks: the result was an officer corps quite older than its Prussian counterparts (the difference of age was between 10 and 30 years for lieutenants, captains and majors), less aggressive and certainly much less educated (almost the totality of the Prussian officers were university graduates). Officers commanding companies and regiments in the Prussian army were trained to make use of your initiatives and to operate aggressively in the field, always looking for encirclement and probing for weak spots.

I can't comment on any of this. Along with other information, it tells me that you clearly know much, much more about this conflict than I do.

Finally there was the issue of how to use cavalry: Prussians always used the cavalry for scouting and very seldom relied on cavalry charges (when it happened - like at Gravelotte - it was because someone had made a mistake).
The French were much more inert and looked little concerned with aggressive scouting.

If I recall correctly, there was an especially famous incident when Prussian cavalrymen wandered deep into French territory on reconnaissance, stopped at a French inn, had dinner and then went back to their lines, entirely unmolested by any French resistance. Compare that sort of thing to the French, whose scouting was so poor that they invented Prussian armies out of thin air and missed them where they actually were…

All of this is in addition to Prussian superiority in planning and logistics. The mobilization of both armies at the beginning of the war is very instructive: while the Prussians mobilized large units the French mobilized by regiments with the result of army corps being put together in a very slow and haphazard
way (and as usual supplies were not moving properly to the concentration points).

And even when they got there, they often couldn't be unloaded…

I also believe that German armies could have done better (it might be argued that von Steinitz was the best general for the French side :D).

I'd actually agree with that, as much a joke as it might be. Given how many German troops French generals caused to die through bold deliberate action and how many German troops Steinmetz did…

I would find very very hard to believe that the war could have ended in anything but a German victory.

Agreed in entirety.

With an 1862 POD, its not certain that the war would happen, or that if it did, it would happen at the same time as it did IOTL.

True; the Spanish succession crisis will pop up on schedule but Prussia may not see it as such a perfect opportunity without Napoleon III's Mainz threat in 1866, which is the point beyond which an OTL-esque Franco-Prussian War became inevitable in my opinion. But that's only relevant if France is likely to greatly improve its army in the intervening time, which I think it probably isn't.

If we push back the war about, say five or ten years, would France be able to make the changes necessary to win?

I am not so sure that the French defeat in 1870 was the worse thing which might have happened to them. At least the dead wood of the 2nd Empire was thrown overboard and France bounced back pretty well in economic terms.
If the French political situation is not changed by force it is much more likely that France will stagnate.
I do not see the 2nd Empire being able to regenerate itself from inside and barring a cataclysmic event like the defeat of 1870.

I think not, largely for the reasons that LordKalvan said. If I may elaborate:

It wasn't a case of the French army being in the process of reform that was interrupted in the war, it was the case that the French leadership were genuinely convinced that the French army was the best in the world and needed no reform. They had reason to believe this; however poorly they had performed (by early-20th-century standards of national organisation, mobilisation et cetera) in wars such as Crimea and the North African and Italian conflicts, their opponents had done even worse. When Prussia demonstrated to the world that its army was vastly superior to that of Austria (France's traditional enemy at the time, and one that France viewed as far more dangerous than Prussia until the war proved the French wrong) the French couldn't conclude that it was the inherent nature of the Royal Prussian Army; they picked another explanation, namely the Prussian infantry weapon called the Dreyse needle gun, and consequently replaced their own infantry weapon (the French chassepot was better than the Prussian Dreyse needle gun) and concluded that their army was now better than the Prussian army… and were catastrophically wrong.

In addition, there were important political reasons why the existing system stood. Napoleonic mass conscription was unpopular at the time. The rich liked the existing system because they could get off scot-free; the poor liked it because most of them would get off scot-free, though a few unlucky souls wouldn't; and the French army liked it because it institutionally viewed itself as a professional organisation and held a great deal of disdain for conscripts.

In conclusion: I don't think there is any likely political change that could reasonably have given the few reform-minded individuals in the French army the power to institute mass conscription, short of a series of devastating military defeats that proved how poor the mauvais numéro system was, i.e. exactly what happened IOTL.

Also, had Prussia began its large-scale industrialization at this point, or would that be later? I know that by WWI, America was the only country that outproduced Germany, so if France could be given some extra time to catch up its industrialization to Prussia's, would that be enough?

Prussian industrialisation was good enough to produce what they needed (most famously the Kruppstahl, the Prussian steel cannons made by Krupp) without problems, so far as I know; it wasn't a limiting factor on the Prussian war effort.

Determining the outcome of a war by comparing industrial capacity only works if the countries are fighting a total war, which is an objection I've raised many times to this kind of thinking. There's also, however, a more subtle objection; it only works if they're using their resources at similar efficiency. One of the most important logistical problems faced by the Second French Empire was that supplies were sent to places which didn't have the facilities to unload them, so vast amounts of supplies ended up just lying around, even when the war was over, while incredibly poorly equipped Frenchmen were fighting the German armies. The Second Empire's logistical situation was so horrendously poor that we can't realistically model it as using all the potential of the French nation. Add that to the overwhelming military advantages of the German coalition and the situation for France becomes untenable.

I think it is possible...but not likely.

