Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Romanorum- Ottonians in Constantinople

4. Leviticus 26:7
Nilus the Deacon’s Epitome Historiarum- The Conquest of Sicily


Wise men say that forcefulness is appropriate in rhetoric, fanciful imagination in poetry and truth in history. Therefore, I have decided to omit the events of the conquest of Bulgaria by Basil, as this has been adequately covered by others. I will now set down in writing those events which I saw with my own eyes (for eyes are more trustworthy than ears, says Herodotus) and those which I discerned from others. In September of the year 6525, Otto the autokrator strategos of Langobardia, distinguished among the magistroi and husband of the Kaisarissa Zoe, an active and energetic man, good at warfare and irresistibly strong, resolved to put an end to the boundless insolence of the Sicilian Arabs- for they had murderous intent towards the Romans and plundered the shores of her empire on a large scale

On the whole, he was a good man, filled with all noble virtues, of pleasing countenance and distinguished in appearance- he rarely spoke, but for with his homo-ethnoi, and though his utterances in the Roman tongue were few, his actions showed how he surpassed and excelled his barbarian birth. He was exceedingly pious and filled the great offices of state in Langobardia with men of the church, for they were held to be more loyal and devoted to the cause of harmony than the Langobards. He was a great disciple of Holy Nilus, who died in Romania ten years prior to these events and was responsible for mollifying the magistros’ harsh heart, inspiring a spirit of clemency towards his enemies. Nevertheless, the spirit of the father shines forth from the son, and the magistros fought within himself to tame his ancestral arrogance through his submission to his Emperor and to his life giving God.

Accordingly, Otto, on the order of the emperor, mustered the armies of Langobardia and Alamania (for he also held the rule of this nation) and gathered them on ships of the Venetoi and Pisanoi to succour and aid his Romans. Then indeed he revealed the experience he had in military affairs- he had brought ramps with him, using which he transferred the whole army from the sea onto dry land, fully armed and mounted. The barbarians were astonished at this strange and novel sight, but maintained close formation, to await the Roman assault.

Trumpets were sounded and the standard of the cross raised and a terrible battle broke out, where arrows poured down like hail. The Sicilians could not long endure the Roman spear thrusts, but turned their backs, broke ranks and ran back as fast as they could to the fortress of Panormos. The Romans pursued them and wrought unspeakable slaughter- thus the initial attacks proved favourable for the Romans.

When, as I have said, the Sicilians had shut themselves up, the general summoned his troops and pitched camp. The idea occurred to him of making a circuit of the town, so he might attack it wherever vulnerable- however he found that it was by nature very difficult to assault. When he had ascertained the impregnability of the walls, he entrusted a cohort of picked men to the general Chono, who at this time was the strategos of the Carantanian theme and had taken part in many wars. He was sent out to raid and reconnoitre the island. Otto gave the general one instruction- to remain vigilant and sober, lest the enemy do them irreparable damage.

Men's good fortune, however, does not remain forever unmixed, but is mingled with adversity. Misfortunes follow upon good fortunes, and sorrows upon pleasures, and do not allow one to enjoy in a pure manner the prosperity bestowed upon him.

This is indeed what then befell the Mixo-Romans under Chono. For when they advanced into the countryside, and found every sort of delicacy (for the land is fertile, and generally bears heavy crops of all varieties of seasonable produce and juicy fruits, and is abundant in cattle and sheep) they should have observed the warnings of their general, as was fitting, but, disregarding them and dismissing them from their mind, they indulged in indolence and luxury. The barbarians, lurking in very advantageous positions in dense mountain thickets, saw the Romans' lack of discipline and precautions. So they emerged from the thickets and clefts, drew up their ranks into a disciplined unit and compact formation, and attacked them. Although the Romans, in their intoxicated condition, were somewhat tipsy and unsteady on their feet, still they moved to meet the barbarians and resisted strongly. But just as the general Chono was fighting stoutly and cutting down the barbarian ranks, the horse that he was riding was struck in the chest by arrows and small spears, collapsed to the ground, and died. Chono, however, quickly leapt from the horse, and was able to ward off his attackers with his sword for some time, killing many of the barbarians. But after he lost a lot of blood and was stricken by many arrows, he fainted and collapsed on the battlefield. When he fell, the Romans turned to flight, and were slaughtered by the barbarians like cattle, so that only a very few men from the aforementioned cohort returned safe to camp. Meanwhile, the barbarians proved their innate cruelty and ferocity by heading straight to the ships of the Romans and setting fire to a great many, making it impossible for the Romans to retreat.

When Otto learned of these disasters, he greatly criticised the fallen men for their folly and negligence. Moreover, since he still feared the reversals and mutability of fortune, he was unwilling to remain camped outside Panormos, where the descendants of the maidservant Hagar might slowly scratch at the Roman force and thereby diminish their strength, and further he lamented greatly the lack of siege engines in his army, as the Langobards are not as experienced in these matters as the Romans. Therefore, abandoning Panormos to the Hagarenes, he marched his army eastwards to Catana and Syracuse, where the Roman people were awaiting deliverance. Here camp was pitched once again and while the city resisted, Roman government was established through the countryside, so that the army could remain focused entirely and completely on the capitulation of the city walls. As the siege of Syracuse drew on through the summer, the city was increasingly delivered to famine and the condition of the Hagarenes worsened. The general was a shrewd man, possessed of Christian charity and mercy, and knew that if the Sicilians were not given hope of escape, they would resist all the more fiercely. Therefore, he announced to the Sicilians one week of amnesty, where their ships would be allowed to depart from the harbour in peace. As soon as this offer was made, a great flood of ships emerged from the city as the Sicilians fled westwards to Panormos- here too their barbaric greed became manifest, as many of the ships were filled with the gold and coin which they had plundered from the Christians of Italy, and to make space in the ships they cut down not just the poor and the orphans, but even their grandmothers. The remainder of the city opened their gates to the Romans and the churches of the city were restored and reconsecrated.