As Perfidious Albion mentioned, the conscription system is a mess. I wonder though if there might be ways to go about it...perhaps if France did worse in the Second Italian War of Unification? Mind you, given Austria's situation, I can't really see that happening, and given that it is 'just' Austria, and 'just' Italy that was the problem, I can imagine it being easily overlooked.

There we run into the tricky business of how France is going to lose. France's army was bad. Austria's was worse.

As for how to make the French army more effective, there are two things. First would be a 1913-style Three Years Law, to be enacted no later than about 1860, so as to be able to have it be somewhat normal, as well as having at 2-3 full classes of reserves ready,

I think this is like the times when people ask about British and French rearmament beginning much earlier and leading to competent Anglo-French forces that fight back the Germans come WW2. It might be theoretically possible but, given the political environment of the time, it wasn't really possible.

As part of this, maybe in 1864, seeing the chaos that Class or Income exemptions played with the American Civil War, they also abolish any of those. Here the warnings the French MIGHT take away from things is that in the United States, there is massive lower class unrest when the rich can pay for exemptions...and to look at the CSA, using wealth as an outright exemption (20 Negro Rule and all) means you're tying one hand behind your back.

The capitalisation of 'might' is, I think, appropriate, given just how little attention Europe paid to the affairs of war in the Americas in this era.

And with a Habsburg being supported in Mexico, there might be pressure from Maximillian to support Austria in the Austro-Prussian War...and in turn Austrian support (which I sort of discuss below in the next quote) for the French when Germany comes after them...

I'm afraid I highly doubt that a French-propped-up puppet monarch in the Americas (as Maximillian could only ever be, barring much earlier PoDs as is done in English Canuck's A History of the Great War) would have any influence over the thoughts of Napoleon III.

if French intervention in the Bruderkrieg doesn't already butterfly the 1871 war.

But surely it does butterfly the 1870-1871 war. Given the various points we've been talking about throughout this thread, my assessment of the likely result of French intervention in that war is a humiliating Franco-Austrian defeat that leaves France in no shape to be interfering with Spanish succession crises four years later.

I can't recall the total boundaries...but did France have any designs on Western Prussia, or perhaps the German strip along the Rhine's left bank? I figure one, both, or parts of either, could be an appropriate condition.

Yes, it did. The Mainz threat had been in 1866, not long before 1870-1871, and in the environment of a victorious war (somehow), Emperor Napoleon III (who was not exactly a shining example of caution and intelligence in diplomatic affairs, to put it very mildly) might well push not just for the more modest annexations suggested in 1866 but for further annexations, with the more extreme suggestions being along the lines of those proposed by French nationalists (including, ironically, Thiers) suggesting that France annex all the land up to the Rhine… which would guarantee a future Franco-German war even more surely than the German annexation of Alsace-Lorraine did IOTL.
 
I am not so sure that the French defeat in 1870 was the worse thing which might have happened to them. At least the dead wood of the 2nd Empire was thrown overboard and France bounced back pretty well in economic terms.
If the French political situation is not changed by force it is much more likely that France will stagnate.
I do not see the 2nd Empire being able to regenerate itself from inside and barring a cataclysmic event like the defeat of 1870.
The defeat in the Franco-Prussian war was one of the worse moment in the french history.
Thethe third french republic wasn't a shining exemple of stability etheir. What with constant political crisis and revolving door government? Napoleon was maybe not the best in foreign affair bus his domestic policies weren't bad.
 
Maybe is Napoleon tries to intervene in the ACW on the side of the South, sends an expeditionary force, and it gets trounced, that might provide enough of a shock to convince him to implement military reforms.

Alternatively, as Perfidious Albion said, whilst France's organisation was bad, most other countries' was worse. So maybe if instead of trying to buff the French we instead nerf the Prussians (relatively speaking; they could still be above-average, just not as scarily efficient as IOTL), that could lead to a French victory. I don't know enough about the Prussian military to say what POD would be needed to do this, though.
 
Maybe is Napoleon tries to intervene in the ACW on the side of the South, sends an expeditionary force, and it gets trounced, that might provide enough of a shock to convince him to implement military reforms.

The problem is that if he gets involved in that war he probably doesn't issue the Mainz threat in the first place, so there is no moment at which Prussia is in the supremely advantageous position which it enjoyed in 1870 IOTL: blatant French expansionism at the expense of the smaller German states had been shown to be a major possibility and Prussia had shown itself willing to stand up strongly against French expansionism just at the time that Austria had just been weakened and discredited as a force to protect the smaller German states and Prussian power had been recently demonstrated. The scenario sounds like it was tailor-made to achieve Prussia's goal of uniting itself with the smaller German states in a federal German polity that would exclude Austria and thus be dominated by Prussia, though I'd argue that it arose more due to Napoleon III's stupidity than to Bismarck's genius. That perfect scenario, in addition to the (fully justified) conviction of the Prussian government and army that this was a moment where they held a major military advantage, made Bismarck decide that now was the moment to aim for this ambitious Prussian goal, so he deliberately escalated the Spanish succession crisis into the Franco-Prussian War and the rest is history.

In any case, the Emperor of the French no longer had the power to implement military reforms against the will of the legislature (Liberal Empire and all that), so it's a moot point.

Alternatively, as Perfidious Albion said, whilst France's organisation was bad, most other countries' was worse. So maybe if instead of trying to buff the French we instead nerf the Prussians (relatively speaking; they could still be above-average, just not as scarily efficient as IOTL), that could lead to a French victory. I don't know enough about the Prussian military to say what POD would be needed to do this, though.

It depends on how badly you want to weaken the Prussians. To do so extremely thoroughly, get rid of the regency and kingship of Wilhelm I von Hohenzollern, the military minded autocrat who put people like Roon in power and urgently reformed the Prussian army for its own sake and who is ultimately to praise/blame (in my opinion, considerably more than his Bismarckian instrument) for the rise of Prussia as a major military power. In that case, you might well end up with a very weak Prussia indeed, barely ranking among the great powers.

To weaken Prussia not quite so thoroughly… well, I've been spending months and months preparing a TL on approximately this basis, so I hope you'll forgive me if I shut up now. :D
 
The problem is that if he gets involved in that war he probably doesn't issue the Mainz threat in the first place, so there is no moment at which Prussia is in the supremely advantageous position which it enjoyed in 1870 IOTL: blatant French expansionism at the expense of the smaller German states had been shown to be a major possibility and Prussia had shown itself willing to stand up strongly against French expansionism just at the time that Austria had just been weakened and discredited as a force to protect the smaller German states and Prussian power had been recently demonstrated. The scenario sounds like it was tailor-made to achieve Prussia's goal of uniting itself with the smaller German states in a federal German polity that would exclude Austria and thus be dominated by Prussia, though I'd argue that it arose more due to Napoleon III's stupidity than to Bismarck's genius. That perfect scenario, in addition to the (fully justified) conviction of the Prussian government and army that this was a moment where they held a major military advantage, made Bismarck decide that now was the moment to aim for this ambitious Prussian goal, so he deliberately escalated the Spanish succession crisis into the Franco-Prussian War and the rest is history.

In any case, the Emperor of the French no longer had the power to implement military reforms against the will of the legislature (Liberal Empire and all that), so it's a moot point.

Hmm, I hadn't considered that. Maybe an earlier ACW/later FPW?



It depends on how badly you want to weaken the Prussians. To do so extremely thoroughly, get rid of the regency and kingship of Wilhelm I von Hohenzollern, the military minded autocrat who put people like Roon in power and urgently reformed the Prussian army for its own sake and who is ultimately to praise/blame (in my opinion, considerably more than his Bismarckian instrument) for the rise of Prussia as a major military power. In that case, you might well end up with a very weak Prussia indeed, barely ranking among the great powers.

To weaken Prussia not quite so thoroughly… well, I've been spending months and months preparing a TL on approximately this basis, so I hope you'll forgive me if I shut up now. :D
Well if Prussia gets weakened too much they wouldn't try and start a war with France in the first place. They'd have to be strong enough to think that they'd win, but not strong enough to actually do so. Would post-APW hubris be plausible? It's not exactly unknown for armies to be lulled into a false sense of superiority by brilliant victories (cf. Prussia itself between Frederick the Great and the Napoleonic Wars), so a Prussia less strong than IOTL but still strong enough to bear the Austrians might overestimate its chances against the French.

Also, I look forward to reading your TL. :D

ETA: Maybe also if France does start some military reforms, even if only small ones to improve the supply system, this might make Prussia worry that whatever military advantage they have is in danger of slipping away, which might in turn lead them to try and start a war before that happens.
 
I can't comment on any of this. Along with other information, it tells me that you clearly know much, much more about this conflict than I do.

I would recommend "The Franco-Prussian War: The German Conquest of France in 1870-1871" by Geoffrey Wawro (ISBN-13: 978-0521617437 ISBN-10: 052161743X). You can get the Kindle version from Amazon for 14.36 $ if you don't find it in a library.
The book is very good from a military point of view and gives also a sharp inside in the internal politics of France and Prussia. The only criticism I could make is that the international relations are barely touched: I would have preferred a more in-depth look at them.

At the very end of the book there is a delightful anecdote: the son of Bismarck fought the war in a cavalry division and was wounded at Gravelotte. Bismarck went to visit him at a French farm which was used as a field hospital. Bismarck found that his son and the other wounded were pretty hungry and little food was available. So he went to remonstrate with the doctor in charge of the hospital and asked why the chickens he could see from the window had not been used to feed the patients. When the doctor pointed out that these chickens were private property, Bismarck took out his wallet and offered to pay 10 francs for them. Then "I remembered I was a Prussian major general [Bismarck got the title in reward for his success in the 1866 war], so I put away my wallet and ordered the doctor to seize the chickens and feed them to the patients. And he obviously obeyed". Wawro comments that if Bismarck had not put away his wallet the history of Germany (and Europe) might have ended up differently. But then Bismarck would have been a very different person....



I'd actually agree with that, as much a joke as it might be. Given how many German troops French generals caused to die through bold deliberate action and how many German troops Steinmetz did…
By the same token also Bazaine might be accused to have played in the German camp, not so much for what he did but rather for what he did not (in particular for his inertia at Gravelotte and for his refusal to sortie from Metz during the build up toward Sedan). To his justification, Bazaine (who had commanded the French expeditionary corp in Mexico) had been (unjustly) chosen as scapegoat for the Mexican failure upon his return to France and in 1870 had been subordinated to Marshals with less seniority and better political clout: unsurprisingly he did not perform at his best.