Meanwhile, Basil had completed his conquest of Bulgaria and had been entreated by the magistros Otto to join his army in Sicily, so that the expertise of Roman engines and commanders experienced in fighting the Hagarenes might swiftly bring an end to their depredations. Making Syracuse his base of operations, Basil soon took control of the other cities and reached Panormos in the summer after he arrived in Sicily. Here strife arose, as the magistros and general Otto, having opened the greater part of the island to the Roman army, and through his marriage to the Kaisarissa Zoe, clamoured daily for acclamation as Kaisar and the right to hold a triumph in Constantinople. When camp was pitched once more outside the walls of Panormos, it became a second Troy, and the slighted, swift footed Otto retreated with his barbarians to the beach, refusing to fight until he was honoured with the axis of the Roman power.

The defenders of Panormos, having confidence in the fortifications of the place, which was a strong one, were quite unwilling to yield to Basil and ordered him to lead his army away from there with all speed. he spent the winter there, keeping his army in military training, and had siege machines constructed. When every- thing had proceeded according to his plans, just as spring was softly emerging from the winter season, he equipped his army with weapons and organized it into a deep formation. Now the battle broke out fiercely, and the Sicilians resisted for some time, fighting bravely from the walls, and wound- ing many of the Romans. When the general realized this, he had the artillery engines quickly moved up, and gave the order to hurl stones at the barbarians. He also had the siege engine brought near the walls. When the stone-throwing machines began to hurl heavy rocks incessantly, the barbarians were easily checked. And after the ram was dashed against the walls and was battering them mightily, two towers together with the intervening section of wall suddenly broke off, sank down, slipped slightly, and collapsed to the ground.

Here, Otto proved unable to control the murderous impulses of his army and they rushed to join the Romans, for fear that they would be deprived of the spoils of the city. Seeing his forces aid the Roman efforts, Otto returned to the proper spirit of humility befitting a magistros of the Roman empire and submitted once more to his lord.

The Sicilians were astonished at the novel spectacle, and stopped fighting for a while, stupefied by this extraordinary event. But then, after reflecting on the danger of captivity and enslavement, they assembled in an unbroken formation, and stood ready to intercept bravely the Roman army, which was entering through the breach in the walls, and, since their lives were at risk, they fought like demons. After many of them were killed, and they could no longer withstand such an irresistible onslaught (for the troops pressed heavily upon them from behind, and the shoving was overwhelming), they turned to flight, withdrawing through the narrow streets, as the Romans pursued and slaughtered them mercilessly.

After the city was taken by force, the Emperor separated off the first spoils, placed in bondage the pick of the prisoners, and set them aside, saving them especially for the triumph he was going to lead; then he handed over everything else to the soldiers as plunder. So they went through the houses and were rewarded with abundant and valuable booty. For it is said that the city of the Sicilians contained great and inexhaustible wealth, since it had been very prosperous for a long time, had enjoyed good and kindly fortune, and had not suffered any of the abominations, such as disasters, that the vicissitudes of time usually bring about. By making use especially of the expeditions of pirates and corsairs, it had plundered the shores of all lands, and had stored away untold wealth as a result of such pursuits. Their purses had been further swollen by those that had fled from Syracuse and the other cities- in vain had they postponed their death, which comes to all mortal men.


Then the emperor pacified the entire island and settled it with bands of Bulgarians, Langobards, Sards, Romans and other rabble. On his way back to Constantinople, he sailed to Barion, where he met with the Kaisarissa Zoe and her three sons- Constantinos who is called Otto, who was the eldest and at this time beginning to show his first traces of manhood at the age of sixteen; Stephanos who is called Enrikios who was in the flower of his boyhood at thirteen; and Basilios who is called Bruno, who had only recently emerged from his mothers skirts. He also met Zoe’s daughter Helena, who is the delight of Italy and most skilled in the Roman tongue. Constantinos the eldest was most beloved of his father and in his eyes was a pride that flashed purple- he had been most eager to plunge into the mists of war and win undying fame through participating in the deliverance of Sicily to the Roman domination. His father Otto, having lost his own father to disaster in Sicily, though eager to avenge this defeat by winning Sicily himself, was in no ways willing to risk the future of Langobardia, and instead sent Constantinos north to Alamania and the city of Magontia, where he was entrusted the regency of the Germans. There he won the respect of the great nobles through his persistence in pursuing justice, and in every quarrel brought before him his great hunger for truth and fair settlement.

Stephanos, the younger, was also of pleasing countenance and the favourite of his mother- she had not allowed him to be parted from her throughout his childhood, and he had grown up in the halls of the Lateran palace, where is located the holy helm of the universal church and the synod of all the west. From his youth his education had been supervised by the hierarch Leo, bishop of Rome, and he had learnt to excel in the skill of rhetoric in Greek and Latin. As a boy, he had sung with the choir in the school of singers, which is called the Schola Cantorum in Latin. From his father, he inherited his great piety and devotion to the saints, and from his mother he inherited his eloquence and bearing.
Impressed by the innate courage and energy of the boys, and in recognition of their birth, the Emperor resolved to present them to their grandfather Constantine and the senate in Constantinople, to discern whether either of the boys would surpass their barbarian father and attain the axis of the Romans.
 