True; the Spanish succession crisis will pop up on schedule but Prussia may not see it as such a perfect opportunity without Napoleon III's Mainz threat in 1866, which is the point beyond which an OTL-esque Franco-Prussian War became inevitable in my opinion. But that's only relevant if France is likely to greatly improve its army in the intervening time, which I think it probably isn't.

I'd say Bismarck might not see it as a perfect opportunity. Both the king and the Prince Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen were very much against the idea of a German prince in Spain. There is the legend (mostly created by Bismarck in his memoirs) that Bismarck had a master plan since the time he was ambassador in France in the 1850s. I would not go as far a saying that he made up things on the run, but there is a definite feeling that he was a very opportunistic politician.



I think not, largely for the reasons that LordKalvan said. If I may elaborate:

It wasn't a case of the French army being in the process of reform that was interrupted in the war, it was the case that the French leadership were genuinely convinced that the French army was the best in the world and needed no reform. They had reason to believe this; however poorly they had performed (by early-20th-century standards of national organisation, mobilisation et cetera) in wars such as Crimea and the North African and Italian conflicts, their opponents had done even worse. When Prussia demonstrated to the world that its army was vastly superior to that of Austria (France's traditional enemy at the time, and one that France viewed as far more dangerous than Prussia until the war proved the French wrong) the French couldn't conclude that it was the inherent nature of the Royal Prussian Army; they picked another explanation, namely the Prussian infantry weapon called the Dreyse needle gun, and consequently replaced their own infantry weapon (the French chassepot was better than the Prussian Dreyse needle gun) and concluded that their army was now better than the Prussian army… and were catastrophically wrong.
In addition, there were important political reasons why the existing system stood. Napoleonic mass conscription was unpopular at the time. The rich liked the existing system because they could get off scot-free; the poor liked it because most of them would get off scot-free, though a few unlucky souls wouldn't; and the French army liked it because it institutionally viewed itself as a professional organisation and held a great deal of disdain for conscripts. [/QUOTE]
As a matter of fact there were a couple of attempts to instigate reform in the army (Trochu is best known for his writings; Ardant du Picq - who died at Metz in 1870 - also wrote on the subject, although he's better known for his theory of "elan" which was published only after his death and resulted in horrible French losses during WW1). These few critics anyway never had a chance to change the established view. It is also quite likely that political issue were at stake. Napoleon III (who had gained his throne with a bloodless coup) was probably leer of allowing the formation of regional large army units (the equivalent of the Kreise system introduced by von Roon reforms in Prussia in 1862) and considered less risky to base the French army on regiments disseminated all over France but not integrated in larger units.


Prussian industrialisation was good enough to produce what they needed (most famously the Kruppstahl, the Prussian steel cannons made by Krupp) without problems, so far as I know; it wasn't a limiting factor on the Prussian war effort.

Determining the outcome of a war by comparing industrial capacity only works if the countries are fighting a total war, which is an objection I've raised many times to this kind of thinking. There's also, however, a more subtle objection; it only works if they're using their resources at similar efficiency. One of the most important logistical problems faced by the Second French Empire was that supplies were sent to places which didn't have the facilities to unload them, so vast amounts of supplies ended up just lying around, even when the war was over, while incredibly poorly equipped Frenchmen were fighting the German armies. The Second Empire's logistical situation was so horrendously poor that we can't realistically model it as using all the potential of the French nation. Add that to the overwhelming military advantages of the German coalition and the situation for France becomes untenable.
The point about total war is well made, and it works for the Prussians too. Certainly Prussia could not stay in the war forever and their biggest problem came out when Napoleon III was captured at Sedan (which Bismarck considered a calamity: he did not want to believe that the emperor would put himself in such a dangerous situation). If Napoleon III had decamped to Paris before Sedan, it would have been quite easy to arrange a negotiated peace. The capture of the emperor, followed by the collapse of the French government) put him in the unenviable situation to have to continue the war, to invest Paris and to send troops against the armies being raised by the new Provisional Government in southern France. Besides the inconvenience to keep such a large army in the field for a long time, the increasing expansion of the war theatre put a lot of stress on the Prussian logistics too. He tried any possible way to revive the corpse of the imperial government (also because he considered very dangerous to his conservative ways to have a republican France on the border), but Napoleon was a broken man, the empress and the prince imperial had decamped to England soon after Sedan and the government just dissolved.


There we run into the tricky business of how France is going to lose. France's army was bad. Austria's was worse.
French doctrine in 1859 was based on attack-in-column: shock bayonet attacks to break Austrian lines. It worked (even if the Austrians were better armed) because of the very poor training of Austrian troops, but all the same it was a blood-bath. In 1864 the Prussians, during the Schleswig-Holstein war) proved the effectiveness of loose order attacks, relying on firepower rather than shock tactics. The Austrians (that had also fought in the same war) appeared not to notice this change in tactics, and in 1866 applied the same shock tactics that had defeated them in 1859 (and were obviously trounced notwithstanding their superior artillery). The French took note of the surprising ease of Prussian victory in 1866 and came out with the new doctrine of strong points which would maximise the effectiveness of their chassepots; however since artillery had not been a decisive weapon in 1866 they failed to improve it and in 1870 still relied on smooth-bore bronze guns. The Prussians took note of their inferiority in artillery, and revised both their guns and the tactical doctrine to employ them (but failed to recognise the very fast development of infantry weapons which had made their needle guns decisively inferior to the French chassepots in just 4 years. Still better logistics, better artillery and better doctrine were enough to trounce the French). It looks the same old story: generals always fight the last war, not the next :rolleyes:


I'm afraid I highly doubt that a French-propped-up puppet monarch in the Americas (as Maximillian could only ever be, barring much earlier PoDs as is done in English Canuck's A History of the Great War) would have any influence over the thoughts of Napoleon III.
I doubt very much that the French could go on supporting Maximillian once the ACW was over and the USA started to make belligerant noises from the northern border: even if the USA limit themselves to just supplying Juarez with weapons it should be enough to make Maximillian's position untenable. The French will evacuate Mexico sooner or later (and the later it is the worse).
And please let's not come out with the old chestnut of Napoleon III declaring war on the USA :rolleyes:


But surely it does butterfly the 1870-1871 war. Given the various points we've been talking about throughout this thread, my assessment of the likely result of French intervention in that war is a humiliating Franco-Austrian defeat that leaves France in no shape to be interfering with Spanish succession crises four years later.
The battle of Konigsberg was just 3 weeks after the declaration of war. Given the shamble the French made of their mobilization in 1870 (with better railways) can anyone really believe that France could intervene in the war? Before the declaration of war, everyone thought that it would be a close call, but that the Austrians had the advantage: which is why that Napoleon III made some ouvertures to Bismarck, in the expectation of territorial compensations (at least Luxembourg) after the war. Obviously Napoleon was anticipating at least a protracted war, and was probably hoping that both Prussia and Austria would come out weakened . Equally obviously Bismarck welcomed the French ouverture and he would have made some promises (but certainly not in writing). The shock of Konigsberg (and of the string of quick Prussian victories) would have put any idea of intervening out of Nappy's mind.
In a way it's an exact replay of the Italian situation in 1859: Napoleon went to war with the aim to set up a north Italy kingdom under the Savoys and a central Italy kingdom under Prince Murat: both of this entities were anticipated to be French clients obviously. He woke up with a unified Italy on its border, and was lucky to get his piece of meat (Nice and Savoy). In 1866 he played the same game with Bismarck, looking for compensations and possibly some influence in southern Germany: he got neither of course, but then Bismarck was in a better position than Cavour was and did not need French troops.


Yes, it did. The Mainz threat had been in 1866, not long before 1870-1871, and in the environment of a victorious war (somehow), Emperor Napoleon III (who was not exactly a shining example of caution and intelligence in diplomatic affairs, to put it very mildly) might well push not just for the more modest annexations suggested in 1866 but for further annexations, with the more extreme suggestions being along the lines of those proposed by French nationalists (including, ironically, Thiers) suggesting that France annex all the land up to the Rhine… which would guarantee a future Franco-German war even more surely than the German annexation of Alsace-Lorraine did IOTL.
The "natural borders of France" including the west bank of the Rhein, Luxembourg and Flandres were always a French obsession, irrespective of the different regimes.
 
The defeat in the Franco-Prussian war was one of the worse moment in the french history.
Thethe third french republic wasn't a shining exemple of stability etheir. What with constant political crisis and revolving door government? Napoleon was maybe not the best in foreign affair bus his domestic policies weren't bad.

Did I speak of political stability? The defeat in 1870 forced reforms which were overdue (mass education, conscription, rebalancing the power between the cities and the countryside). All of this would not have been possible without the shock of 1870-71. Nappy's internal policies worked in the 1850s (relying on the country peasants - which were a majority at the time - and on the church), but by the second half of the 1860s they were working much less well. Emile Ollivier was notionally a liberal when he became prime minister but his policies became more and more conservative with the time passing. And when he had to resign his successor was count Palikao, an emanation of the mamelukes (the most conservative right in Parliament) and of the empress, another well known rabid conservative.
IMHO if there is no war in 1870, there will be a revolution coming soon (Paris is boiling and has been boiling for some time), in the best French habit of a revolution every 20 years or so (1830, 1848, 187?). The revolution may win or be suppressed: if they win the instability of the 3me republique will be much worse than OTL; if they loose there will be repression and stagnation.
I do not see how the 2nd empire can reform successfully without a shock.
 
Short answer: Impossible.

I must disagree. We now see the rise of Prussia as inevitable, but if you read the contemporary accounts of the war and the time leading up to it, it was a forgone conclusion that France would win. France was the foremost military power on the continent and had been for at least 200 years. It had taken all of Europe combined to defeat France only 55 years earlier. France had more than 50% more people, and Prussia was dealing with many newly acquired territories.

Prussia did win by having a better trained army, better leadership, and much much better artillery. There is no reason with a POD 8 years earlier the France couldn't have overcome these obstacles, and at least fought Prussia to a draw. A longer war would have been harder for Prussia, with a smaller economic base, to win.
 
Hmm, I hadn't considered that. Maybe an earlier ACW/later FPW?

It would have to be significantly earlier, so that it could be clearly over and the military reforms well in motion by 1859-1860, enough to prevent Napoleon III from committing political reform for the sake of continuing the military reform. But this is probably the best idea so far. It's still long out of the PoD range, yes, but I'll consider it.