Nilus the Deacon’s Epitome Historiarum- The Conquest of Sicily


Wise men say that forcefulness is appropriate in rhetoric, fanciful imagination in poetry and truth in history. Therefore, I have decided to omit the events of the conquest of Bulgaria by Basil, as this has been adequately covered by others. I will now set down in writing those events which I saw with my own eyes (for eyes are more trustworthy than ears, says Herodotus) and those which I discerned from others. In September of the year 6525, Otto the autokrator strategos of Langobardia, distinguished among the magistroi and husband of the Kaisarissa Zoe, an active and energetic man, good at warfare and irresistibly strong, resolved to put an end to the boundless insolence of the Sicilian Arabs- for they had murderous intent towards the Romans and plundered the shores of her empire on a large scale

On the whole, he was a good man, filled with all noble virtues, of pleasing countenance and distinguished in appearance- he rarely spoke, but for with his homo-ethnoi, and though his utterances in the Roman tongue were few, his actions showed how he surpassed and excelled his barbarian birth. He was exceedingly pious and filled the great offices of state in Langobardia with men of the church, for they were held to be more loyal and devoted to the cause of harmony than the Langobards. He was a great disciple of Holy Nilus, who died in Romania ten years prior to these events and was responsible for mollifying the magistros’ harsh heart, inspiring a spirit of clemency towards his enemies. Nevertheless, the spirit of the father shines forth from the son, and the magistros fought within himself to tame his ancestral arrogance through his submission to his Emperor and to his life giving God.

Accordingly, Otto, on the order of the emperor, mustered the armies of Langobardia and Alamania (for he also held the rule of this nation) and gathered them on ships of the Venetoi and Pisanoi to succour and aid his Romans. Then indeed he revealed the experience he had in military affairs- he had brought ramps with him, using which he transferred the whole army from the sea onto dry land, fully armed and mounted. The barbarians were astonished at this strange and novel sight, but maintained close formation, to await the Roman assault.

Trumpets were sounded and the standard of the cross raised and a terrible battle broke out, where arrows poured down like hail. The Sicilians could not long endure the Roman spear thrusts, but turned their backs, broke ranks and ran back as fast as they could to the fortress of Panormos. The Romans pursued them and wrought unspeakable slaughter- thus the initial attacks proved favourable for the Romans.

When, as I have said, the Sicilians had shut themselves up, the general summoned his troops and pitched camp. The idea occurred to him of making a circuit of the town, so he might attack it wherever vulnerable- however he found that it was by nature very difficult to assault. When he had ascertained the impregnability of the walls, he entrusted a cohort of picked men to the general Chono, who at this time was the strategos of the Carantanian theme and had taken part in many wars. He was sent out to raid and reconnoitre the island. Otto gave the general one instruction- to remain vigilant and sober, lest the enemy do them irreparable damage.

Men's good fortune, however, does not remain forever unmixed, but is mingled with adversity. Misfortunes follow upon good fortunes, and sorrows upon pleasures, and do not allow one to enjoy in a pure manner the prosperity bestowed upon him.

This is indeed what then befell the Mixo-Romans under Chono. For when they advanced into the countryside, and found every sort of delicacy (for the land is fertile, and generally bears heavy crops of all varieties of seasonable produce and juicy fruits, and is abundant in cattle and sheep) they should have observed the warnings of their general, as was fitting, but, disregarding them and dismissing them from their mind, they indulged in indolence and luxury. The barbarians, lurking in very advantageous positions in dense mountain thickets, saw the Romans' lack of discipline and precautions. So they emerged from the thickets and clefts, drew up their ranks into a disciplined unit and compact formation, and attacked them. Although the Romans, in their intoxicated condition, were somewhat tipsy and unsteady on their feet, still they moved to meet the barbarians and resisted strongly. But just as the general Chono was fighting stoutly and cutting down the barbarian ranks, the horse that he was riding was struck in the chest by arrows and small spears, collapsed to the ground, and died. Chono, however, quickly leapt from the horse, and was able to ward off his attackers with his sword for some time, killing many of the barbarians. But after he lost a lot of blood and was stricken by many arrows, he fainted and collapsed on the battlefield. When he fell, the Romans turned to flight, and were slaughtered by the barbarians like cattle, so that only a very few men from the aforementioned cohort returned safe to camp. Meanwhile, the barbarians proved their innate cruelty and ferocity by heading straight to the ships of the Romans and setting fire to a great many, making it impossible for the Romans to retreat.

When Otto learned of these disasters, he greatly criticised the fallen men for their folly and negligence. Moreover, since he still feared the reversals and mutability of fortune, he was unwilling to remain camped outside Panormos, where the descendants of the maidservant Hagar might slowly scratch at the Roman force and thereby diminish their strength, and further he lamented greatly the lack of siege engines in his army, as the Langobards are not as experienced in these matters as the Romans. Therefore, abandoning Panormos to the Hagarenes, he marched his army eastwards to Catana and Syracuse, where the Roman people were awaiting deliverance. Here camp was pitched once again and while the city resisted, Roman government was established through the countryside, so that the army could remain focused entirely and completely on the capitulation of the city walls. As the siege of Syracuse drew on through the summer, the city was increasingly delivered to famine and the condition of the Hagarenes worsened. The general was a shrewd man, possessed of Christian charity and mercy, and knew that if the Sicilians were not given hope of escape, they would resist all the more fiercely. Therefore, he announced to the Sicilians one week of amnesty, where their ships would be allowed to depart from the harbour in peace. As soon as this offer was made, a great flood of ships emerged from the city as the Sicilians fled westwards to Panormos- here too their barbaric greed became manifest, as many of the ships were filled with the gold and coin which they had plundered from the Christians of Italy, and to make space in the ships they cut down not just the poor and the orphans, but even their grandmothers. The remainder of the city opened their gates to the Romans and the churches of the city were restored and reconsecrated.