Well if Prussia gets weakened too much they wouldn't try and start a war with France in the first place. They'd have to be strong enough to think that they'd win, but not strong enough to actually do so. Would post-APW hubris be plausible? It's not exactly unknown for armies to be lulled into a false sense of superiority by brilliant victories (cf. Prussia itself between Frederick the Great and the Napoleonic Wars), so a Prussia less strong than IOTL but still strong enough to bear the Austrians might overestimate its chances against the French.

Not necessarily. It was Bismarck who started the Franco-Prussian War (the Ems Dispatch was his work) and that depends on how much of a grasp of the military situation you think that Bismarck had.

Also, I look forward to reading your TL. :D

Thank you.

ETA: Maybe also if France does start some military reforms, even if only small ones to improve the supply system, this might make Prussia worry that whatever military advantage they have is in danger of slipping away, which might in turn lead them to try and start a war before that happens.

That was actually vaguely along the lines of the Prussian thinking IOTL, if I recall correctly; Moltke knew that Prussia had the military advantage at the moment and was impatient for war to happen while that was the case.

I would recommend "The Franco-Prussian War: The German Conquest of France in 1870-1871" by Geoffrey Wawro (ISBN-13: 978-0521617437 ISBN-10: 052161743X). You can get the Kindle version from Amazon for 14.36 $ if you don't find it in a library.
The book is very good from a military point of view and gives also a sharp inside in the internal politics of France and Prussia. The only criticism I could make is that the international relations are barely touched: I would have preferred a more in-depth look at them.

Thank you for the recommendation. I in turn would recommend Michael Howard's The Franco-Prussian War, published by Rupert Hart-Davis in London in 1968. It's rather dated, obviously, but it does go into a reasonable amount of depth on diplomatic efforts) in the last part, so that might interest you.

At the very end of the book there is a delightful anecdote: the son of Bismarck fought the war in a cavalry division and was wounded at Gravelotte. Bismarck went to visit him at a French farm which was used as a field hospital. Bismarck found that his son and the other wounded were pretty hungry and little food was available. So he went to remonstrate with the doctor in charge of the hospital and asked why the chickens he could see from the window had not been used to feed the patients. When the doctor pointed out that these chickens were private property, Bismarck took out his wallet and offered to pay 10 francs for them. Then "I remembered I was a Prussian major general [Bismarck got the title in reward for his success in the 1866 war], so I put away my wallet and ordered the doctor to seize the chickens and feed them to the patients. And he obviously obeyed". Wawro comments that if Bismarck had not put away his wallet the history of Germany (and Europe) might have ended up differently. But then Bismarck would have been a very different person....

That's interesting, and illustrative too, and rather sad. Perhaps the sort of person who might not have spent time at the peace negotiations lecturing French diplomats on the inherent instability and untrustworthiness of the French nation (yes, seriously).

He can also be blamed, due to his poor treatment of the Army and in particular of Moltke the Elder, for the mutual mistrust, disrespect and tendency to step on each other's toes of the Prussian (later German) military and civilian spheres… but that could be the topic of another thread.

By the same token also Bazaine might be accused to have played in the German camp, not so much for what he did but rather for what he did not (in particular for his inertia at Gravelotte and for his refusal to sortie from Metz during the build up toward Sedan). To his justification, Bazaine (who had commanded the French expeditionary corp in Mexico) had been (unjustly) chosen as scapegoat for the Mexican failure upon his return to France and in 1870 had been subordinated to Marshals with less seniority and better political clout: unsurprisingly he did not perform at his best.

There are quite a lot of French officers who might be thus accused, I think.

I'd say Bismarck might not see it as a perfect opportunity. Both the king and the Prince Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen were very much against the idea of a German prince in Spain. There is the legend (mostly created by Bismarck in his memoirs) that Bismarck had a master plan since the time he was ambassador in France in the 1850s. I would not go as far a saying that he made up things on the run, but there is a definite feeling that he was a very opportunistic politician.

Oh yes, I don't belong to the 'Bismarck-planned-out-everything' school of thought any more than I do to the 'Hitler-planned-out-everything' idea of the Second World War. Agreed on that much.

Perhaps I've been unclear, though; what I meant that Bismarck saw as an opportunity was the opportunity to start a war between France and Prussia at a time and in a manner such that all the other German states (except the Habsburgs) would be on Prussia's side and also at a time that Prussia had the military advantage. I didn't mean that Bismarck was eager to put Leopold on the Spanish throne.

As a matter of fact there were a couple of attempts to instigate reform in the army (Trochu is best known for his writings; Ardant du Picq - who died at Metz in 1870 - also wrote on the subject, although he's better known for his theory of "elan" which was published only after his death and resulted in horrible French losses during WW1). These few critics anyway never had a chance to change the established view.

I was aware of that, though Howard is rather dismissive of the idea that what was being proposed could have amounted to much even if its main proponent had survived.

It is also quite likely that political issue were at stake. Napoleon III (who had gained his throne with a bloodless coup) was probably leer of allowing the formation of regional large army units (the equivalent of the Kreise system introduced by von Roon reforms in Prussia in 1862) and considered less risky to base the French army on regiments disseminated all over France but not integrated in larger units.

That's interesting; I didn't know that. But yes, I suppose it makes a lot of sense that political reliability would be a major issue.