Meanwhile, Basil had completed his conquest of Bulgaria and had been entreated by the magistros Otto to join his army in Sicily, so that the expertise of Roman engines and commanders experienced in fighting the Hagarenes might swiftly bring an end to their depredations. Making Syracuse his base of operations, Basil soon took control of the other cities and reached Panormos in the summer after he arrived in Sicily. Here strife arose, as the magistros and general Otto, having opened the greater part of the island to the Roman army, and through his marriage to the Kaisarissa Zoe, clamoured daily for acclamation as Kaisar and the right to hold a triumph in Constantinople. When camp was pitched once more outside the walls of Panormos, it became a second Troy, and the slighted, swift footed Otto retreated with his barbarians to the beach, refusing to fight until he was honoured with the axis of the Roman power.

The defenders of Panormos, having confidence in the fortifications of the place, which was a strong one, were quite unwilling to yield to Basil and ordered him to lead his army away from there with all speed. he spent the winter there, keeping his army in military training, and had siege machines constructed. When every- thing had proceeded according to his plans, just as spring was softly emerging from the winter season, he equipped his army with weapons and organized it into a deep formation. Now the battle broke out fiercely, and the Sicilians resisted for some time, fighting bravely from the walls, and wound- ing many of the Romans. When the general realized this, he had the artillery engines quickly moved up, and gave the order to hurl stones at the barbarians. He also had the siege engine brought near the walls. When the stone-throwing machines began to hurl heavy rocks incessantly, the barbarians were easily checked. And after the ram was dashed against the walls and was battering them mightily, two towers together with the intervening section of wall suddenly broke off, sank down, slipped slightly, and collapsed to the ground.

Here, Otto proved unable to control the murderous impulses of his army and they rushed to join the Romans, for fear that they would be deprived of the spoils of the city. Seeing his forces aid the Roman efforts, Otto returned to the proper spirit of humility befitting a magistros of the Roman empire and submitted once more to his lord.

The Sicilians were astonished at the novel spectacle, and stopped fighting for a while, stupefied by this extraordinary event. But then, after reflecting on the danger of captivity and enslavement, they assembled in an unbroken formation, and stood ready to intercept bravely the Roman army, which was entering through the breach in the walls, and, since their lives were at risk, they fought like demons. After many of them were killed, and they could no longer withstand such an irresistible onslaught (for the troops pressed heavily upon them from behind, and the shoving was overwhelming), they turned to flight, withdrawing through the narrow streets, as the Romans pursued and slaughtered them mercilessly.

After the city was taken by force, the Emperor separated off the first spoils, placed in bondage the pick of the prisoners, and set them aside, saving them especially for the triumph he was going to lead; then he handed over everything else to the soldiers as plunder. So they went through the houses and were rewarded with abundant and valuable booty. For it is said that the city of the Sicilians contained great and inexhaustible wealth, since it had been very prosperous for a long time, had enjoyed good and kindly fortune, and had not suffered any of the abominations, such as disasters, that the vicissitudes of time usually bring about. By making use especially of the expeditions of pirates and corsairs, it had plundered the shores of all lands, and had stored away untold wealth as a result of such pursuits. Their purses had been further swollen by those that had fled from Syracuse and the other cities- in vain had they postponed their death, which comes to all mortal men.


Then the emperor pacified the entire island and settled it with bands of Bulgarians, Langobards, Sards, Romans and other rabble. On his way back to Constantinople, he sailed to Barion, where he met with the Kaisarissa Zoe and her three sons- Constantinos who is called Otto, who was the eldest and at this time beginning to show his first traces of manhood at the age of sixteen; Stephanos who is called Enrikios who was in the flower of his boyhood at thirteen; and Basilios who is called Bruno, who had only recently emerged from his mothers skirts. He also met Zoe’s daughter Helena, who is the delight of Italy and most skilled in the Roman tongue. Constantinos the eldest was most beloved of his father and in his eyes was a pride that flashed purple- he had been most eager to plunge into the mists of war and win undying fame through participating in the deliverance of Sicily to the Roman domination. His father Otto, having lost his own father to disaster in Sicily, though eager to avenge this defeat by winning Sicily himself, was in no ways willing to risk the future of Langobardia, and instead sent Constantinos north to Alamania and the city of Magontia, where he was entrusted the regency of the Germans. There he won the respect of the great nobles through his persistence in pursuing justice, and in every quarrel brought before him his great hunger for truth and fair settlement.

Stephanos, the younger, was also of pleasing countenance and the favourite of his mother- she had not allowed him to be parted from her throughout his childhood, and he had grown up in the halls of the Lateran palace, where is located the holy helm of the universal church and the synod of all the west. From his youth his education had been supervised by the hierarch Leo, bishop of Rome, and he had learnt to excel in the skill of rhetoric in Greek and Latin. As a boy, he had sung with the choir in the school of singers, which is called the Schola Cantorum in Latin. From his father, he inherited his great piety and devotion to the saints, and from his mother he inherited his eloquence and bearing.
Impressed by the innate courage and energy of the boys, and in recognition of their birth, the Emperor resolved to present them to their grandfather Constantine and the senate in Constantinople, to discern whether either of the boys would surpass their barbarian father and attain the axis of the Romans.

Ooh what do my eyes see, a chronicle written by a Rhomanois historian of the reconquest of Sicily by the magister militum Otto of the Lombards and Saxons (did you think that a chronicler faithful to the imperial ideology of Constantinople, did not describe our Otto, if not in this way 😂😅 that is, his wife is recognized without problems as empress, he only magister militum, ah the irony of the thing, don't worry Otto you will surely have your personal triumph in the Urbe ) also it seems that the Basileus met in person, said magister (who has the arrogance of calling himself Caesar by the Patriarch of Rome) the part about the young Ottonian scions was very nice (the part about Helen was funny) , so one between Constantinos and Stephanos will probably be chosen to succeed his uncle and grandfather to the throne of Constantinople, which is very intriguing
 
I confess- I'm currently busy with med school exams and also can't really write battles, as I don't have military experience myself. Much of this instalment is a reworking of Leo the Deacon's history, where he recounts Nikephoros Phokas' conquest of Crete. I reasoned that a conquest of Sicily is essentially the same dynamic, with a Roman force conquering an island emirate, and in any case Leo the Deacon quotes extensively from Procopius and Herodotus- both authors which I can't quote extensively- but I hope means my plagiarism isn't creatively bankrupt.