The point about total war is well made, and it works for the Prussians too. Certainly Prussia could not stay in the war forever and their biggest problem came out when Napoleon III was captured at Sedan (which Bismarck considered a calamity: he did not want to believe that the emperor would put himself in such a dangerous situation). If Napoleon III had decamped to Paris before Sedan, it would have been quite easy to arrange a negotiated peace. The capture of the emperor, followed by the collapse of the French government) put him in the unenviable situation to have to continue the war, to invest Paris and to send troops against the armies being raised by the new Provisional Government in southern France. Besides the inconvenience to keep such a large army in the field for a long time, the increasing expansion of the war theatre put a lot of stress on the Prussian logistics too.

Good point.

He tried any possible way to revive the corpse of the imperial government (also because he considered very dangerous to his conservative ways to have a republican France on the border), but Napoleon was a broken man, the empress and the prince imperial had decamped to England soon after Sedan and the government just dissolved.

This was actually closer-run than you might think; much of the problem was that Clément Duvernois, the Empress's representative, ended up having political problems with the French Bonapartist exiles and consequently arrived far later than he was expected to, and the Government of National Defence's delegates arrived earlier and eventually the Prussians decided not to wait any longer for the already-very-tardy Duvernois. If Duvernois had been swifter, an imperial restoration might have been preferred (though the Prussians might also have decided that it wouldn't be worth the effort given how expensive the war had already been).

French doctrine in 1859 was based on attack-in-column: shock bayonet attacks to break Austrian lines. It worked (even if the Austrians were better armed) because of the very poor training of Austrian troops, but all the same it was a blood-bath. In 1864 the Prussians, during the Schleswig-Holstein war) proved the effectiveness of loose order attacks, relying on firepower rather than shock tactics. The Austrians (that had also fought in the same war) appeared not to notice this change in tactics, and in 1866 applied the same shock tactics that had defeated them in 1859 (and were obviously trounced notwithstanding their superior artillery). The French took note of the surprising ease of Prussian victory in 1866 and came out with the new doctrine of strong points which would maximise the effectiveness of their chassepots; however since artillery had not been a decisive weapon in 1866 they failed to improve it and in 1870 still relied on smooth-bore bronze guns. The Prussians took note of their inferiority in artillery, and revised both their guns and the tactical doctrine to employ them (but failed to recognise the very fast development of infantry weapons which had made their needle guns decisively inferior to the French chassepots in just 4 years. Still better logistics, better artillery and better doctrine were enough to trounce the French). It looks the same old story: generals always fight the last war, not the next :rolleyes:

That's interesting. I know very little about that war.

I doubt very much that the French could go on supporting Maximillian once the ACW was over and the USA started to make belligerant noises from the northern border: even if the USA limit themselves to just supplying Juarez with weapons it should be enough to make Maximillian's position untenable. The French will evacuate Mexico sooner or later (and the later it is the worse).

Fair enough.

And please let's not come out with the old chestnut of Napoleon III declaring war on the USA :rolleyes:

The post-

The battle of Konigsberg was just 3 weeks after the declaration of war. Given the shamble the French made of their mobilization in 1870 (with better railways) can anyone really believe that France could intervene in the war?

By 'intervene' I mean 'declare war on Prussia while the Austro-Prussian War is still going on'. I don't mean to claim that French troops would be able to affect the outcome of the Austro-Prussian War (there's been another thread on this topic)—indeed, quite the opposite, that the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War would both be won by Prussia in an OTL-esque manner.

Before the declaration of war, everyone thought that it would be a close call, but that the Austrians had the advantage: which is why that Napoleon III made some ouvertures to Bismarck, in the expectation of territorial compensations (at least Luxembourg) after the war. Obviously Napoleon was anticipating at least a protracted war, and was probably hoping that both Prussia and Austria would come out weakened . Equally obviously Bismarck welcomed the French ouverture and he would have made some promises (but certainly not in writing). The shock of Konigsberg (and of the string of quick Prussian victories) would have put any idea of intervening out of Nappy's mind.
In a way it's an exact replay of the Italian situation in 1859: Napoleon went to war with the aim to set up a north Italy kingdom under the Savoys and a central Italy kingdom under Prince Murat: both of this entities were anticipated to be French clients obviously. He woke up with a unified Italy on its border, and was lucky to get his piece of meat (Nice and Savoy). In 1866 he played the same game with Bismarck, looking for compensations and possibly some influence in southern Germany: he got neither of course, but then Bismarck was in a better position than Cavour was and did not need French troops.

That's a good point; I knew of how France got Nice and Savoy but the parallel didn't occur to me. I suppose that would have impacted on Napoleon III's mind.

Nonetheless it wasn't an intelligent decision to ask for compensation after the war was effectively already won and the Prussian army had just proven itself so excellent, especially to a people so historically fond of French Bonapartist expansionism as the Germans.

The "natural borders of France" including the west bank of the Rhein, Luxembourg and Flandres were always a French obsession, irrespective of the different regimes.

A fair point, though some French regimes were more vigorous about pursuing them than others. The irony of Adolphe Thiers's role in this amuses me.

I must disagree. We now see the rise of Prussia as inevitable, but if you read the contemporary accounts of the war and the time leading up to it, it was a forgone conclusion that France would win. France was the foremost military power on the continent and had been for at least 200 years. It had taken all of Europe combined to defeat France only 55 years earlier. France had more than 50% more people, and Prussia was dealing with many newly acquired territories.

Prussia did win by having a better trained army, better leadership, and much much better artillery. There is no reason with a POD 8 years earlier the France couldn't have overcome these obstacles, and at least fought Prussia to a draw. A longer war would have been harder for Prussia, with a smaller economic base, to win.

So you've read the short answer. Did you read the long answer in that very same post, in which the short answer was justified? Or, for that matter, the rest of the thread?
 
Thank you for the recommendation. I in turn would recommend Michael Howard's The Franco-Prussian War, published by Rupert Hart-Davis in London in 1968. It's rather dated, obviously, but it does go into a reasonable amount of depth on diplomatic efforts) in the last part, so that might interest you.
Thanks for the suggestion. I'll make a note of it.


That's interesting, and illustrative too, and rather sad. Perhaps the sort of person who might not have spent time at the peace negotiations lecturing French diplomats on the inherent instability and untrustworthiness of the French nation (yes, seriously).

He can also be blamed, due to his poor treatment of the Army and in particular of Moltke the Elder, for the mutual mistrust, disrespect and tendency to step on each other's toes of the Prussian (later German) military and civilian spheres… but that could be the topic of another thread.
Considering his distrust (or better revulsion) for the republican form of government I'd say that Bismarck was almost moderate in his lecturing of French plenipotentiaries :D Out of the joke, he was under a lot of pressure at the time: the military aspect was not much of a worry, but the international situation was much more critical, and Prussia was starting to feel the pinch of keeping one million men under arms for such a long time. If Bismarck had not succeeded in hammering out a peace treaty in January 1871 it might have become ugly.
As far as his relations with von Moltke (which were very often tense to say the least), I have to side with Bismarck: von Moltke suffered of a selective blindness for anything which was not directly connected to war and was totally disinterested in the possible political fall out of his actions. I'm always been convinced of the opportunity of the primacy of politics on war, and if quite often militaries have to make bricks without straw that's life.


There are quite a lot of French officers who might be thus accused, I think.
True. Still it was reasonable to expect a more professional behaviour from a Bazaine.


Perhaps I've been unclear, though; what I meant that Bismarck saw as an opportunity was the opportunity to start a war between France and Prussia at a time and in a manner such that all the other German states (except the Habsburgs) would be on Prussia's side and also at a time that Prussia had the military advantage. I didn't mean that Bismarck was eager to put Leopold on the Spanish throne.
We're on the same page.


I was aware of that, though Howard is rather dismissive of the idea that what was being proposed could have amounted to much even if its main proponent had survived.
Because it would take a big shock to break the inertia and the complacency of the establishment. This is the reason I'm not really impressed by any POD which goes "Napoleon III saw the writing on the wall in 1858 (or any year one likes) and devoted all of his energies to a complete reform of the army"


That's interesting; I didn't know that. But yes, I suppose it makes a lot of sense that political reliability would be a major issue.
A self-crowned head never rests too easily :D


This was actually closer-run than you might think; much of the problem was that Clément Duvernois, the Empress's representative, ended up having political problems with the French Bonapartist exiles and consequently arrived far later than he was expected to, and the Government of National Defence's delegates arrived earlier and eventually the Prussians decided not to wait any longer for the already-very-tardy Duvernois. If Duvernois had been swifter, an imperial restoration might have been preferred (though the Prussians might also have decided that it wouldn't be worth the effort given how expensive the war had already been).
Interesting point. But the only army not raised by the Provisional Government was Bazaine's, holed up in Metz. Wawro says that Bazaine sent one of his more trusted officers to England (and the Prussian besiegers let him pass without even blinking) to talk with the Bonapartists in exile there. Nothing came out of this trip (and it's quite possible that Bazaine did not want anything to come out, since he had the unspoken dream to become the new strong man of France). I think that the cost to prop up a Bonapartist come-back would have been quite high


By 'intervene' I mean 'declare war on Prussia while the Austro-Prussian War is still going on'. I don't mean to claim that French troops would be able to affect the outcome of the Austro-Prussian War (there's been another thread on this topic)—indeed, quite the opposite, that the Austro-Prussian War and the Franco-Prussian War would both be won by Prussia in an OTL-esque manner.
Now it makes more sense. It would be an interesting timeline (but I'm afraid not a probable one: Louis Napoleon was not his uncle and quick decisive action was not in his persona).


That's a good point; I knew of how France got Nice and Savoy but the parallel didn't occur to me. I suppose that would have impacted on Napoleon III's mind.

Nonetheless it wasn't an intelligent decision to ask for compensation after the war was effectively already won and the Prussian army had just proven itself so excellent, especially to a people so historically fond of French Bonapartist expansionism as the Germans.
As Wawro tells it, Bismarck might have made some kind of very vague promise before the war (without writing anything which could be read as committing on his side). It is quite possible that Nappy was somehow under Bismarck's spell (same as he had been under Cavour's spell in the late 1850s) and he heard what he wanted to hear.
It is quite ironic that the nephew of the first Napoleon was instrumental (in a roundabout and certainly unplanned way) in the unification of both Italy and Germany and lost his throne in the bargain.


A fair point, though some French regimes were more vigorous about pursuing them than others. The irony of Adolphe Thiers's role in this amuses me.
Thiers was a liberal but with conservative leanings and was never shy in his foreign interventism. He certainly was not a Bonapartist nor a Legitimist but when war with Prussia broke out he was not against it. He changed his mind pretty quickly, but still...
 
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