Here I wanted to give a Byzantine account on Otto and so we have Nilus the deacon- his name is meant to imply a connection with St Nilus of Rossano, a Greco-Italian hermit who introduced Byzantine monastic traditions and the rule of St Basil to Ottoman Rome. Note that this greek author writing for a greek audience never calls Otto Caesar- instead the official titles he has are Magistros and Strategos Autokrator- both titles of high military officials. Zoe is the one who has a higher title as the Kaisarissa, and later when talking about their sons, they are described as sons of Zoe rather than of Otto.

The conquest of Crete otl differs from this description of the conquest of Sicily in that while Nikephoros is able to have siege engines built with his own engineers and is able to seize Chandax over one winters siege, Otto's army is presented as less technically competent and he is forced to give up the siege of Palermo. The region around Palermo was historically the most Islamised and arabised, probably considerably more so than Crete half a century earlier, making a siege harder as well. Therefore, Otto retires to the eastern half of the island, which was largely Greek speaking and Christian, and here is able to successfully siege Syracuse. Nevertheless, he has to wait for the Real Romans of Basil II to arrive before Palermo becomes attainable.

Nevertheless, Otto is described as leading a Roman force- in all likelihood it does include the tagmata from the ex- Catepanate of Italy, despite the majority of its numbers being made of Lombards and Germans. However, in as much as this is a campaign on behalf of Basil II, this is a Roman force.

Side note- as Greek regains its place in the island of Sicily, instead of Panormos becoming the standard term for the city again, I see folk etymology turning arabic Balarm into Palaiormos. Instead of the "wide harbour" the city becomes the "old harbour"- but that won't be reflected in the classicising tone of official documents so idk if it'll be in the story.

Also note how for the Byzantine audience, Otto is at this point primarily seen as king of the Lombards. The strategos of Carantania mentioned here is otl Conrad I- Chono is a nickname for Conrad which appears in pretty free alternation with Conrad in many medieval sources, in the same way Hezilo refers to Henry. OTL he was dead by the time the events described here are happening, but it was an early death and has been butterflied- or actually delayed, as he dies in Sicily now.

These are the three surviving sons of Otto and Zoe, and these are all the surviving sons they will have. I've given quick introductions on the older two at the moment, and there may be hints here about my plans for them. Bruno remains a wildcard.
 
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I confess- I'm currently busy with med school exams and also can't really write battles, as I don't have military experience myself. Much of this instalment is a reworking of Leo the Deacon's history, where he recounts Nikephoros Phokas' conquest of Crete. I reasoned that a conquest of Sicily is essentially the same dynamic, with a Roman force conquering an island emirate, and in any case Leo the Deacon quotes extensively from Procopius and Herodotus- both authors which I can't quote extensively- but I hope means my plagiarism isn't creatively bankrupt.

Here I wanted to give a Byzantine account on Otto and so we have Nilus the deacon- his name is meant to imply a connection with St Nilus of Rossano, a Greco-Italian hermit who introduced Byzantine monastic traditions and the rule of St Basil to Ottoman Rome. Note that this greek author writing for a greek audience never calls Otto Caesar- instead the official titles he has are Magistros and Strategos Autokrator- both titles of high military officials. Zoe is the one who has a higher title as the Kaisarissa, and later when talking about their sons, they are described as sons of Zoe rather than of Otto.

The conquest of Crete otl differs from this description of the conquest of Sicily in that while Nikephoros is able to have siege engines built with his own engineers and is able to seize Chandax over one winters siege, Otto's army is presented as less technically competent and he is forced to give up the siege of Palermo. The region around Palermo was historically the most Islamised and arabised, probably considerably more so than Crete half a century earlier, making a siege harder as well. Therefore, Otto retires to the eastern half of the island, which was largely Greek speaking and Christian, and here is able to successfully siege Syracuse. Nevertheless, he has to wait for the Real Romans of Basil II to arrive before Palermo becomes attainable.

Nevertheless, Otto is described as leading a Roman force- in all likelihood it does include the tagmata from the ex- Catepanate of Italy, despite the majority of its numbers being made of Lombards and Germans. However, in as much as this is a campaign on behalf of Basil II, this is a Roman force.

Side note- as Greek regains its place in the island of Sicily, instead of Panormos becoming the standard term for the city again, I see folk etymology turning arabic Balarm into Palaiormos. Instead of the "wide harbour" the city becomes the "old harbour"- but that won't be reflected in the classicising tone of official documents so idk if it'll be in the story.

Also note how for the Byzantine audience, Otto is at this point primarily seen as king of the Lombards. The strategos of Carantania mentioned here is otl Conrad I- Chono is a nickname for Conrad which appears in pretty free alternation with Conrad in many medieval sources, in the same way Hezilo refers to Henry. OTL he was dead by the time the events described here are happening, but it was an early death and has been butterflied.

These are the three surviving sons of Otto and Zoe, and these are all the surviving sons they will have. I've given quick introductions on the older two at the moment, and there may be hints here about my plans for them. Bruno remains a wildcard.
I wish I could write this well.
 
I really appreciate the compliment- and I pass it on in its entirety to Leo the Deacon and his English language translators!
Appreciated :)

Seriously though - my first timeline was written in a similar style and I burned out pretty quickly. But luckily I found a new style and have managed to get by with it.
 
5. Matthew 16:18
Liber Pontificalis

CXLIII- Sylvester II, known as Gerbertus or Musicus, by nation an Aquitanian, from the monastery of St Gerald, first in Remoi, then archbishop of Ravenna and elevated to the papal seat until 1006. He was dedicated to secular literature and therefore much beloved of Otto III.

CXLIV- Benedictus VIII, otherwise known as Tagino, by nation a Bavarian. He commended himself to the Roman people through service as Chaplain to Otto III. Presided over the Roman church until 1011 and began the Permanent Synod.

CXLV- Leo IX, by nation a Saxon, archdeacon of the cathedral of Hildesia and then bishop of Vercellae, where he served the emperor as Logotheta Genici. As pope, he worked for the freedom of the Roman church and laboured for this cause until 1029.


In Nomine Domini
"Your Beatitude knows, most beloved Brother (Cardinals), and Co-Bishops, and it is also not hidden to inferior members (of the clergy), that with the passing of Our predecessor, the divine Benedict, of good memory, how many adversities this Apostolic See, which I serve with God as my author, has born, and how many repeated hammers, and frequent blows, She has been subjected to through the brokers of simonaical heresy: so much, indeed, that the Column of the living God almost seemed to totter, and the net of the Fisherman, with the storms having swelled, would be driven into the depths of shipwreck to be submerged, wherefore if it please thy Brotherhood, We ought, with the God assisting, take care prudently that future cases do not occur, and this by Ecclesiastical statute, lest recurring — far be it — the evils prevail."​

Thus reads the preface to the Papal Bull In Nomine Domini, promulgated in 1022 by Leo IX.

While bishops were themselves powerful individuals, often coming from well connected families of lay lords, the death of a bishop and especially an archbishop, represented a moment of flux for their diocese, where lay lords could and often did take advantage of the temporary weakness of the local church to install their own candidates. Although it had already become standard practice for metropolitan archbishops to travel to Rome and receive the pallium as a symbol of their authority over their suffragan bishops in that city, this only served to confirm those individuals already elected, whether canonically or through simony. Though it would serve to standardise the election of bishops, the real push for In Nomine Domini came from centralising secular initiatives.

As Otto III spent much of his reign south of the Alps, he was unable to take advantage of all the opportunities which arose in Germany to reward his chaplains with election in important bishoprics. Matters came to a head in 1015, when the death of the archbishop of Byzantium-in-Burgundy resulted in the accession of a candidate favoured by Otto-William, the duke of Burgundy. The emperor had aided Otto-William, previously the count of Burgundy, Macon and Nevers and the son of the last non-Ottonian king of Italy in securing the inheritance of the Duchy of Burgundy, which lay in the kingdom of West Francia, against the rival claim of King Robert II, in campaigns in 1003 and 1012. Nevertheless, Otto-William was not at this time a vassal of Otto, and so in return for his aid, he had promised that he would back the Emperor’s candidate for the bishopric and later to do homage to Duke Henry III of Bavaria, who was the nephew of Rudolph III of Burgundy and currently acknowledged as his heir.

At the time of Archbishop Hektor’s death in 1015, the Emperor was aiding the enforcement of Roman taxes in Naples in his capacity as Doux of Lombardy ahead of his Sicilian campaigns. The acceptance of Archbishop Guy II as metropolitan in Byzantium and rejection of the Emperor’s candidate, an Abbott Walter, was a precursor to greater military agitation by Otto-William, who attempted in 1016 to expand his territories further at the expense of Robert, count of Geneva and the Bishops of Lyon. After defeating an imperial army led by Archbishop Poppo of Mainz sent on behalf of the regent of East Francia, the 13 year old Otto IV Constantine, Otto-William declared open revolt and marched south, hoping to claim recognition as heir from Rudolph III. The emperor as well as Duke Henry of Bavaria found themselves unable to respond to Otto-Williams challenge, and potential usurpation of the Kingdom of Burgundy as they were engaged in the conquest of Sicily until the autumn of 1019.

Upon Otto’s return from Sicily, he took the veterans of that campaign straight to confront the rebellious duke, and in 1020 the two Otto’s were reconciled without battle through the intervention of Abbess Sophia of Gandersheim, the Emperor’s sister. Otto-William was forced to give up all his recent conquests and stripped of his possessions east of the Saone, which were granted to Henry III of Bavaria. He was, however, confirmed in his possession of the Duchy of Burgundy and left free. He would not regain his possessions east of the Saone until the childless death of Henry III in 1024.

Despite the importance of the Byzantine investiture, the vast territory the emperor was required to maintain meant that he was unable to time his tours through the empire with the naturally random deaths of important bishops.
Therefore his thoughts turned to strengthening the power of the church to resist his rivals. As in most things, Otto drew inspiration from Constantinople, where it was standard practice for an emperor’s successor to be formally acclaimed co-ruler before his death- this practice had also spread to the Kingdom of France in the previous generation, with Robert II having been crowned nine years before his father’s death and was not unknown in either German kingship or the Lombard principalities. Otto himself had had his son Otto IV crowned co-king of the Lombards at the tender age of 4 in 1009 in Pavia and then at a diet in Speyer in 1010 king of Germany.

After his return to Rome following the Burgundian revolt, he convened a synod in Rome attended by just under a hundred bishops from Italy, Germany and extra-imperial kingdoms. The synod is noteworthy also for the attendance of bishops of the Constantinopolitan rite from Lombardy Minor, Sicily and Sardinia, which had been confirmed as the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Rome, despite the military presence of the eastern empire in those lands.
In Nomine Domini is Pope Leo’s codification of the rulings of that synod.


Contents
  • The procedure of vivente episcopo election was established but not mandated, whereby any bishop could call for a canonical election of their successor during their lifetime, so that they can personally supervise and ensure that the legal procedures are not being laid aside. In the kingdoms ruled by the emperor, these would further be supervised by Judges of the Sacred Palace.
  • After a candidate had been chosen as a bishops successor, he was invested as auxiliary bishop, with full authority to represent the bishop in the fulfilment of his pastoral duties, and in the case of metropolitans was required to come to Rome for that investment.
  • Simoniacal Ordinations were once again outlawed.
  • Lay Investiture was once again forbidden.
  • Assistance at and celebration of the Mass by a priest living in notorious concubinage was prohibited.
  • The rules governing the lives of canons and nuns proclaimed at the diet of Aix-la-Chapelle in 817 were rescinded.
 
getting serious again, it's fantastic to see a possible TL on Otto III, given that there are very few of them, I also like his marriage to Zoe, hoping that there will be some little many children in tow, I'm very curious to see how the new Augusta lady will settle in with the politics of the post Carolingian kingdoms ( I especially want to see how she will react with the culture shock she will have in her first trip to Saxony ) at least her husband can speak Greek, so there will be no communication problems between them, without forgetting that with Otto III surviving we will be able to see the process of integration of the nobility of Germany and Italy started by his predecessors continue, to convince / force the German nobility to assist the emperor in his Italian campaigns, given that they too have interests in site, which could potentially be the basis on which to start a proto-centralization of the Empire, in particular if combined with dynastic continuity
Zoe is the one who has a higher title as the Kaisarissa, and later when talking about their sons, they are described as sons of Zoe rather than of Otto...

These are the three surviving sons of Otto and Zoe, and these are all the surviving sons they will have. I've given quick introductions on the older two at the moment, and there may be hints here about my plans for them. Bruno remains a wildcard.
So I'm just going to come straight out and ask it -- wouldn't a son of Zoe Porphyrogenita have a claim to heir to the throne of Constantinople (after the death of Constantine VIII)? Are we setting up the "reunification" of the "Western" and "Eastern" Roman Empires here?
 
So I'm just going to come straight out and ask it -- wouldn't a son of Zoe Porphyrogenita have a claim to heir to the throne of Constantinople (after the death of Constantine VIII)? Are we setting up the "reunification" of the "Western" and "Eastern" Roman Empires here?


Technically yes, a son of Zoe would have a huge claim in terms of dynastic legitimacy to try to obtain the imperial office, especially if as @Madhukar_Shah he implied that Basil is thinking of taking them to Constantinople to make them meet their grandfather ( and probably see which of the two would be the most suitable to be educated to succeed to the throne and who could also be accepted by the Constantinopolitan elite ) regarding the "reunion" of a unified Roman Empire, would otherwise be unlikely and unmanageable, given the cultural and structural differences between the two parties, this if anything is to be understood as the semi-official recognition by Basil of the legitimacy of the Romanitas claim by the Western court ( not too dissimilar to what occurred in Otl, where Otto III was recognized as Caesar of The West, although for purely internal and prestige reasons, was in diplomatic letters placed in a position of lesser importance than the Basileus, who would have been the senior Emperor ) therefore this would only be one more confirmation of the power and prestige achieved by Otto III, which is also recognized by Constantinople
 
So I'm just going to come straight out and ask it -- wouldn't a son of Zoe Porphyrogenita have a claim to heir to the throne of Constantinople (after the death of Constantine VIII)? Are we setting up the "reunification" of the "Western" and "Eastern" Roman Empires here?
They certainly would.

There’s a reason that all the boys have been given double barrel Greek names, and presumably some level of education in Greek- so that if needed they can fashion a Constantinopolitan identity for themselves. Otto III being half Greek himself, they are more Roman than not by blood- though that of course means nothing. Language wise, I imagine their mother has only spoken to them in Greek their whole lives, and even if Otto’s not the best at Greek, it might have become the language the family uses at home.

Otto-Constantine being co-king of Lombardy and Germany means he will have had more time to pick up a working knowledge of old high German than his brothers, and Henry-Stephen is probably more comfortable in Italo-Romance than Otto-Constantine.

Its no secret at this point that at least Basil and Zoe see the Ottonian brothers as likely heirs.
The other options post Constantine VIII for the eastern court would probably be one of the Dalassenos brothers, Constantine Diogenes, Eustathios Daphnomeles, Nikephoros Xiphias, George maniakes, anyone Theodora might marry to be honest. There’s not a shortage of options really, but Theodora is fifty and has no children.

Will the court of Constantinople be willing to accept a semi Barbarian emperor?

How would attitudes towards the west change if they did? How would attitudes in the west towards the Greeks change if there was a German emperor in Constantinople?

And the age old question- who are the people that will end up saying “we, the Romans”
 
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They certainly would.

There’s a reason that all the boys have been given double barrel Greek names, and presumably some level of education in Greek- so that if needed they can fashion a Constantinopolitan identity for themselves. Otto III being half Greek himself, they are more Roman than not by blood- though that of course means nothing. Language wise, I imagine their mother has only spoken to them in Greek their whole lives, and even if Otto’s not the best at Greek, it might have become the language the family uses at home.

Otto-Constantine being co-king of Lombardy and Germany means he will have had more time to pick up a working knowledge of old high German than his brothers, and Henry-Stephen is probably more comfortable in Italo-Romance than Otto-Constantine.

Its no secret at this point that at least Basil and Zoe see the Ottonian brothers as likely heirs.
The other options post Constantine VIII for the eastern court would probably be one of the Dalassenos brothers, Constantine Diogenes, Eustathios Daphnomeles, Nikephoros Xiphias, George maniakes, anyone Theodora might marry to be honest. There’s not a shortage of options really, but Theodora is fifty and has no children.

Will the court of Constantinople be willing to accept a semi Barbarian emperor?

How would attitudes towards the west change if they did? How would attitudes in the west towards the Greeks change if there was a German emperor in Constantinople?

And the age old question- who are the people that will end up saying “we, the Romans”


I fully agree, although I imagine that certainly Zoe may have constantly spoken Greek to her children, with Otto sometimes also speaking, but I hardly see it being the language used par excellence among the family, I would say that that would be Latin ( on a par or almost with the Greek, and then the Saxon, given that it would be counterproductive for their ability to reign in Germany, to be identified by the nobility more as foreign Greeks rather than their legitimate and native sovereigns ) I imagine that Otto-Constantine already knows how to speak multiple languages ( including Saxon, Greek, Latin and perhaps some phrases in Slavic and in the Italic dialect spoken in Rome ) as well as the rest of his brothers and sister, certainly with a possible ""Saxon"" emperor in Constantinople, relations between the two states will be better and we will probably see at least the recognition of the Roman imperial title ( along the lines of the Kaiserbreif of Louis II and the administrative division of the Empire in late antiquity, already thought of being brought back into vogue by Maurice ) to conclude I believe that the Romamitas can be equally divided again between Byzantium and Latin Europe ( in particular if the Ottonians also manage to obtain the kingdom of Burgundy for themselves, given that in 1030s the throne will be vacant, but technically already a decade earlier in Otl Conrad II managed to be recognized as the legitimate lord of the region, forcing the last Burgundian ruler to swear an oath of loyalty to them several times ) Italy will certainly evolve to create a new Roman - Frankish - Lombard identity, with Rome itself seeing significant demographic growth ( it will probably permanently exceed 35 thousand inhabitants centuries earlier, perhaps reaching around 50 thousand people ) in Germany's Roman or Frankish - Latin identity will be strengthened along the Rhine and the Moselle, especially if Burgundy is previously integrated into the kingdom in a stable and homogeneous manner, the fate of the Wallachian minorities in Byzantium will be very interesting, perhaps they will want to move to the western empire ( perhaps due to economic policies in their favor by Otto III and his successors ) but I believe that these are developments that I have already mentioned previously and that could be very far in the future
 
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I would say that that would be Latin ( on a par or almost with the Greek, and then the Saxon, given that it would be counterproductive for their ability to reign in Germany, to be identified by the nobility more as foreign Greeks rather than their legitimate and native sovereigns )

It’s definitely not classical Latin- that’s the preserve of literary culture, royal charters and the church. Not even monks speak Latin to each other, why would the royal family.

Otto III likely never spoke a particularly Saxon dialect, as he grew up traveling and was surrounded by companions from around the empire. His German is probably more old high German, and he will have acquired a decent grasp of Italo-romance as well, though an accented mix of dialects that marks him out as not local. He will also have memories of his mother speaking to him in Greek from the first decade of his life, but not super fluent at the time of his marriage to Zoe.

When Zoe arrived in the west, she probably tried to learn some German for her husband, but given that he’s more comfortable in Greek than she is in German, she gave up quite quickly any they settle on Greek between themselves, especially because he wants to participate in the culture of Constantinople. She was also exposed to a lot of Latin at church and Italo romance- so apart from Greek, I imagine she speaks a strange, hyper correct Italo-romance with Latin features. Maybe she sometimes uses the neuter gender of Latin where Greek tells her to expect it, maybe she sometimes tries to inflect for case. Imagine her sons snickering behind her back at the little times she slips up.

So Greek makes most sense as the natural language at home, but Otto will want to ensure that his successors are comfortable in German as well, so probably often speaks to them in German and ensures they have German playmates and tutors. Especially Otto-Constantine, as co-king of Germany will have had lots of exposure and speaks it well. Henry Stephen might make occasional mistakes in his German which annoy his father, but is more comfortable in the Roman dialect of Italo-romance than any of his family. Both the boys will have picked up some latinisms from church and their mother, and Henry Stephen sings in Latin and could maybe write some as well, but Otto Constantine probably wouldn’t focus much on it.

I doubt how much Slavic any of this family would know.

As for the evolution of the Roman identity- you’re thinking some right things and some things which aren’t the direction I want to take this timeline. I definitely want to get to the end of the century and that should set up future evolutions quite well.
 
Ooh what do my eyes see, a chronicle written by a Rhomanois historian of the reconquest of Sicily by the magister militum Otto of the Lombards and Saxons (did you think that a chronicler faithful to the imperial ideology of Constantinople, did not describe our Otto, if not in this way 😂😅 that is, his wife is recognized without problems as empress, he only magister militum, ah the irony of the thing, don't worry Otto you will surely have your personal triumph in the Urbe ) also it seems that the Basileus met in person, said magister (who has the arrogance of calling himself Caesar by the Patriarch of Rome) the part about the young Ottonian scions was very nice (the part about Helen was funny) , so one between Constantinos and Stephanos will probably be chosen to succeed his uncle and grandfather to the throne of Constantinople, which is very intriguing
By this point in time, the title Kaisar was a title that could be freely distributed to nobles. I am guessing that Basil might have given the title of Kaisarissa to his niece.
 
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Nice idea for a timeline and good writing, loved the chapter from the greco-roman source calling everyone Barbarians lmao.

I think Constantine can definitely be counted on to support one of his grandsons as Emperor or at least not oppose it due to his uncaring nature (regarding the throne). Think he wouldn't mind having one acclaimed Co-Emperor when Basil dies so he really doesn't have to rule and can keep his lifestyle.

With Basil seemingly inclined towards it that's the biggest hurdles to a peaceful transfer overcome. I think it also fits with Basil not wanting to favour one noble family over the others in regards to succession (part of why he didn't marry iirc).

Also Otto starting to align his political and judicial systems towards Constantinople can help make unifying both Empires easier later on, southern Italy probably wouldn't even notice.
 
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